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Full text of "State Department employee loyalty investigation : hearings before a subcommittee of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, Eighty-first Congress, second session pursuant to S. Res. 231, a resolution to investigate whether there are employees in the State Department disloyal to the United States. March 8, 9, 13, 14, 20, 21, 27, 28, April 5, 6, 20, 25, 27, 28, May 1, 2, 3, 4, 26, 31, June 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 12, 21, 23, 26, 28, 1950"

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STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 


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HEARINGS    ffTor 

BEFORE  A 

SUBCOMMITTEE  OF  THE 

COMMITTEE  ON  FOREIGN  RELATIONS 

UNITED  STATES  SENATE 

EIGHTY-FIRST  CONGRESS 

SECOND  SESSION 
PURSUANT  TO 


S.  Res.  231 


A  RESOLUTION  TO  INVESTIGATE  WHETHER  THERE  ARE 

EMPLOYEES    IN    THE    STATE    DEPARTMENT 

DISLOYAL  TO  THE  UNITED  STATES 


PART  2 
APPENDIX 


Printed  for  the  use  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 


HEARINGS 

BEFORE  A 

SUBCOMMITTEE  OF  THE 

COMMITTEE  ON  FOREIGN  RELATIONS 

UNITED  STATES  SENATE 

EIGHTY-FIKST  CONGRESS 

SECOND  SESSIOS 
PURSUANT  TO 

S.  Res.  231 

A  RESOLUTION  TO  INVESTIGATE  WHETHER  THERE  ARE 

EMPLOYEES    IN    THE    STATE    DEPARTMENT 

DISLOYAL  TO  THE  UNITED  STATES 


PART  2 
APPENDIX 


Printed  for  the  use' of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations 


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UNITED  STATES 
GOVERNMENT  PRINTING  OFFICE 
68970  WASHINGTON  :   1950 


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COMMITTEE  ON  FOREIGN  RELATIONS 

• 

TOM  CONNALLY,  Texas,  Chairman 

WALTER  F.  GEORGE.  Georgia  ARTHUR  II.  YANDENBERG,  Michigan 

ELBERT  D.  THOMAS,  Utah  ALEXANDER  WILEY,  Wisconsin 

MILLARD  E.  TYDINGS,  Maryland  H.  ALEXANDER  SMITH,  New  Jersey 

CLAUDE  PEPPER,  Florida  BOURKE  B.  HICKENLOOPER,  Iowa 
THEODORE  FRANCIS  GREEN.  Rhode  Island     HENRY  CABOT  LODGE,  JR.,  Massachusetts 
I'.RIEN  McMAHON,  Connecticut 
.!.   \V.  FULBRIGHT,  Arkansas 

Fbancis  O.  Wilcox,  Chief  of  Staff 
C.  C.  O'Day,  Clerk 


Subcommittee  on  Senate  Resolution  231 

MILLARD  E.  TYDINGS,  Maryland,  Chairman 

THEODORE  FRANCIS  GREEN.  Rhode  Island    BOURKE  B.  HICKENLOOPER,  Iowa 
BRIEN  McMAHON,  Connecticut  HENRY  CABOT  LODGE,  Jr.,  Massachusetts 

Edward  P.  Morgan,  Chief  Counsel 

Robert  L.  Heuld,  Assistant  Counsel     Liox  L.  Tyler,  Jr.,  Assistant  Counsel 
William  .1.  Kli.ma,  Assistant  Counsel    Robert  Morris,  Assistant  Counsel 

Margaret  B.  Buchholz,  Subcommittee  Clerk 
II 


APPENDIX 


Exhibit  No.  1 

[Daily  Worker,  February  21,  1940] 

Signers   of   Protest 

The  following  outstanding  Americans,  writers,  poets,  playwrights,  educators, 
judges,  critics,  and  public  officials  signed  the  letter  to  President  Roosevelt  and 
Attorney  General  Jackson  protesting  the  attacks  upon  the  Veterans  of  the 
Abraham  Lincoln  Brigade  and  condemning  the  war  hysteria  now  being  whipped 
up  by  the  Roosevelt  administration : 


Elliot  Paul 
Ernest  Hemingway 
Jay  Allen      , 
Vincent  Sheenan 
Paul   Robeson 
John  T.  Bernard 
Louis   B.   Boudin 
Z.  Chaffee,  Jr. 
Muriel  Draper 
Quenten  Reynolds 
George  Marshall 
Elizabeth  Dublin  Marshall 
Gardner  Jackson 
Alfred  Kreymborg 
Charles  H.  Houston 
Dashiel  Hammett 
Prof.  Horace  M.  Kallen 
Ralph  Roeder 
Evelyn  Adler 
George  Seldes 
B.  W.  Huebsch 
Hon.  Vito  Marcantonio 
Bernard  Denzer 
J.  A.  MacCalluni 
James  L.  Brewer 
Hon.  Dorothy  Kenyon 
Rev.  Donald  G.  Lothrop 
Arthur  La  Sueur 
Bernard  J.  Stern 
Aaron  Copland 
Hon.  Stanley  Isaacs 
Prof.  Harold  C.  Urey 
James  Thurber 
Dr.  Walter  Briehl 
Robert  W.  Dunn 
Alexander  Lehrman 
Malcolm  Cowley 
Marc  Blitzstein 
Walter  E.  Hager 
Albert  Maltz 
Margaret  Lamont 
Dr.  Ernest  P.  Boas 
Prof.  Goodwin  Watson 


S.   L.   M.   Barlow 
Marguerite  Zorach 
William  Zorach 
Prof.  II.  P.  Fairchild 
Kyle  Crichton 
Anna  Louise  Strong 
S.  John  Block 
Anita  Block 
Dr.  E.  M.  Bluestone 
Arthur  Kober 
George  H.  Stover 
Dr.  Charles  C.  Webber 
Frances  B.  Grant 
Hortense  M.  Fagley 
Alfred  W.  Bingham 
Carl  H.  Levy 
Mary  Heaton  Vorse 
Louis  Weisner 
Edward  L.  Israel 
Lillian  Hellman 
Louis  F.  McCabe 
Arthur  Emptage 
C.  D.  Stevens 
Bonnie  Bird 
Melvin  Rader 
Ralph  Gundlach 
William  H.  Morris 
T.  Addis 
Helen  Keller 
Ada  B.  Taft 
Jean  Starr  Untermeyer 

E.  A.  Ross 

F.  O.  Matthiessen 
Dr.  George  Barsky 
Belle  Zeller 

Van  Wyck  Brooks 
Herman  Shumlin 
Prof.  Robert  S.  Lynd 
Mervyn  Rathborne 
Kirtley  F.  Mather 
Lawrence  S.  Kubie 
James  Waterman  Wise 
Irwin  Shaw 


Dr.  W.  B.  Cannon 
Reuben   Ottenberg 
C.  Fayette  Taylor 
Countee  Cullen 
Harvey  O'Connor 
Hon.  Paul  J.  Kern 
Nora  Benjamin 
Bennett  Cerf 
Dorothy  Brewster 
Fiorina  Lasker 
Stuart  Davis 
Clifford  McAvoy 
Charles  Belous 
Max  Cleeber 
William  Gropper 
Arnold  Donawa 
Brand  Blanshard 
Dr.  Max  Yergan 
Prof.  Vida  D.  Scudder 
Isabel  Walker  Soule 
Thomas  E.  Benner 
Ephraim   Cross 
John  F.  Shepard 
Langston  Hughes 
Morris  Watson 
Bertha  C.  Reynolds 
Louis  Untermeyer 
Esther  A.  Untermeyer 
C.  S.  Bacon 
Howard  Y.  Williams 
Lester  Cohen 
Edward  Lamb 
Tom  Mooney 
Rev.  William  Lloyd  Imes 
L.  Eloesser 
Dr.  Harry  Ward 
Prof.      Walter      Rauten- 

strauch 
Hon.  James  H.  Wolfe 
Eda  Lou  Walton 
Prof.  Newton  Arvin 


1485 


1486  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 


Exhibit  No.  2 

National  Council  of  American-Soviet  Friendship,  Inc., 

New  York,  N.  Y.,  November  16,  191,8. 

Dear  Friend  :  On  Monday  evening,  December  13,  the  Very  Reverend  Hewlett 
Johnson,  Dean  of  Canterbury,  and  foremost  leader  in  the  democratic  movement 
for  world  peace,  speaks  at  Madison  Square  Garden.  This  eminent  churchman, 
who  will  climax  a  month's  tour  of  the  United  States  with  this  rally,  will  present 
his  impressions  of  the  American  peace  movement  as  it  relates  to  the  peace  forces 
of  England  and  the  continent.  He  will  also  report  on  his  recent  observations 
of  conditions  in  eastern  Europe  and  his  personal  conversations  with  the  leaders 
of  the  new  democracies. 

We  feel  it  is  a  rare  privilege,  indeed,  for  us  to  be  able  to  present  the  Dean  in 
the  first  significant  rally  to  follow  the  elections.  We  know  you  will  appreciate 
the  importance  of  forcefully  demonstrating,  particularly  before  the  new  con- 
gressional session,  the  people's  will  for  peace  through  cooperation  and  friend- 
ship with  the  Soviet  Union. 

The  Ambassador  from  the  Soviet  Union,  His  Excellency  Mr.  Alexander  S. 
Panyushkin,  will  address  the  meeting.  The  meeting  will  also  feature  Paul  Robe- 
son, other  well-known  speakers  and  a  program  of  entertainment. 

As  you  may  recollect,  thousands  were  turned  away  from  the  Garden  on  the 
occasion  of  the  Dean's  last  visit  here  in  1945.  Thus,  to  insure  you  proper  ac- 
commodations, we  are  enclosing  an  advance  ticket  order  blank. 

Won't  you  plan  now  to  attend  this  rally  for  peace  and  reserve  seats  for  your- 
self and  your  friends? 
Cordially  yours, 

Richard  Morford,  Executive  Director. 

RM ;  rs 
uopwa  16-39 
enc. 

Sponsors  of  the  National  Council  of  American-Soviet  Friendship,  Inc. 


Louis  Adamic 

George  F.  Addes 

Maxwell  Anderson 

John  Taylor  Arms 

Max  Bedacht 

Mrs.  Alice  S.  Belester 

Dr.  Henry  Lambert  Bibby 

Mrs.  Louis  Bloch 

Mrs.  Anita  Block 

Simon  Braines 

Prof.  E.  W.  Burgess 

Hon.  Arthur  Capper 

Charles  Chaplin 

Hon.  John  M.  Coffee 

Dr.  Henry  S.  Coffin 

Aaron  Copland 

Norman  Corwin 

Jo  Davidson 

Hon.  Joseph  E.  Davies 

Dr.  Herbert  John  Davis 

Hon.  Hugh  DeLacy 

Dr.  Stephen  Duggan 

Prof.  Albert  Einstein 

Max  Epstein 

Dr.  Mildred  Fairchild 

Dr.  Robert  D.  Feild 

Lion  Feuchtwanger 

Rev.  Joseph  F.  Fletcher 

Homer  Folks 

Dr.  W.  Horsley  Gantt 

Dr.  Caleb  F.  Gates,  Jr. 

Dean  Christian  Gauss 

Ben  Gold 

Dr.  Mortimer  Graves 


Dr.  Harry  Grundfest 
Dr.  Alice  Hamilton 
Lillian  Hellman 
Mrs.  Thomas  N.  Hepburn 
Dr.  Leslie  Pinckney  Hill 
Prof.  William  Ernest 

Hocking 
Dr.  Walter  M.  Horton 
Lanffston  Hughes 
Dr.  Walter  Hullihen 
Hon.  Stanley  M.  Isaacs 
Dr.  Millard  H.  Jencks 
Prof.  Howard  Mumford 

Jones 
Helen  Keller 
Rockwell  Kent 
Dorothy  Kenyon 
Dr.  Serge  Koussevitzky 
Mrs.  Thomas  W.  Lament 
William  W.  Lancaster 
1  >r.  Emil  Lengel 
John  F.  Lewis,  Jr. 
Pn.f.  Robert  S.  Lynd 
Clifford  T.  McAvoy 
Judge  Lois  Mary  McBride 
Maurice  Maeterlinck 
Fi'itz  Mahler 
Dr.  Thomas  Mann 
Frank  X.  Martel 
Dr.  Kirtley  F.  Mather 
Lewis  Merrill 
Dr.  George  R.  Minot 
Mis.  Lucy  Sprague 

Mitchell 


Dr.  Wesley  C.  Mitchell 
Charles  Michael  Mitzell 
Pierre  Monteux 
Mine.  Pierre  Monteux 
Bishop  Arthur  W. 

Moulton 
Hon.  James  E.  Murray 
Dr.  Philip  C.  Nash 
Dr.  Robert  Hastings 

Nichols 
Eugene  O'Neill 
Dr.  Marion  Edwards 

Park 
Dr.  Frederick  Douglas 

Patterson 
Bishop  Malcom  E. 

Peabody 
Hon.  Claude  Pepper 
Prof.  Ralph  Barton  Perry 
Dr.  E.  C.  Peters 
Dr.  John  P.  Peters 
Henry  W.  Pope 
Michael  Quill 
Carl  Randau 
Anton  Refregier 
Elmer  Rice 
Wallingford  Riegger 
Paul  Kobeson 
Col.  Raymond  Robins 
Karl  Robinson 
Reid  Robinson 
Harold  J.  Rome 
Joseph  A.  Rosen 
Joseph  A.  Salerno 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 


1487 


Sponsors  of  the  National  Council  of  American-Soviet  Friendship,  Inc. — Con. 


Miles  M.  Sherover 
Raymond  P.  Sloan 
Dr.  P.  A.  Sorokin 
Maxwell  S.  Stewart 
Leopold  Stokowski 
Raymond  Swing 
Genevieve  Tabouis 
Hon.  Elbert  D.  Thomas 
R.  J.  Thomas 


Dr.  Max  Thorek 

S.  A.  Trone 

Phiilp  II.  Van  Gelder 

R.  E.  Van  Horn 

Prof.  George  Vernadsky 

Bishop  W.J.  Wells 

Dr.  Harry  F.Ward 

Leroy  Waterman 

Max  Weber 


Dr.  Henry  N.  Wieman 
Dr.  C.  C.  Williams 
Hon.  James  H.  Wolfe 
1  >r.  Max  Yergan 
Dean  Mary  Yost 
Dr.  J.  J.  Zmrhal 
Leane  Zugsinith 


Exhibit  No.  3 


This  ex'.iibir  was  not  received  by  the  reporter  and  was  described  by  Senator 
McCarthy  as  "a  cordial  invitation  to  attend  a  dinner  and  presentation  of  the  first 
annual  award  of  the  American-Russian  Institute  to  President  Franklin  Roosevelt 
for  •Furthering  American-Soviet  Relations'  "  (transcript,  p.  26). 


Exhii;it  No.  4 

Executive  Secretary.  Prof.  Donald  McConnell 

Secretary  on  Latin  America,  Dr.  David  Efron 


Louis  Adaniic 

Dr.  Wallace  W.  Atwood 

Eleanor  Copenhaver 

Anderson 
Prof.  Hugo  Fernandez 

Artucio 
Eunice  Fuller  Barnard 
Alfred  M.  Bingham 
Algernon  Black 
Bruce  Bliven 
Dr.  Franz  Boas 
Heywood  Broun 
Erskine  Caldwell 
Charlotte  Carr 
Bennett  A.  Cerf 
Evans  Clark 
Gifford  A.  Cochran 
Dr.  Gilberto  Conception  de 

Gracia 
Prof.  George  Counts 
Malcolm  Cowley 
Prof.  Horace  Davis 
Prof.  Jerome  Davis 
R.  E.  Diffendorfer 
Bailey  W.  Dime 


Sponsors 

Dr.  William  E.  Dodd 

Prof.  Paul  M.  Douglas 

Dr.  Henry  Grattan  Doyle 

John  L.  Elliott 

Prof.  Henry  Pratt  Fairchild 

Prof.  Irving  Fisher 

Prof.  Eugene  Forsey 

Margaret  Forsythe 

Frances  R.  Grant 

Alberto  Grieve 

Sidney  Hillman 

Prof.  Arthur  N.  Holcombe 

John  Haynes  Holmes 

Quincy  Howe 

Langston  Hughes 

Rev.  William  Lloyd  Imes 

Stanley  M.  Isaacs 

Gardiner  Jackson 

Prof.  Chester  L.  Jones 

Rockwell  Kent 

Dorothy  Kenyon 

Max  Lerner 

Marina  Lopes 

Jean  Lyons 

George  Marshall 


Lewis  Merrill 

Dr.  Clyde  R.  Miller 

Prof  Gardner  Murphy 

William  Pickens 

A.  Philip  Randolph 

Marvyn  Rathborne 

David  Saposs 

Prof.  Margaret  Schlauch 

Adelaide  Schulkiud 

Guy  Emery  Shipler 

James  T.  Shotwell 

Upton  Sinclair 

George  Soule 

Isobel  Walker  Soule 

Maxwell  Stewart 

Isidore  F.  Stone 

Prof.  D.  J.  Struik 

William  Wachs 

Prof.  Goodwin  Watson 

Roy  Wilkins 

Dr.  Max  Winkler 

Dr.  Stephen  S.  Wise . 

Max  Yergan 


Conference  on  Pan  American  Democracy 

Executive  Offices :  156  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York 

Telephone  :  WAtkins  9-0420 

december  10-11,  19.'is,  hotel  washington,  washington,  d.  c. 

November  16,  1938. 

Dear  Friends  :  Enclosed  you  will  find  a  Call  to  the  Conference  on  Pan-American 
Democracy  to  be  held  in  Washington  on  December  tenth  and  eleventh. 

On  behalf  of  the  Committee  of  Sponsors  may  I  urge  that  your  organization 
make  every  effort  to  participate?  The  problem  is  a  pressing  one  and  the  need 
for  some  solution  immediate. 

We  understand  your  organization  has  a  very  real  concern  with  the  inroads 
that  fascism  is  making  in  this  hemisphere,  and  we  believe  you  can  make  a  valu- 


1488  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

able  contribution  to  our  conference.     If  you  can  send  representatives,  please 
inform  us  at  once. 
We  are  looking  forward  to  meeting  tbem  in  Washington. 
Sincerely  yours, 

Donald  McConnell. 

Delegates :  Bernard  Stern,  Harry  Lamberton,  William  Phillips. 

DM:    EAL. 
UOPWA. 


Exhibit  No.  5 


Trustees 

Roger  Baldwin 
Joseph  Brodsky 
Heywood  Broun 
Edwin  B.  Burgum 
Malcolm  Cowley 
Paul  P.  Crosbie 
Benjamin  J.  Davis,  Jr. 
Robert  W.  Dunn 
Osmond  K.  Fraenkel 
Rabbi  Israel  Goldstein 
Alfred  Hirsch 
Charles   Krumbein 
Corliss  Lamont 
Leroy  Peterson 
Abraham  Unger 
James  Waterman  Wise 
Le  Roy  Bowman 


Sponsors 


James  Gifford 
Berenice  Abbott 
Peggy    Bacon 
Maxwell  Bodenheim 
Kenneth   Burke 
Addison  T.  Cutler 
Edward  Dahlberg 
Clifton  Fadiman 
James  T.  Farrell 
Waldo  Frank 
Charles  Fuller 
Hugo  Gellert 
Mordecai  Gorelik 
Granville  Hicks 
Horace  M.  Kallen 
Dorothy  Kenyon 
Carol  Weiss  King 


Alfred  Kreymborg 
Emil  Lengyel 
Lewis  Mumford 
Gardner  Rea 
Adelade  Schulkind 
John  Sloan 
Harrison  Smith 
Otto  Soglow 
Raphael  Soyer 
Ralph  Steiner 
Katbryn  Terrill 
Mary  Van  Kleek 
Edna   Lou   Walton 
Harry  L.  Lurie 


Chairman:    Paul  P.   Crosbie  Secretary:    James   Lechat 

Political  Prisoners  Bail  Fund  Committee 

new  york  city 

154  Nassau  Street,  Room  1200 

BEekman  3-8576 

January  18,  1935. 

Dear  Friend  :  After  reading  the  enclosed  manifesto,  we  believe  that  you  will 
be  with  us  and  one  of  us.  We  therefore  urge  you  to  act.  Of  primary  importance 
to  the  large  success  of  the  Bail  Fund  is  your  attendance  at  the  committee's  first 
invited  guest  meeting  (ticket  enclosed). 

This  meeting  will  be  held  on  Thursday,  January  31st,  at  8.30,  in  the  Orozco 
Room  of  the  New  School  for  Social  Research.  Here  the  Bail  Fund  will  be  fully 
explained.  There  will  be  a  talk  by  John  Spivak  and  short  talks  by  Roger  Bald- 
win, Corliss  Lamont  and  Heywood  Broun.  Also  some  words  by  Angelo  Herndou 
and  two  other  outstanding  victims  of  the  present  deplorable  bail  situation. 

Again  we  say,  if  you  are  with  us  in  our  purpose,  do  not  fail  to  come  to  this 
meeting.     Should  this  be  impossible,  however,  will  you  avail  yourself  of  the 
enclosed  form  in  order  to  make  closer  contact  with  us. 
Sincerely, 

The  Political  Prisoners  Bail  Fund  Committee. 

A  common  bail  fund  fur  those  arrested  in  the  struagle  of  the  working  class,  for  the  rights 
of  op/tressed  minorities,  in  the  fight  against  war  and  fascism 


Exhibit  No.  6 
An  Open  Letter  to  Governor  Thomas  E.  Dewey 
[New  York  Times,  October  9,  1944] 

It  has  been  well  said,  "By  their  deeds  you  shall  know  them." 

There  is  a  deed  crying  to  be  done  in  the  State  of  New  York  today.  A  deed  of 
simple  justice,  humanity,  and  fair  play. 

It  is  in  your  power  and  yours  alone  to  do  this  act. 

We  ask  you  to  grant  a  pardon  to  Morris  I'.  Schappes. 

We  ask  you  to  do  this  because  the  continued  imprisonment  of  this  teacher  and 
scholar  can  only  be  interpreted  by  many  thoughtful  Americans  as  political 
persecution. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT   EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 


1489 


Morris  l".  Schappes  has  passed  11  months  of  an  18-  to  24-month  sentence  arising 
from  the  1940  Rapp-Couderl  investigation  of  subversive  activity  in  the  New 
York  City  schools.  Morris  Schappes  told  the  committee  he  had  heen  a  Com- 
munist. They  demanded  the  names  of  all  the  Communists  at  City  College. 
Morris  Schappes  named  three  others,  who,  with  himself,  were  known  as  Com- 
munists. Ho  said  he  knew  no  others.  The  committee  said  there  were  over  40, 
not  1.  as  Morris  Schappes  testified.  They  called  Morris  Schappes  a  perjuror. 
He  was  convicted. 

This  was  the  crime  ! 

Even  the  most  exacting  will  concede  that  Morris  Schappes,  whom  even  his 
enemies  never  accused  of  harming  or  even  desiring  to  harm  a  single  human  being, 
has  suffered  enough. 

We  are  engaged  in  a  war  against  the  barbarian  who  would  impose  the 
philosophy  that  an  individual  life  is  cheap.  We  are  affirming  in  terrible  battle 
that  a  single  life  is  precious.  We  say  further,  Mr.  Governor,  that  2  years  of  a 
good  man's  life  are  precious  and  not  to  be  taken  away  lightly. 

The  last  years  of  agony  have  taught  us  that  the  conscience  must  never  sleep. 
"What  is  done  to  tbe  least  of  us  is  the  concern  of  all.  That  is  why  we  cannot  in 
good  conscience  fail  to  raise  our  voice  against  this  injustice  in  our  midst. 

That  is  why  we  appeal  to  you,  Mr.  Governor. 

To  you  and  you  alone  American  justice  provides  power  above  and  beyond  the 
Courts — the  power  of  the  chief  executive  to  pardon. 

We  ask  you  to  use  this  power  to  pardon  Morris  U.  Schappes. 

The  deed  would  find  favor  in  the  eyes  of  the  people,  who  love  justice. 


Prof.    Thomas    Addis,    Stanford    Univ. 
Rabbi  David  Aronson  ( Del.  Am.  Jewish 

Congress),  Minneapolis,   Minn. 
Rabbi  Aaron  Ashinsky  (Del.  Am.  Jew- 
ish Congress),  Pittsburgh,  Pa. 
State  Senator  W.  P.  Atkinson,  Seattle, 

Wash. 
Prof.  Frank  Baker,  Pres.  State  Teach- 
ers College,  Milwaukee,  Wis. 
Rev.  Lee  H.  Ball.  Lake  Mahopac,  N.  Y. 
Prof.   Francis  M.   Barbour,   S.   Illinois 

State  Teachers  College,  Carbondale, 

111. 
Prof.   Fred   A.   Barnes,   Cornell   Univ., 

Ithaca,  N.  Y. 
Prof.  Marion  Bauer.  New  York  Univ. 
Rev.    Robert    Baxter,    Coeur    d'Alene, 

Idaho. 
Prof.  Jos.  W.  Beach,  Dept.  of  English, 

University  of  Minnesota. 
Win.  Rose  Benet,  writer. 
Rabbi    Solomon    Bersel,    Philadelphia, 

Pa. 
Prof.  Dorothy  Bethurum,   Connecticut 

College,  New  London,  Conn. 
Rev.   Lyndon    S.    Beardslee,   Westboro, 

Mass. 
Rev.  Archie  B.  Bedford,   Svracuse.   N. 

Y. 
Bishop  W.  Y.  Bell.  Halsey  Institute. 
Dr.  W.  A.  J.  Bellrock,  Pres.  N.  A.  A. 

C.  P.,  Chickasha,  Oklahoma. 
Father  Benedict,  Church  of  the  Cruci- 
fix, New  York  City. 
Milly    Brandt,    Legislative    Chairman, 

Women's  Div. ;  Am.  Jewish  Congress. 
Prof.  Ray  O.  Billington,  Smith  College, 

Northampton,    Mass. 
Prof.    Raymond    T.    Birge,    Chairman, 

Dept.    of    Physics,    Univ.    of    Calif., 

Berkeley,   Calif. 


Brooklyn    Col- 
Ithaca, 


Rev.  Dr.  Kalil  A.  Bishars,  Syrian 
Protestant  Church  of  Greater  N.  Y. 

Slielton  Hale,  Bishop,  Rector,  St.  Phil- 
lips Episcopal  Church,  New  York. 

Rev.  Dr.  Clarence  Bleakney,  Newark, 
N.  J. 

Rabbi  Maurice  J.  Bloom,  Temple  Beth 
Jacob,   Newburn,   N.   Y. 

Prof.  Bart  Bok,  Harvard  Univ.,  Cam- 
bridge, Mass. 

Rev.  Lester  L.  Boobar,  Bangor,  Maine. 

Rev.  W.  Russell  Bowie,  Instructor, 
Union  Theological  Seminary,  New 
York. 

Prof.  Edw.  S.  Boyer,  Religion  &  So- 
ciology, Millikin  Univ.,  111. 

Millan   Brand,   writer. 

Prof.    Joseph   Bressler, 
lege,  B'klyn,  N.  Y. 

Prof.  J.  P.  Brets,  Cornell  Univ. 
N.  Y. 

James  L.  Brewer,  Attorney,  Rochester, 
N.  Y. 

Prof.  Dorothy  Brewster,  Columbia 
Univ. 

Rev.  Edward  H.  Brewster,  Nannet, 
New  Hampshire. 

Prof.  Edgar  S.  Brightman,  Theological 
School.  Boston,  Mass. 

Louis  Bromfield,  writer. 

Rev.  Oliver  Hart  Bronson,  D.  D.,  Sum- 
merland,  Calif. 

Prof.  Chas.  F.  Brooks,  Blue  Hill  Ob- 
servatory, Harvard  University,  Cam- 
bridge, Mass. 

Dr.  Charlotte  Hawkins  Brown,  Pres. 
Palmer  Memorial  Institute,  Sedalia, 
N.  C. 

Van  Wyck  Brooks,  writer. 

Rev.  Robert  Evans  Browning,  Vicar 
Chapel  of  the  Redeemer,  Maryland. 


1490 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 


Henrietta  Buekinaster,  writer. 

Edwin  T.  Buchrer,  Editor,  Journal  of 
Liberal   Religion. 

Prof.  Henry  M.  Burbage,  Univ.  of  North 
Carolina,  Chapel  Hill,  N.  C. 

E.  A.  Burdick,  Dean  of  Students,  Conn. 
<  iollege,  New  London,  Conn. 

Prof.  Charles  T.  Barnet,  Bowdoin  Col- 
lege, Brunswick,  Maine. 

Rev.  Bates  G.  Burt,  Rector,  Pontiac, 
Mich. 

Prof.  John  L.  Buys,  St.  Lawrence  Univ., 
Canton,  N.  Y. 

Witter,  Bynner,  poet. 

Rev.  Fred  L.  Cairns,  Needham,  Mass. 

Rev.  Raymond  Calkins,  Minister  Emeri- 
tus, Cambridge,  Mass. 

Prof.  Alexander  E.  Canes,  Mass.  State 
College,  Amherst,  Mass. 

Prof.  Nathaniel  Canter,  Univ.  of  Buf- 
falo. 

Rev.  Francis  C.  Capossi,  Wind  Gap,  Pa. 

Edith  F.  Claflin,  Columbia  University. 

E.  N.  Comfort,  Dean  of  Oklahoma 
School  of  Religion. 

Rev.  Kieth  Conninr,  Detroit,  Mich. 

Rabbi  Jonah  E.  Caplan,  Cong.  Beth  El, 
Long   Island. 

Rev.  J.  Russell  Carpenter,  Lyons,  N.  Y. 

Rev.  Ruthven  S.  Chalmers,  Boonville, 
N.  Y. 

Alvin  B.  Christina n,  State  Director, 
Penn.  Farmers  Union,  Philadelphia, 
Pa. 

Rev.  Merrill  F.  Clarks,  New  Canaan, 
Conn. 

Rabbi  Henry  Cohen,  Galveston,  Texas. 

Chas.  H.  Collins,  Exec.  Secy.,  Negro 
Labor  Victory  Com. 

Aaron   Copland,  composer. 

Prof.  Fred  A.  Courts.  Univ.  of  Missouri. 

Pascal  Coviei.  publisher. 

Prof.  Philip  W.  L.  Cox,  N.  Y.  Univ. 

Rev.  Chas.  E.  Crak  Jr.,  Pastor.  Em- 
manuel Episcopal  Church,  Louisville, 
Ky. 

Rev.  Frank  P..  Crandall,  Salem,  Mass. 

Abraham  Cronbach,  Hebrew  Union  Col- 
lege,  Cincinnati,  Ohio. 

Prof.  Ephraim  Cross,  College  of  City  of 
N.  Y. 

Margarel  Cross.  Director,  Georgetown 
House,  Washington,  D.  C. 

( lountee  Cullen,  poet. 

Joseph  Curran,  Pres.  Nat']  Maritime 
Union,  C.  I.  <  >.,  N.  y.  Greater  Indus- 
trial  Union  Council. 

W.  C.  Dabney,  Editor,  Cincinnati  Union, 
( 5inn.,  ( )hio. 

Prof.  George  Dahl,  Prof,  of  Old  Testa- 
ment, Yale  Divinity  School,  New 
I  taven. 

Thelma  M.  Dale,  Pres.  Nat'l  Negro  Con- 
gress. 

Henry  W.  Longfellow  Dana,  writer. 

Prof.  Margarel  Darkow,  Hunter  College. 


Benjamin  J.  Davis  Jr.,  Councilman, 
N.  Y.  C. 

John  W.  Davis,  Dean  of  Wesleyan  Univ. 

Rev.  John  Warren  Day,  Dean  of  Grace 
Cathedral,  Topeka,  Kansas. 

Rev.  John  De  Benedetto,  Baltimore,  Md. 

Albert  Deutsch,  columnist. 

Rev.  Albert  C.  Dieffenbach,  Boston, 
Mass. 

Senator  Chas.  C.  Digges,  Detroit,  Mich. 

Rev.  Truman  Douglass,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Theodore  Dreiser,  writer. 

Rev.  Arthur  Dumper,  Dean  of  Trinity 
Cathedral  (retired),  Newark,  N.  J. 

Roscoe  Dungee,  Publisher,  Black  Dis- 
patch. 

Will  Durant,  writer. 

Dr.  Sherwood  Eddy. 

Rev.  J.  Earl  Edwards,  Queens  Village, 
New  York. 

Prof.  Ruth  Emerson,  Dept.  Medical  So- 
cial Work,  Director  Social  Service 
Dept..  Univ.  of  Chicago. 

O.  E.  Enlield,  County  Attorney,  Ellen 
Co.,  Arnett,  Okla. 

Henrv  Epstein  (former),  Solicitor- 
GenT.  New  York  State. 

Katherine  Ets.  Asst.  Librarian,  Nat'l 
City  Bank,  N.  Y.  C. 

Jane  Evans,  Nat'l  Fed.  of  Templehood 
Sisters,  Dir   Nat'l  Peace  Conference. 

Rev.  John  W.  Findley,  Univ.  Presby- 
terian Church,  Purdue  University, 
Ind. 

Rev.  Judson  E.  Fiebiger,  Utica,  N.  Y. 

Rev.  Arthur  W.  Farnum,  St.  Mary's 
Parish,  Asheville,  N.  C. 

Prof.  Henry  P.  Fairchild,  New  York 
University. 

Dorothy  Canfield  Fisher,  writer. 

Mrs.  Mitchell  Follansbee.  League  of 
Women  Voters,  Fvanston,  111. 

Prof.  Frances  A.  Foster,  Vasser  College, 
I'oughkeepsie,  N.  Y. 

Waldo  Frank,  writer. 

Elizabeth  P.  Frasier.  Religious  Educa- 
tor, Protestant  Episcopal  Church, 
Phila.,  Pa. 

Rev.  Stephen  V.  Fritchman,  Boston, 
Mass. 

Rev.  J.   Shubert  Frye.  Syracuse,  N.  Y. 

Prof.  Wendell   Furry,  Harvard  Univ. 

Rev.  I.ee  Alvin  Gates,  Pastor,  South 
Presbyterian  Church,  Buffalo,  N.  Y. 

Eustace  (Jay,  Editor.  "Philadelphia 
Tribune." 

Rev.  Palfrey  Perkins.  Kings  Chapel, 
Boston,  Mass. 

Wm.  I.  Gibson,  Managing  Editor,  Afro- 
American  Newspapers. 

Rev.  Carlyle  Glams,  Editor.  The  Presby- 
terian Tribune,  Utica,  N.  Y. 

Leonard  E.  Golditch,  Attorney,  Chair- 
man. Xat'l  Council  to  Combat  Anti- 
Semitism. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 


1491 


Sol  Goldman  1 1  >el.  to  Amer.  Jewish  Con- 
gress), Progressive  Order  of  the  West. 

Rabbi  Solomon  Goldman,  Zionist  Org.  of 
America,  Chicago,  111. 

Prof.  Erwin  B.  Goodenough,  Dept.  His- 
tory &  Region,  Vale  University. 

Prof.  Everett  W.  Goodhue,  Dartmouth 
College,  Hanover,  N.  H. 

Rabi  Robt.  Gordis,  Rockaway  Pk.,  L.  I. 

Julian  Goodman  (Del,  to  Am.  Jewish 
Congress),  Troy,  N.  Y. 

Dr.  David  Graubart,  North  Park  Con- 
gregation, Shaare  Tikvoh,  Chicago, 
111. 

Rev.  Chas.  S.  Gray.  Stamford,  Conn. 

Prof.  Rowland  Gray  Smith,  Prof,  of 
Philosophy,  Emerson  College,  Mass. 

Rabbi  Louis  Greenberg,  New  Haven, 
Conn. 

Rabbi  Simon  Greenberg,  Phila.,  Pa. 

Rev.  Stanley  Gutellus,  Rochester,  N.  Y. 

Rabbi  Sidney  S.  Guthman,  Chelsea, 
Mass. 

Rev.  Herman  J.  Hahn,  Buffalo,  N.  Y. 

Rabbi  J.  Louis  Hahn,  Cong.  Mt.  Sivari, 
A.  E.  Pres.  Rabbinical  Council,  Upper 
Wash.  Hts.  &  Inwood,  N.  Y. 

Prof.  S.  Ralph  Harlow,  Chairman  Dept. 
of  Religion,  Smith  College,  Northamp- 
ton, Mass. 

Rabbi  Harry  Halpern,  B'klyn,  N.  Y. 

Roswell,  G.  Han,  President,  Mt.  Hol- 
yoke  College,  Mt.  Holyoke,  Mass. 

Wm.  P.  Hapgood,  President,  Columbia 
Conserve  Co.,  Inc.,  Indianapolis,  Ind. 

Lucius  C.  Harper,  Exec.  Editor,  The 
Chicago  Defender. 

Mrs.  Anton  S.  Harrington,  Farmers 
Union,  Schoharie  Co.  Com.,  N.  Y. 

M.  Lafayette  Harris.  Pres.,  Philander 
Smith  College,  Little  Rock,  Ark. 

Wm.  Harrison,  Assoc.  Editor,  Boston 
Chronicle". 

Rev.  Edler  G.  Hawkins,  N.  Y.  C. 

Prof.  A.  Gordon  Hayes.  Dept.  of  Eco- 
nomics, Ohio  State  Univ. 

Ben  Hecht,  writer. 

Rev.  Clifford  W.  Hilliker,  Middletown, 
N.  Y. 

Mary  E.  Holland,  Exec.  Secy.  Children's 
Aid,  Denver,  Colo. 

Dr.  Eugene  C.  Holms,  Howard  Univ. 

Rev.  Kenneth  E.  Hoover,  Hobart,  N.  Y. 

Prof.  Harold  Hotelling,  Columbia  Univ., 
N.  Y.  C. 

Charles  H.  Houston,  Attorney,  Wash- 
ington, D.  C. 

Daniel  Howard,  Supt.  of  Schools,  Emeri- 
tus, Windsor,  Conn. 

Rev.  Lee  A.  Howe,  Jr.,  Oneida,  N.  Y. 

Rev.  Duncan  Howlett,  New  Bedford, 
Mass. 

Langston  Hughes,  writer,  poet. 

Mattie  Hunter,  Natl  Council  of  Negro 
Women. 

Joseph  Hyman,  Jewish  Federation,  Indi- 
anapolis, Ind. 


Hulan  E.  Jack,  New  York  State  As- 
semblyman. 

Sam  Jaffee,  actor. 

David  D.  Jones,  Pres.  Binnell  College, 
Greensboro,  N.  C. 

Matthew  Josephson,  writer. 

Rabbi  Mordecai  M.  Kaplan,  Society  for 
the  Advancement  of  Judaism. 

Prof.  Raymond  Kennedy,  Dept.  of  So- 
ciology, Yale  University. 

Rockwell,  Kent,  artist. 

Judge  Dorothy  Kenyon,  New  York. 

Freda  Kirchway,  Editor,  "The  Nation". 

Rev.  Stephen  L.  Kiser,  Richmond  Hill, 
N.  Y. 

Harold  V.  Knight,  Editor,  North  Da- 
kota Union  Farmer. 

Rev.  Carl  Knudson,  Plymouth,  Mass. 

Rev.  C.  Franklin  Koch,  New  York  City. 

Prof.  Michael  Kraus,  College  of  City  of 
N.  Y. 

Rev.  Alfred  M.  Lambert,  St.  Monica's 
Church,  Hartford,  Conn. 

Rev.  John  Howland  Lathrop,  Church  of 
Our  Savior,  New  York  City. 

Prof.  Walter  Landauer,  Univ.  of  Conn. 

Paula  Laurence,  actress. 

John  Howard  Lawson,  screen  writer, 
Hollywood. 

Canada  Lee,  actor. 

Prof.  Paul  Lehman,  Bibical  History, 
Wellesley  College,  Wellesley,  Mass. 

Ray  Lev,  pianist. 

Prof.  Norman  Levinson,  Mass.  Inst,  of 
Technology. 

Rabbi  Israel  Herbert  Levinthal,  D.  D. ; 
D.  H.  L.,  B'klyn  Jewish  Center. 

Rabbi  Benj.  A.  Lichter,  Cong.  B'nai 
Israel,  Pittsburgh,  Pa. 

Louis  Lipsky,  Amer.  Jewish  Conference 
&  Del.  to  Amer.  Jewish  Congress. 

Rabbi  Emmanuel  Lederman,  Denver, 
Colorado. 

Frank  Marshall  Louis,  Assoc.  Negro 
Press. 

Rev.  Moses  B.  Lovell,  B'klyn,  N.  Y. 

Rev.  Sidney  Lovell,  Chaplain,  Yale  Univ. 

Harry  L.  Lurie,  Former  Dir.  Council 
Jewish  Fed.  &  Welfare  Funds.  New 
York  City. 

Florence  H.  Lascomb,  Civil  Liberties 
Union,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Rev.  Dr.  John  A.  McCallum,  Philadel- 
phia, Pa. 

Bishop  Francis  J.  McConnell,  Lucasville, 
Ohio. 

James  H.  McGill,  McGill  Mfg.  Co.,  Val- 
paraiso, Ind. 

Rev.  Chas.  F.  MacLennan,  Cleveland, 
Ohio. 

John  T.  McManus,   Movie  Critic,  New 

York  City. 
Rev.  Walter  Henry  MacPherson,  S.  T.  A., 
Past  Pres.  of  the  Universalist  Church 
of  America. 

Prof.  W.  H.  Mainwaring,  Emeritus, 
Stanford  Univ.,  Calif. 


1492  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 


Rabbi  Jerome  Malino,  Danbury,  Conn. 

Albert  Malt/.,  writer,  Hollywood. 

Rep.  Vito  Marcantonio,  Congressman, 
N.  Y.  C. 

George  Marshall,  Nat'l.  Fed.  of  Consti- 
tutional Liberties,  N.  ft".  C. 

George  Matis,  Farmers  Union,  St.  Johns- 
ville.  N.  Y. 

Prof.  F.  O.  Matthieson,  Harvard  Univ. 

Rev.  Win.  H.  Melish,  Church  of  the  Holy 
Trinity,  N.  Y.  C. 

Rev.  Harry   C.  Mesine,  Buffalo,  N.  Y. 

Rabbi  Israel  Miller,  Bronx,  N.  Y. 

Erin  O'Brien-Moore,  actress. 

Julian  Morgenstern,  President,  Hebrew 
Union  College,  Cincinnati,  Ohio. 

Prof.  Margaret  S.  Morris,  Pembroke 
College  in  Brown  Univ.,  Providence, 
R.  I. 

Prof.  H.  Nethercot,  Northwestern  Univ. 

Prof.  Robt.  H.  Nichols,  Union  Theologi- 
cal Seminary. 

Rev.  Chas.  C.  Noble,  Syracuse,  N.  Y. 

Mrs.  Josephine  Nordstrand,  Exec.  Secy. 
Wisconsin    State  Conf.   on   Soc.  Leg. 

Senator  Stanley  Nowak,  Michigan,  21st 
District. 

Rev.  Delos  O'Brien,  Wilmington,  Dela- 
ware. 

Judge  Patric  H.  O'Brien,  Detroit,  Mich. 

Sono  Osato,  dancer. 

H.  A.  Overstreet,  Prof.  Emeritus,  C.  C. 
N.  Y. 

Ruth  H.  Page,  Stowe  College  Alumni,  St. 
Louis,  Mo. 

Rev.  George  L.  Paine,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

State  Rep.  Wm.  J.  Pennock,  Pres.  Wash- 
ington Pension  Union,  Seattle,  Wash. 

Angeline  E.  Phillips,  Recording  Secy. 
Community  Church,  Berks  Co.,  Pa. 

Harriet  Ida  Pickens,  Nat'l.  Bus  &  Prof. 
Council,  Y'.  W.  C.  A.,  N.  Y.  C. 

Martin  Popper,  Nat'l.  Lawyers  Guild, 
N.  Y.  C. 

Elizabeth  L.  Porter,  Case  Supervisor, 
Family  Service  Soc,  New  Orleans,  La. 

Pmf.  Kenneth  W.  Porter,  Vassar  Col- 
lege. 

Rev.  Edwin  McNeill  Poteal,  Rochester, 
N.  Y. 

Dr.  Adam  Clayton  Powell,  Jr.,  Editor 
"Peoples  Voice,"  Congressional  Nomi- 
nee'. 

Rev.  Irving  E.  Putnam,  Association  of 
Wesley  .Methodist  Churches,  Minneap- 
olis, Minn. 

Michael  J.  Quill,  N.  Y.  C.  Councilman, 
Pres.  Transport    Workers  Union. 

Senator  Thomas  C.  Robbins,  35th  Dis- 
trict, Seattle,  Wash. 

Prof.  Walter  Kautenst ranch,  Columbia 
University. 

Rev.  Daniel  Lyman  Didont,  Phila.,  Pa. 

Mary  W.  Rittenbouse,  Ii'klvn  Bureau  of 
Charities,  N.  Y.  C. 

Paul  Robeson,  actor,  singer. 


Dr.  Henry  B.  Robins,  Colgate-Rochester 
Divinity  School,  Rochester,  N.  Y. 

Earl  Robinson,  composer,  Hollywood. 

Sol  S.  Rodin.  Secy.,  Brith  Achim  Assoc, 

Edwin  A.  Rurit,  Sage  School  of  Philoso- 
phy, Cornell  Univ.,  Ithica,  N.  Y. 

Prof.  George  Sarton,  Harvard  Univ. 

Col.  Wm.  Jay  Schieffelin. 

Prof.  Margaret  Schlauch,  N.  (Y.  U. 

Helen  S.  Sellers.  Member  of  Conn. 
House  of  Rep.  (1941-42). 

Rabbi  Max  Shapiro,  Miama.  Fla. 

Rev.  Arthur  Shenefelt,  Norwood,  Ohio. 

Prof.  John  F.  Shepard,  Pres.  Civil 
Rights  Fed.,  Detroit,  Mich. 

Dr.  Guy  Emery  Shipler,  Editor,  The 
(  'hurchman. 

Prof.  George  H.  Shull,  Princeton,  Univ., 
Princeton,  N.  J. 

Eva  Smill,  Exec.  Secy.,  Family  Service 
Soc,  New  Orleans.  La. 

Mason  Smith,  Editor,  "The  Interracial 
Review". 

Rev.  F.  Hastings  Smyth,  Superior,  The 
Society  of  the  Catholic  Common- 
wealth, Cambridge,  Mass. 

Mrs.  Samuel  Spiegel,  Nat'l  Women's 
League  of  United  Synagogues. 

Prof.  Bertha  K.  Stavrianos,  Smith  Col- 
lege, Northampton,  Mass. 

J.  Stanley  Stevens,  Chaplain,  U.  S.  N. 
R. 

Donald  Ogden  Stewart,  writer,  Holly- 
wood. 

Prof.  Dirk  J.  Struik,  Mass.  Inst,  of 
Technology. 

Rev.  Harold  C.  Swezy,  Church  of  Holy 
Apostle,  N.  Y.  C. 

Prof.  Jessie  M.  Tatlock,  Mt.  Holyoke, 
College. 

Prof.  Alva  Taylor.  Secy.,  Southern  Conf. 
for  Human  Welfare,  Nashville,  Tenn. 

Janet  Thornton,  Director,  Social  Serv- 
ice, Presbyterian  Hospital,  N.  Y.  C. 

Rev.  Joseph  H.  Titus,  Jamaica,  N.  Y. 

Rep.  Nicholas  Tomassetti,  Rep.  from 
New  Britain  to  Conn.  General  Assem- 
bly. 

Judge  Edward  V.  Totten. 

Rabbia  Joshua  Trachtenberg. 

Jim  Tully.  writer. 

Mark  Van  Doren,.  writer. 

John  Van  Druten,  playwright. 

Pierre  Van  Paassen,  writer,  journalist. 

Oswald  Garrison  Villard.  writer. 

Prof.  Eda  Lou  Walton,  x.  Y.  University. 

Rabbi  Juda  Washer,  New  Kensington, 
Pa. 

Prof.  Harry  F.  Ward.  Union  Theolo- 
logical  Seminary. 

M.  Moran  Weston,  Chairman,  N.  Y. 
State  Civil  Liberties,  Dept.  N.  Y. 
State  Elks  Assoc. 

Prof.  F.  W.  Weymouth,  Stanford  Univ. 

Prof.  Philip  E.  Wheelwright,  Dart- 
mouth College. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1493 

Prof  George  F.  Whicher,  Amherst  Col-  Dr.   Abraham   Wolfson,   Pres.,   Jewish 

le„.e  Social  Service  Bureau,  Newark,  N.  J. 

Rev.  John  C.  White,  Bishop  of  Spring-  Prof.  Theresa  Wolfson,  B'klyn  College. 

field    Illinois  Prof.  Thomas  Woody,  Prof,  of  Educa- 

Doxv  Wilkerson,  Exec.  Editor  "Peoples  tion  Univ.  of  Pa.,  Phila    Pa-        - 

U.     „  Mary   E.    Woolley,    President   Emerita, 

Robt.  Wilkerson,  Exec.  Secy  Negro  p^  iS^.^^man,  Prof,  of  Phi- 
Welfare  Assn.,  Anderson,  Ind.  losophy  of  Religion,  Univ.  of  Chicago. 

Rev.   C.   Lawson   Williard   Jr.,  Trimly  Prof   Paul  Thomas  Young,  Univ.  of  II- 

Episcopal  Church.  New  Haven,  Conn.  linois. 

Rev.  David  Rhys  Williams,  Rochester,  Rabbi    S.    M.    Zampowsky,    Cleveland, 

N.  Y.  Ohio. 

Rabbi  Samuel  Wohl,  Cincinnati,  Ohio.  Wm.  Zorach,  sculptor. 

Organizations  listed  for  identification  purposes.    500  names  unlisted  for  reasons 
of  space. 


Exhibit  No.  7 

[Daily  Worker,  February  10,  1938] 

Leading  Citizens  Laud  Isaacs'  Stand  on  Gerson 

Condemning  the  "witch-hunting  campaign"  organized  against  Borough  Presi- 
dent Stanley  M.  Isaacs  for  his  appointment  of  S.  W.  Gerson,  former  Daily  Worker 
reporter  as  an  assistant  on  his  staff,  47  prominent  citizens  last  night  signed 
a  letter  to  the  Borough  President  supporting  him  in  his  determination  to  appoint 
competent  persons  to  office. 

The  letter,  released  for  publication  by  Tom  Cassidy,  vice  president  of  the 
American  Newspaper  Guild  and  Daily  News  staff  writer,  carries  the  names  of 
outstanding  liberals,  trade-unionists,  educators,  and  clergymen. 

The  text  of  the  letter  and  names  of  the  signers  follow  : 

Dear  Mr.  Isaacs : 

We,  the  undersigned,  citizens  of  different  shades  of  opinion,  emphatically  con- 
demn the  witch-hunting  campaign  organized  against  you  for  the  appointment 
of  Simon  W.  Gerson  to  your  staff. 

AVe  look  upon  the  current  inspired  agitation  against  you — which  bears  the 
earmarks  of  some  of  the  propaganda  so  discredited  and  overwhelmingly  repudi- 
ated in  the  last  election — as  a  threat  to  the  whole  merit  system  in  public  service. 
It  is  the  first  step  which  leads  to  the  institution  of  political  qualifications  within 
the  entire  city  service.  If  the  present  agitation  is  successful,  the  next  logical 
step  is  the  institution  of  a  system  of  political  discrimination  within  the  Civil 
Service  system.  How  far  is  that  from  the  malodorous  method  of  choosing  public 
servants  from  political  clubhouse  backrooms? 


1494  STATE   DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

We  urge  you  to  stand  firm  against  this  attempt  to  attack  appointments  on  the 
merit  basis.  We  support  you — as  do  thousands  of  liberal  though  inarticulate 
citizens — in  your  determination  to  maintain  your  right  to  appoint  competent 
persons  to  office,  irrespective  of  political  outlook,  a  right  won  by  the  citizens  of 
New  York  only  after  years  of  struggle  against  corrupt  political  influence. 
Sincerely  yours, 

Daniel  Allen.  Regional  Director.  State.  County,  and  Municipal  Em- 
ployes Assn. ;  Recorder  John  K.  Ackley,  City  College  of  New 
York:  Dr.  Helen  Adams.  Hunter  College;  William  Albertson,  Sec- 
cretary.  Local  16,  Waiters  and  Waitresses  Union;  Prof.  Edwin  B. 
Burgum.  Washington  Square  College,  N.  Y.  U. :  Prof.  Theodore 
Brameld,  Adelphi  College :  Samuel  Berland,  Mgr..  Laundry  Work- 
ers Union  ;  Michael  J.  Quill.  City  Councilman  :  Dr.  Harry  F.  Ward, 
Union  Theological  Seminary  ;  Rev.  Bradford  Young:  Rev.  William 
B.  Spofford;  Rev.  Lawson  Willard.  Jr..  Past  County  Chaplain, 
American  Legion.  Queens  County:  Rev.  A.  Clayton  Powell.  Jr.; 
Miss  Helen  Murray,  Associate  Secretary.  Methodist  Federation  of 
Social  Service;  Samuel  A.  Robbins,  Chairman.  Council  of  U.  S. 
Veterans  and  American  Legionnaire  :  Dorothy  Kenyon.  Consumers 
Union:  Vito  Marcantonio.  former  Congressman:  Tom  Cassidy, 
Vice-President  Newspaper  Guild:  Carl  Randau,  President.  News- 
paper Guild;  Austin  Hogan,  President,  N.  Y.  Local  Transport 
Workers  Union ;  Alexander  Hoffman,  Manager.  Cleaners  and 
Dyers  Union ;  George  Wishnack,  Coordinator,  International 
Ladies  Garment  Workers  Union:  Ashley  Patten,  Executive  Secre- 
tary, Pullman  Porters;  Louis  Weinstock,  Secretary-Treasurer, 
District  Council  9.  Painters  and  Decorators;  David  Freed.  Sec- 
retary. Local  802,  American  Federation  of  Musicians:  Eugene  P. 
Connolly.  Organizer,  Transport  Workers  Union:  Jonathan  Eddy, 
Executive  Vice-President  Newspaper  Guild:  Victor  Pasche,  Secre- 
tary-Treasurer. Newspaper  Guild:  Mervyn  Rathborne,  President, 
American  Communications  Association:  Harry  Gewirtzman,  Man- 
ager. Pocket-Book  Workers  Union  :  Samuel  Kramberg,  Local  302, 
Hotel  and  Restaurant  Workers  Alliance:  Irving  Potash.  Manager, 
Joint  Council  Furriers  Union;  Ben  Golden.  Labor  Arbitrator; 
Vera  Montgomery)  Editor  and  Publisher,  Yorkville  Advance ;  Prof. 
John  L.  Childs.  Teachers  College:  Prof.  Robert  K.  Speer.  Washing- 
ton Square  College:  Dr.  John  McAlpin  Miller.  Long  Island  Uni- 
versity; Dr.  John  T.  Thirwall.  City  College  of  New  York;  Prof. 
Margaret  Schlauch,  New  York  University:  Prof.  Lyman  R. 
Bradley.  New  York  University  ;  Prof.  Beryl  Parker.  New  York 
University;  Prof.  V.  J.  McGill,  Hunter  College:  Prof.  Howard 
Selam,  Brooklyn  College:  Malcolm  Cowley,  Editor,  New  Re- 
public: Eda  Lou  Walton,  poet  and  critic:  Dr.  Charles  A.  Hendley, 
President.  Teachers  Union  :  Julia  Church  Kolar,  Executive  Board 
Member,  Descendants  of  the  American  Revolution. 


Exhibit  No.  8 

League  of  Women  Shoppers, 

> 

NEW  YORK 

(Photostat  not  legible — retained  in  subcommittee  files.) 


STATE   DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 


1495 


Exnirm  No.  9 
Chairman:  William   E.  Dodd,  Jr.  Treasurer:  S.  D.  Douglas 

Executive  Secretary:  Leonard  S.  Beller 
Advisers   on   Anti-Nazi   Literature :   Prince   Hubertus  zu  Loewenstein 

(German  Catholic  Leader) 
Dr.  Kurt  Rosenfeld  (Former  Minister  of  Justice  in  Prussia) 


Carleton  Beals 

T.   A.  Bisson 

Harriet  stauton  Blatch 

Anita   Block 

S.  John  Block 

Prof.  Franz  Unas 

Dr.  Barrett  H.  Clark 

Prof.  Thomas  C.  Cochran 

Malcolm  Cowley 

Kar.'  Crane-Gartz 

Dr.   Walter  Danirosch 

Prof.  John  Dewey 


Sponsors 

Dr.  John  Lovejov  Elliott 
Dr.  H.  C.  Engelbrecht 

.Martha  Graham 

Prof.  Albert  Guerard 

Prof.  Alice  Hamilton 

Moss  Hart 

I.  A.   Hirsohmaiin 

Rockwell  Kent 

Dorothv  Kenvon 

Prof.  Wm.  H.  Kilpatrick 

Freda  Kirchwey 

Justice  Anna  M.  Kross 


Judge  S.  D.  Levy 

Prof.  Eduard  C.  Landsman 

Prof.  R.  M.  Maclver 

Annie  Nathan  Meyer 

Lewis  Mumford 

Dr.  Henry  Neumann 

Prof.  Fredrick  L.  Schuman 

R S- 


Dr. 


-Philip  Silver 


Van    Doren 


Lillian  D.   Wald 


American  Committee  for  Anti-Nazi  Literature 
Suite  302—20  Vesey  Street 

NEW  YORK  CITY 

REctor  2-5867 
Cable  Address  :    LITCOM 

March  24,  1939. 
American  Civil  Liberties  Union, 

Neic  York  City 

Gentlemen:  May  we  have  your  opinion  on  the  enclosed  bill.     We  would  ap- 
preciate a  prompt  reply. 

Thanking  you  for  your  cooperation,  we  are 
Sincerely  yours, 

Leonard  S.  Beller,  Executive  Secretary. 
LB:   EL. 


Exhibit  No.  10 

American  Committee  for  Democracy  and  Intellectual  Freedom, 

New  York  City,  January  11, 1940. 
Hon.  Martin  Dies, 

House  Office  Building,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Dear  Mr.  Congressman  :  On  the  basis  of  a  careful  analysis  of  the  proceedings 
and  releases  of  the  Dies  Committee,  copy  of  which  I  am  enclosing,  the  American 
Committee  for  Democracy  and  Intellectual  Freedom  has  come  to  the  conclusion 
that  the  further  existence  of  the  Dies  Committee  would  constitute  a  serious  threat 
to  intellectual  freedom  and  civil  rights  in  the  United  States.  In  our  analysis  we 
present  thorough  documentation  to  substantiate  this  contention. 

We  have  also  submitted  to  the  Speaker  of  the  House  petitions  urging  the  dis- 
continuance of  the  Dies  Committee,  signed  by  5,672  American  citizens,  largely 
from  the  academic  and  related  fields.  Further  signatures  will  be  transmitted 
this  week.  Among  the  signers  of  this  petition  are  twelve  college  presidents,  six 
college  deans,  and  many  other  leaders  of  American  culture  and  professional  life. 
I  am  enclosing  a  copy  of  the  petition  blank  and  a  list  of  the  outstanding  signa- 
tories for  your  consideration. 
Respect  fully  yours, 

Franz  Boss,  National  Chairman. 

Among  the  Signatories  to  the  Fetition  Sponsored  by  American  Committee 
for  Democracy  and  Intellectual  Freedom  to  Discontinue  the  Dies 
Committee 

Frank  E.  Baker,  President,  Milwaukee  State  Teachers  College 
Rufus  E.  Clement,  President,  Atlanta  University 
Clarence  M.  Dykstra,  President,  University  of  Wisconsin 


1496  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

Among  the  Signatories  to  the  Petition  Sponsored  by  American  Committee 
fob  Democracy  and  Intellectual  Freedom  to  Discontinue  the  Dies 
Com  m  ittee — Continued 

William  Allied  Eddy,  President,  Hobart  and  William  Smith  Colleges 

Guy  Stanton  Ford,  President,  University  of  Minnesota 

George  Willard  Frasier,  President,  Colorado  State  College  of  Education 

Ralph  K.  Hickok,  President,  Western  College 

Raymond  A.  Kent,  President,  University  of  Louisville 

Frank  Kingdon,  President,  University  of  Newark 

William  A.  Neilson,  Former  President,  Smith  College 

Walter  Dill  Scott,  Former  President,  Northwestern  University 

Mary  E.  Woolley,  Former  President,  Mt.  Holyoke  College 

Harold  C.  Urey,  Nobel  laureate  in  chemistry,  Columbia 

John  Dewey,  Professor  emeritus  of  Philosophy 

Charles  A.  Beard,  Former  President,  American  Historical  Association 

J.  McKeen  Cattell,  Editor,  "Science" 

Francis  .1.  McConnell,  Bishop,  Methodist  Church 

Paul  U.  Kellogg.  Editor,  "Survey  Graphic'' 

Olin  Downes,  Music  Critic,  "The  New  York  Times" 

Jonathan  Daniels,  Editor,  "Raleigh  News  &  Observer" 

Paul  Robeson,  Singer  and  actor 

Zachariah  Chafee,  Jr.,  Professor,  Harvard  University 

Paul  J.  Kern,  President,  Municipal  Civil  Service  Commission  of  N.  Y.  C. 

Charlotte  Carr,  Head,  Hull  House,  Chicago 

Edith  Abbott,  Dean,  University  of  Chicago  School  of  Social  Service 

Ned  II.  Dearborn,  Dean,  New  York  University 

Christian  Gauss,  Dean,  Princeton  University 

Malcolm  S.  McLean,  Dean,  University  of  Minnesota 

Frank  L.  Mott,  Dean,  University  of  Iowa 

Carl  Wittke,  Dean,  Oberlin  College 

Mary  Antin,  Author 

Joseph  Warren  Peach,  Author 

Van  Wyck  Brooks,  Author 

Lilliam  Hellman,  Author 

Inez  Haynes  Irwin,  Author 

Emil  Lengyel,  Author 

Elmer  Rice,  Author 

Ralph  Boeder,  Author 

William  Carlos  Williams,  Author 

Henry  Pratt  Fairchild,  Professor,  New  York  University 

Randolph  B.  Smith,  Director,  Cooperative  School  for  Teachers 

Sophronisba  P.  Breckenridge,  Former  President,  American  Association  of  Schools 

of  Social  Work 
Comfort  A.  Adams,  Former  President,  American  Institute  of  Electrical  Engineers 
Oswald  Veblem.  Former  President,  American  Mathematical  Society 
John  P.  Peters,  Secretary,  Committee  of  Physicians  for  Improvement  of  Medical 

Care 
A.  M.  Schlesinger,  Vice-President,  American  Historical  Association 
W.  II.  Malison",  Editor,  "Philosophy  of  Science" 
Ellsworth  Huntington,  Professor,  Yale  University 
Edward  C.  Tolman„  Professor,  University  of  California 
George  I'.  Adams,  Professor,  University  of  California 
Ralph  Linton,  Editor,  "The  American  Anthropologist" 
W.  A.  Oldfather,  Former  President,  American  Philological  Association 
Walter  R.  Hager,  Secretary,  Teachers  College,  Columbia  University 
John  F.  Fulton,  Yale  Medical  School 

Ralph  Barton  Perry,  Author.  Pulitzer  Prize  biography  of  William  James 
Clyde  Eagleton,  Professor,  New  York  University 
Karl  Menninger,  Director,  Psychiatric  Clinic,  Topeka,  Kansas 
Robert  s.  Lynd,  Professor,  Columbia  University 
Fred  L.  Redefer,  Secretary,  Progressive  Education  Association 
[Ialford  E.  Luccock,  Professor,  Yale  Divinity  School 
Alice  Hamilton,  Professor  emeritus.  Harvard  Medical  School 
Vida  I  >.  Scudder,  Professor,  Wellesley  College 
Eugene  W.  Lyman,  Professor,  Union  Theological  Seminary 
D.  W.  Prall,  Professor,  Harvard  University 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1497 

Among  the  Signatories  to  the  Petition  Sponsored  by  American  Committee 
for  Democracy  and  Intellectual  Freedom  to  Discontinue  the  Dies 
Committee — Continued 

A.  J.  Carlson,  Former  President,  American  Physiological  Society 

Paul  F.  Gemmill,  Professor,  University  of  Pennsylvania 

Edgar  Dale,  Professor.  Ohio  Slate  University 

Lester  Dix.  Principal,  Lincoln  School 

V.  T.  Thayer,  Educational  Director.  Ethical  Culture  Schools 

Hairy  J.  Carman,  Pro  lessor,  Columbia  University. 

Gortwin  Watson.  Professor,  Columbia  University. 

L.  G.  Earth.  Professor,  Columbia  University. 

Dorothy  Douglas,  Professor,  Smith  College. 

Frank  H.  Hankins,  Professor,  Smith  College. 

Hadley  Contril,  Professor,  Princeton  University. 

Roy  Dickinson  Welch,  Professor,  Princeton  University. 

Hirtley  F.  Mather,  Director,  Harvard  University,  Summer  School. 

Morris  R.  Cohen,  Professor,  College  of  the  City  of  New  York. 

Harry  A.  Overstreet,  Professor,  College  of  the  City  of  New  York. 

Jerome  Davis,  Former  President.  American  Federation  of  Teachers. 

Robert   Iglehart,    Vice   President,   American   Federation   of   Teachers. 

Alonzo  F.  Myers.  President.  New  York  College  Teachers  Union. 

Max  Lerner,  Professor.  Williams  College. 

Jesse  H.  Holmes,  Professor,  Swarthmore  College. 

George  Soule,  Editor.  "The  New  Republic". 

Malcolm  Cowley,  Editor,  "The  New  Republic". 

Freda  Kirchwey,  Editor,  "The  Nation". 

Maxwell  S.  Stewart,  Editor,  "The  Nation". 

Victor  Weybright,  Editor,  "Survey  Graphic". 

Frank  C.  Bancroft,  Editor,  "Social  Work  Today". 

Dashiel  Hammett,  Author. 

Leone  Zugsmith,  Author. 

Arthur  Koher,  Author. 

Countee  Cullen,  Poet. 

Matthew  Josephson,  Author. 

Joan  Starr  Untermeyer,  Poet. 

Alfred  Kreymborg,  Author. 

Donald  Ogden  Stewart,  President,  League  of  American  Writers. 

Lewis  Mumford,  Author. 

Herman  Shumlin,  Producer. 

AV.  W.  Norton,  Publisher. 

Vilhjalmur  Stefansson,  Past  President,  Explorers  Club. 

Mario  Romaet-Rosenoff,  Musician. 

Aaron  Copland,  Composer. 

Lehman  Engel,  Musician. 

Rockwell  Kent,  Artist. 

Morris  Carnovsky,  Actor. 

Oliver  D.  Fargo,  Author 

Philip  Loeb,  Actor 

Max  Yergan,  Secretary,  International  Institute  for  African  Affairs 

Charles  Bolous,  Former  Councilman,  New  York  City 

Dorothy  Kenyon,  Former  Justice,  New  York  City 

Hugh  DeLacy,  Councilman,  Seattle 

Justine-  Miso  Polier,  Justice,  New  York  City 

Nicholas  Tomassetti,  Representative,  Connecticut 

William  Lloyd  Imes,  Reverend,  New  York  City 

John  Howard  Lathrop,  Reverend,  Brooklyn,  New  York 

Mary  Van  Kloock,  Russell  Sage  Foundation 

Mrs.  Rachel  Davis-Dubois,  Service  Bureau  for  Intercultural  Education 

Dr.  Bernard  Glucek,  Psychiatrist 

John  B.  Andrews,  Secretary,  American  Association  for  Labor  Legislation 

J.  F.  Dashiell,  Professor,  University  of  North  Carolina 

Edward  A.  Ross,  Professor  emeritus.  University  of  Wisconsin 

W.  H.  Manwaring,  Professor  emeritus,  Columbia  University 

Willystine  Goodsell,  Professor  emeritus,  Teachers  College,  Columbia  University 

Mitchell  Franklin,  Professor,  Tulane  Uniro—'ty 


1498  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

\M<».\(;    THE    SlGNVTORIES    TO   THE   PETITION    SPONSORED    BY   AMERICAN    COMMITTEE 

for    Democracy    and    Intellectual    Freedom    to    Discontinue    the    Dies 
Committee — Continued 

Harry  Elmer  Barnes,  Historian  and  Journalist 

Edwin  G.  Boring,  Professor,  Harvard  University 

Rev.  Alfred  W.  Swan,  Madison,  Wisconsin 

Sera  Bard  Field,  Poet 

Charles  Erskine  Scott  Wood,  Writer 

S.  Stephenson  Smith,  Professor,  University  of  Oregon 

James  B.  Carey,  Secretary,  C.  I.  O. 

Charles  William  Taussig,  Chairman,  National  Advisory  Committee 

Martha  Dodd,  Writer 

William  E.  Dodd,  Former  Embassador  to  Germany 

George  Seldes,  Author 

C.  E.  Ficken,  Dean,  Macalester  College 


Exhibit  No.  11 

James  Waterman  Wise,  Chairman  Isobel  Walker  Soule,  Executive  Secretary 

Sarah  Jackson  Smith,  Secretary-Treasurer 


Advisory  Committee 
Stella  Adler 
Helen  Alfred 
Leroy  Bowman 
Rebecca  Grecht 
J.  B.  S.  Hardman 
Mary  W.  Hillyer 
Lawrence  Hosie 
Grace  Hutchins 


John  Paul  Jones 
Dorothy  Kenyon 
Freda  Kirchwey 
Harry  W.  Laidler 
Margaret  I.  Lamont 
Grace  Lumpkin 
Vito  Marcantonio 
Reinhold  Niebuhr 
Clifford  Odets 


Evelyn  Preston 
Margaret  Schlauch 
Sarah  Jackson  Smith 
Isobel  Walker  Soule 
Robert  Speer 
Eda  Lou  Walton 
Bertha  Pool  Weyl 
James  Waterman  Wise 
Theresa  Wolfson 


Citizens  Committee  to  Aid  Striking  Seamen 
227  West  22nd  Street 

NEW  YORK  CITY 
CHelsea  2-9786 

January  28,  1937. 

Dear  Friend  :  The  East  Coast  Seamen  have  called  off  the  strike.  They  have 
won  some  concessions.  This  decision  will  help  the  West  Coast  Seamen  bring 
their  strike  to  a  more  successful  end.  This  action  has  been  commended  by  the 
N.  L.  R.  B.     Hearings  are  being  continued  by  them. 

Now,  the  seamen  are  trying  to  get  their  jobs  back.  Many  are  already  on  the 
high  seas,  while  others  here  are  carrying  on  the  fight  against  discrimination, 
lockout,  blacklist  and  the  Copeland  Bill.  These  men  are  still  without  shelter, 
food  and  clothing.  In  addition  to  the  East  Coast  men.  about  1,000  Pacific  Coast 
strikers  who  struck  when  their  vessels  reached  Eastern  shores,  are  without 
resources. 

These  men  are  entirely  dependent  on  our  Soup  Kitchen  at  338  W.  25th  St.  for 
food.     Debts  tor  pas.  electricity,  and  oilier  essentials  threaten  its  existence. 

You  have  shown  your  warm-hearted  interest  in  the  men  by  your  contributions 
dining  the  strike.  We  appeal  to  you  now — to  help  these  men  who  conducted  an 
heroic,  epoch-making  battle  for  84  long,  cold  winter  days.  Many  of  these  men 
are  ill  due  to  exposure  and  undernourishment. 

All  we  ask  you  to, do  is  send  a  small  contribution  of.  say.  one,  two  or  five 
dollars,  to  tide  over  a  difficult  back-to-work  period. 

Won't  you  give  your  answer  today?     Please  do  take  out  your  pen  and  write 
your  check-  as  soon  as  you  read  this  letter. 
Very  sincerely  yours, 


Secretary,  Citizens'  Committee  to  M<l  Striking  Seamen. 


STATE   DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 


1499 


Executive  Committee  : 

Dr.  Worthy  M.  Tippy, 
Honorary  Presidenl 

Prof.  Henry  Pratt  Fair- 
child.  President 

Gardner  Jackson,  Vice 
President 

Robert  K.  Speer,  Treas- 
urer 

Samuel  J.  Rodman,  Sec- 
retary 

Edward  K.  Kern,  Direc- 
tor of  Activities 

Algernon  Black 

Hadley  Cantril 

Ned  II.  Dearborn 

Dr.  Sidney  E.  Goldstein 

Helen  Hall 

Rita  Hochheimer 

A.  J.  Isserman 

Spurgeon  Keeny 

Clyde  Miller 

Dudley  Nichols 

Louise  Pearson 

Etta  Schneider 

Mark  Starr 

Katherine  Terrill 

Mrs.  Joseph  L.  White 


Ex  hi  in  r  No.  12 

Advisory  Board 
Sherwood  Anderson 
James  W.  Angel] 
Louis  Adamic 
Thurman  Arnold 
Vicki  Baum 
William  R.  Benet 
Franz  Boas 
Louis  Bromfield 
.lames  L.  Brewer 
Dr.  A.  A.  Brill 
Heywood  Broun 
Senator  Arthur  Capper 
.Mate  Connelly 
Humphrey  Cobb 
Olin  Downes 
William  E.  Dodd 
Theodore  Dreiser 
Walter  Pric  hard  Eaton 
Dorothy  Canfleld  Fisher 
Abraham  Flexner 
( (smoiid  K.  Fraenkel 
Edwin  Franko  Goldman 
Rev.  Ernest  G.  Guthrie 
Dashiell  Hammett 
Lillian  Hellman 
Jesse  H.  Holmes 
Mrs.  Sheppard  Homans 
William  K.  Howard 


Mrs.  Harold  L.  Ickes 
Rex  Ingram 
Stanley  M.   Isaacs 
Horace  M.  Kallen 
Dorothy    Kenyon 
Paul  J.  Kern 
Freda  Kirchwey 
Fritz  Lang 
Robert  D.  Leigh 
Irene  Lewisohn 
Robert  Morss  Lovett 
Thomas  Mann 
Fredric  March 
Philip  Merivale 
Dudley  Murphy 
W.  W.  Norton 
Lee  Pressman 
Will  Rogers,  Jr. 
Alex  Rose 
John  Rothschild 
Wm.  J.  Schieffelin 
Viola  Brothers  Shore 
Rabbi  Abba  Hillel  Silver 
Rexford  G.  Tugwell 
Lillian  D.  Wald 
Walter  White 
Mary  E.  Woolley 


Film  Audiences  for  Democracy 
342  Madison  Ave. 

NEW    YORK    CITY 

Phone  VAnderbilt  6-3660 

October  20,  1939. 
Mr.  Victor  Riesel, 

Managing  Editor,  The  Neiv  Leader  Publishing  Association, 

New  York  City. 
Dear  Mr.  Riesel  :  Mr.  Kern  requests  me  to  say  that  he  is  speaking  more  or  less 
extemporaneously  from  a  handful  of  notes  at  the  Rand  School,  Monday. 

If  you  wish  to  have  your  stenographer  cover  that  it  is  agreeable  to  Mr.  Kern. 
Yours  truly, 

Fleet  Munson. 

To  Encourage  films  that  uphold  American  democracy,  civil  liberties,  and  peace;  that  pro- 
mote better  understanding  and  improve  neighborly  relations  between  racial  and  re- 
ligious groups  ;  that  present  an  accurate,  undistorted  as  well  as  a  socially  useful  por- 
trayal  of  the  contemporary  scene.  To  Oppose  all  totalitarian  trends,  attacks  on  labor, 
and  films  contrary  to  the  principles  of  the  Bill  of  Rights 


Vol.  1,  No.  2 


Exhibit  No.  13 


Films  for  Democracy 


April  1939 


NEW     YORK     CITV 

A  nonprofit  membership  organization  dedicated  to 
and  distribution  of  truthful,  fearless  films  which 
American  Democracy. 


President : 

Dr.  Henry  Pratt  Fair- 
child 
Vice  President : 

Gardner  Jackson 
Treasurer : 

Dr.  Robert  K.  Speer 
Secretary : 

Samuel  J.  Rodman 


Executive  committee : 
Hadley  Cantril 
Ned  H.  Dearborn 
Helen  Hall 
A.  J.  Isserman 
Clyde  Miller 
Dudley  Nichols 
Louise  Pearson 
Mark  Stan- 
Mrs.  Joseph  L.  White 


encouraging  the  production 
safeguard   and   strengthen 

Advisory  Board : 

Sherwood  Anderson 
James  W.  Angell 
Louis  Adamic 
Thurman  Arnold 
Vicki  Baum 
William  B.  Benet 
Franz  Boas 
Louis  Bromfield 


68970 — 50 — pt.  •_»- 


1500 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 


Advisory  board — Con. 
James  L.  Brewer 
A.  A.  Brill 
Heywood  Broun 
Senator  Arthur  Cap- 
per 
Marc  Connelly 
Humphrey  Cobb 
Olin  Downes 
William  E.  Dodd 
Theodore  Dreiser 
Walter  Prichard  Ea- 
ton 
Dorothy  Canfield 

Fisher 
Abraham  Flexner 
Osmond  K.  Fraenkel 
Edwin  Franko  Gold- 
man 


Advisory  board — Con. 

Rev.  Ernest  G.  Guth- 
rie 
Dashiell  Hammett 
Lillian  Hellman 
Jesse  H.  Holmes 
Mrs.     SLeppard    Ho- 

mans 
William  K.  Howard 
Mrs.  Harold  L.  Ickes 
Rex  Ingram 
Stanley  M.  Isaacs 
Horace  M.  Kallen 
Dorothy  Kenyon 
Freda  Kirchwey 
Fritz  Lang 
Robert  D.  Leigh 
Irene  Lewisohn 
Robert  Morss  Lovett 


Advisory  board — Con. 

Fredric  March 
Thomas  Mann 
Philip  Merivale 
Dudley  Murphy 
W.  W.  Norton 
Lee  Pressman 
John  Rothschild 
Will  Rogers,  Jr. 
Win.  J.  Schieffelin 
Viola  Brothers  Shore 
Rabbi     Abba     Hillel 

Silver 
Rexford   G.   Tugwell 
Lillian  D.  Wald 
Walter  F.  Wagner 
Walter  White 
Mary  E.  Woolley 


Exhibit  No.  14 

PROGRAM  OF  THE  GREATER  NEW  YORK  EMERGENCY  CONFERENCE 

ON  INALIENABLE  RIGHTS 

Monday,  February  12,  1940,  at  Two  West  Sixty-fourth  Street,  New  York  City, 
the  Meeting  House  of  the  Society  for  Ethical  Culture 

Organized  antidemocratic  forces  are  threatening  the  security  and 
freedom  of  human  personality  and  the  rights  of  minority  groups  here  in 
the  United  States.  They  are  dividing,  confusing,  and  weakening  those 
who  wish  to  maintain  our  free  democratic  institutions.  Such  forces 
of  oppression  and  fear,  growing  stronger  because  of  the  war  in  Europe, 
must  not  be  permitted  to  overwhelm  us.  Never  before  have  our  consti- 
tutional liberties  been  under  such  concerted  attack.  At  this  moment 
we  have  a  special  responsibility  as  a  united  people  to  meet  our  danger 
and  protect  our  rights.  There  are  literally  thousands  of  nonpolitical 
organizations  in  the  City  of  New  York  which  are  vitally  concerned  with 
the  maintenance  of  the  Bill  of  Rights,  with  minority  and  neighborhood 
relations,  and  with  antidemocratic  legislation.  This  Conference  is  for 
them. 

Robeht  W.  Seaele,  Chairman. 
9:  30  a.  m. — Registration  of  delegates  and  visitors 

11  a.  in. — General  session 

J'r<  .siiliiii/  Chairman:  Db.  Max  Yergax,  Director,  International 
Committee  on  African  Affairs 

12  :  30  to  2  p.  m. — Luncheon  interval 

2  5  p.  m. — Panel  discussions — Announcement  of  panel  chairmen  and  speakers 

mi  page  - 
5-8  p.  m. — Dinner  interval 

8  p.  m. — General  session — Presiding  Chairman:  Dr.  Frank  Kingdon,  President, 
Univeristy  of  Newark 

Reports  of  panel  discusions 

Selection  of  Continuations  Committee 
Speakers : 

Db.  .John  Elliott,  Senior  Leader,  Society  of  Ethical  Culture 

Congressman  John  M.  Coffee 

Db.  Mart  E.  Woolley,  Presidenl  Emeritus  of  Mt.  Holyoke  College 

Profess  b  K.  N.  Llewellyn,  Columbia  Law  School 

Roger  \.  Baldwin,  I Hrector,  American  Civil  Liberties  Union 

Samuel   L.   M.   Barlow,   National    Emergency   Conference  for  Democratic 
Rights 

Other  Speakebs  to  be  Announced 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1501 

Greateb  New  Yokk  Emergency  Conference  ox  Inalienable  Rights 
Room  508,  2  West  43rd  Street,  New  York  City 

I'  AN  ELS 
PANEL  I — "FOREIGN  BORN" 

1.  How  to  focus  our  energies  the  better  to  preserve  the  rights  of  the  foreign 
born. 

2.  How  the  foreign-language  and  foreign-born  groups  can  unite  to  preserve 
and  enlarge  democracy  for  themselves  and  for  all  Americans. 

3.  How    to    bring    before    the    foreign    born    their    duties    and    privileges    as 
Americans. 

4.  How  to  disseminate  and  coordinate  the  best  in  both  foreign  and  American 
cultures  that  froth  may  gain  in  understanding. 

Chairman  of  Panel:  Dr.  Frank  Kingdon,  President,  University  of  Newark. 
Panel  Speakers:  Dr.  Gerald  F.  Machacek,  President,  United  Czechoslovak  Ameri- 
can   Societies. 

Erwin  H.  Klaus,  Editor,  The  German- American. 

Younghill  Kang,  New  York  University. 

Edward  Corsi,    Deputy  Commissioner,  Department  of  Public  Welfare. 

Vilhjalmur  Stefansson. 

Irving  Xovick,  Acting  Secretary,  American  Committee  for  the  Protection 
of  the  Foreign  Born. 

M.  Garriga,  Int'l  Vice  President,  Hotel  and  Restaurant  Workers  Union. 

Nathaniel  Phillips,  President,  National  League  for  American  Citizenship. 

Dr.  Emil  Lengyel. 

PANEL   II "THE   CHURCH   AND  THE   CHALLENGE  TO  DEMOCRACY" 

1.  What  Democracy  means  to  Religion. 

2.  What  Religion  means  to  Democracy. 

3.  What  are  the  official  attitudes  of  the  Religious  Bodies  toward  all  phases 
of  Discrimination. 

4.  What  is  involved  in  freedom  of  speech  for  the  clergy. 

5.  What  is  the  Responsibility  of  the  Church  in  the  face  of  attacks  upon 
Minorities. 

6.  What  practical  methods  are  available  to  the  Church. 

Chairman  of  Panel:  Rev.  Lorenzo  H.  King,  St.  Mark's  Methodist  Church. 
Panel  Speakers:  Dr.  Emanuel  Chapman,  Fordham  University. 
Rev.  A.  J.  Muste,  American  Labor  Temple. 
Rabbi  William  F.  Rosenblum,  Exec.  Committee  member,  New  York  Board  of 

Jewish  Ministers. 
Rev.  John  Paul  Jones,  Union  Church  of  Bay  Ridge. 
Dr.  Theodore  F.  Savage,  President,  the  Greater  New  York  Feedration  of 

Churches. 
Rabbi  David  DeSola  Pool,  Spanish  and  Portuguese  Synagogue. 

PANEL  III "LABOR  AND  DEMOCRACY" 

1.  Labor's  Civil  Rights. 

2.  Congressional    Investigating  Committees 

a.  Dies  Committee — its  methods,  procedure  and  objectives. 

b.  The  Smith  Committee — its  methods,  procedure  and  objectives. 

c.  The    LaFollette   Committee — comparison    of    procedure    with    that    of 
other  Congressional  investigating  committees. 

3.  Legislation  and  the  Trade  Union  Movement 

a.  Analysis  of  the  Alien  Bills. 

b.  Criminal  Snydicalism  Laws. 

c.  The  application  of  the  Sherman  Anti-trust  Act. 

d.  The  Wages  and  Hours  Law. 


1502  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY   INVESTIGATION 

Chairman  of  Panel:  Leo  Huberman. 

Panel  Speakers:  Merle  Vincent,  General  Solicitor,  Wages  and  Hours  Adminis- 
tration. 

Elmer  Brown,  President,  Typographical  Union,  Local  No.  6,  A.  F.  of  L. 

Nathan  Green. 

Gardner  Jackson,  Labor's  Non-Partisan  League. 

Manning  Johnson,  Business  Agent,  Cafeteria  Employees'  Union,  A.  F.  of  L_ 

Other  speakers  to  be  announced. 

PANEL    IV — "ORGANIZING    OUR    NEIGHBORHOODS    FOR    DEMOCRATIC    ACTIox" 

1.  Actual  experiences  of  violations  of  civil  liberties  in  neighborhoods. 

2.  Pending  Legislation  against  Civil  Liberties. 

3.  What  the  Neighborhoods  are  accomplishing.     Legislative  conferences ;  citi- 
zens' rights  groups  ;  neighborhood  papers  ;  the  financing  of  neighborhood  groups. 

4.  Practical  steps  to  be  taken  to  further  organization  in  the  neighborhoods. 

Chairman  of  Panel:  Dean  Ned  H.  Dearborn,  New  York  University. 
Panel  Speakers:  Hon.  Stanley  M.  Isaacs. 
Hon.  Vito  Marcantonio. 

Dr.  Leonard  Covello,  Principal,  Benjamin  Franklin  High   School. 
Thomas   E.   Stone,  Executive  Director,  New  York  City  Coordinating  Com- 
mittee for  Democratic  Action. 
Lester  Granger,  Secretary,  Committee  on  Negro  Welfare,  Welfare  Council 
of  New  York. 

PANEL    V — -"EDUCATION    AS    BASIS    FOR    TOLERANCE    AND    DEMOCRACY" 

1.  Personal  Experiences  Dealing  with  : 

a.  Minority  Discrimination  in  Our  Schools. 

b.  Student  Organization  and  Relations. 

c.  Faculty  Organization  and  Relation. 

2.  Education  and  Propaganda. 

3.  Legislative  Threats  to  Our  Educational  System. 

4.  What  Has  Been  Done  to  Counteract  Antidemocratic  Tendencies  in  the  Field 
of  Education. 

5.  Practical  Steps  That  Must  Be  Taken  To  Preserve  Academic  Freedom. 
Chairman  of  Panel :  Professor  Walter  Rautenstrauch,  Columbia  University. 
Panel  Speakers:  Dr.  Charles  H.  Fisher,  former  president,  Western  Washington 

College  of  Education. 

Dr.  Benjamin  Harrow,  College  of  the  City  of  New  York. 

Prof.  Robert  K.  Speer,  New  York  University. 

Dr.  Bella  V.  Dodd,  Legislative  Representative,  New  York,  State  Federation 

of  Teachers'  Union. 
William  A.  Hamm.  Asst.  Superintendent  of  Schools. 
Prof.  Doxey  R.  AVilkerson,  Howard  University. 

This  program,  containing  the  names  of  the  speakers,  is  a  supplement  to  the 
original  Call  to  the  ('(inference  issued  January  .".  1940,  Those  organizations 
which  have  not  as  yet  signified  their  intention  of  sending  delegates,  are  urged 
to  do  so,  by  filling  out  and  mailing  without  delay  the  Application  for  Credential 
printed  below.  , 

Discussion  will  be  limited  to  domestic  problems  related  to  civil  rights,  minority, 
and  neighborhood  relations  and  to  antidemocratic  Legislation,  with  special 
emphasis  upon  these  problems  in  New  York  City. 

The  main  purpose  of  the  discussion  in  each  Panel  will  be  to  determine  the 
besi  and  most  fruitful  methods  of  coping  with  the  dangers  threatening  the  civil 
rights  and  security  of  citizens  in  their  neighborhoods  and  in  the  legislative  as- 
semblies of  the  state  and  nation,  and  what  program  of  action  can  he  developed 
by  churches,  schools,  labor  unions,  settlements,  fraternal  orders  and  other  organi- 
zations to  meet  these  threats. 

No  resolutions  will  be  entertained  by  the  chairmen  of  the  panels  or  of  the  gen- 
eral meetings. 

Before  adjournment  of  the  panel  meetings  the  delegates  in  each  panel  will 
nominate  representatives  from  their  respective  panels  for  membership  on  the 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 


1503 


•Continuations  Committee,  which  will  he  empowered  by  the  Conference  to  devise 
means  of  continuing  the  work  of  the  Conference. 

Guest  tickets  are  available  for  interested  individuals.     The  charge  for  these 
tickets  is  $1. 

Application  for  Credential 

greater  new  york  emergency  conference  on  inalienable  rights 


2  West  43rd  Street,  Room  50S,  New  York  City 


PEnnsylvania  6-7948 


Name  or  Organization- 
Address  

Number  of  members — 


Our  organization  will  cooperate  with  the  Greater  New  York  Emergency 
Conference  on  Inalienable  Rights  through  (check  participation  desired). 

1.  Organizational  sponsorship  and  participation. 

2.  Organizational  participation  not  involving  sponsorship. 

3.  Individual  observer. 


We  shall  be  represented  by  the  following  delegates  or  observers.  (An  or- 
ganization may  signify  immediately  its  desire  to  sponsor  or  participate, 
and  later  register  the  names  of  its  delegates  or  observers.) 

Name  of  Delegate  or  Observer 

Address City 

Name  of  Delegate  or  Observer 

Address City 


Registration  Fee  :  $1  per  delegate  or  observer,  with  the  exception  of  youth  groups 

which  will  be  charged  $.50 


(Signed) 


Name. 
Office- 


Each  organization  is  entitled  to  two  delegates  or  to  two  observers. 
Contributions  for  the  support  of  this  conference  are  cordially  invited. 

Greater  New  York  Emergency  Conference  on  Inalienable  Rights 


EXECUTIVE    COMMITTEE 

Robert  W.  Searle, 

Chairman 
Algernon  D.  Black 

Vice  Chairman 
Jean  Bowie, 

Vice  Chairman 
Bertha  J.  Foss, 

Vice  Chairman 
Robert  K.  Strauss, 

Vice  Chairman 
Paul  Frankfurter, 

Treasurer 
Thomas  E.  Stone, 

Secretary 
Samuel  L.  M.  Barlow 
Dr.  Leonard  Covello 
Prof.  Richard  T.  Cox 
Rosalie  Manning 
Dr.  Charles  Obermeyer 
Jeanne  Ratner 
Charles  I.  Stewart 


GENERAL  COMMITTEE 

Rabbi  J.  X.  Cohen 
Ambrose  Doskow 
Mary  Dublin 
Mabel  Brown  Ellis 
Christopher  T.  Emmet 
Samuel  S.  Fishzohn 
Osmond  K.  Fraenkel 
Winifred  Frazier 
Rabbi  Sidney  Goldstein 
Gilbert  M.  Haas 
Helen  Hall 
Elizabeth  Hawley 
Joan  Hellinger 
Hon.  Stanley  M.  Isaacs 
Prof.  William  Kil- 

patrick 
Erwin  H.  Klaus 
Charles  E.  Lane 
Dr.  Gerald  F.  Machacek 
Polly  Obermeyer 
Margaret  Parry 


GENERAL  COMMITTEE COn. 

Elizabeth  Peel 
Rev.  A.  Clayton  Powell 
Jean  Reichard 
Alary  Sinikhovitch 
Jr.     Mis.  A.  H.  Vixrnan 
Dr.  Daniel  Walsh 

SPONSORS 

Dorothy  Andrews 
Luigi  Antonini 
Dr.  Robert  W.  Ashworth 
Margaret  Culkin  Banning 
George  Gordon  Battle 
Hon.  Charles  Belous 
Samuel  M.  Blinken 
Van  Wyck  Brooks 
Elmer  Brown 
William  M.  Callahan 
James  B.  Carey 
Hon.  Emanuel  Celler 


1504 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 


sponsors — continued 

Rev.  Allan  Knight 

Chalmers 
Dr.  Emanuel  Chapman 
Rev.  Everett  R.  Clinchy 
Rev.  F.  A.  Cullen 
Dean  Ned  H.  Dearborn 
Hon.  Samuel  Dickstein 
Dr.  John  L.  Elliott 
Dr.  Phillips  I'.  Elliott 
Dr.  Haven  Emerson 
Dr.  Henry  Pratt  Fairchild 
M.  I.  Finkelstein 
Pr<  f.  John  A.  Fitch 
Rev.  George  B.  Ford 
Rev.  Harry  Emerson 

Fosdiek 
Ben  Golden 
Rabbi  Herbert  S. 

Goldstein 
Prof.  Samuel  L.  Hamilton 
Rev.  Ladislas  Harsanyi 
Dr.  diaries  J.  Hendley 
T.  Arnold  Hill 
Rev.  John  Haynes  Holmes 
Jean  Horie 
Rev.  Amos  Horlacher 
Rev.  William  Lloyd  Imes 
Dr.  Alvin  Johnson 
Mrs.  Ely  Jacques  Kahn 


sponsors — continued 

Dr.  Horace  V.  Kallen 
Milton  Kaufman 
Paul  Kellngu 
Hon.  Dorothy  Kenyon 
Hon.  Paul  J.  Kern 
Freda  Kirchwey 
Prof.  Philip  Klein 
Hon.  Anna  M.  Kross 
Mrs.  C.  D.  Kyle 
Rev.  John  Howland 

Lathrop 
Richard  W.  Lawrence 
Abraham  Lefkowitz 
Rev.  Henry  Smith  Leiper 
Emil  Lengyel 
Dr.  Eduard  C.  Lindeman 
Harold  H.  Lund 
Rev.  George  Maier 
Sydney  Maslen 
Emmet  May 
Hon.  Vito  Marcantonio 
Dr.  Rafael  Angel  Marin 
Lewis  Merrill 
Rev.  J.  N.  Moody 
Hon.  Newbold  Morris 
Mrs.  Alexander  Mossman 
Walter  Mueller 
Prof.  Gardner  Murphy 
Hon.  James  E.  Murray 


sponsors — continued 

Dr.  Alonzo  Myers 
Dr.  Henry  Newman 
Hon.  Nathan  D.  Perlman 
William  Pickens 
Hon.  Justine  Wise  Polier 
Hon.  Almerindo  Portfolio 
A.  Philip  Randolph 
Frederick  L.  Rederfer 
Rev.  Herman  F.  Reissig 
Mrs.  Robert  V.  Russell 
Mgr.  John  A.  Ryan,  D.  D. 
Otto  Sattler 
Rose  Schneiderman 
Dr.  Guy  Emery  Shipler 
Rev.  H.  Norman  Sibley 
Samuel  S.  Solender 
Prof.  Robert  K.  Speer 
L.  Elizabeth  Spofford 
Rev.  Wm.  B.  Spofford 
Vilhjalmur  Stefansson 
Maxwell  S.  Stewart 
Katherine  Terrill 
Eva  Terry 

Prof.  Harold  C.  Urey 
Walter  White 
James  Waterman  Wise 
Prof.  Mary  E.  Woolley 
Rev.  Benjamin  F.  Wyland 


Exhibit  No.  15 

[From  the  New  York  Times,  Tuesday,  January  31,  1939.     Advertisement] 

An  Open  Letter  to  the  Government  and  People  of  the  United  States 

While  you  read  this  message,  a  major  human  tragedy  is  taking  place.  A 
question  of  the  greatest  importance  to  our  country  and  to  the  entire  world  is 
being  decided. 

A  brave  nation  is  fighting  against  terrible  odds,  not  only  for  its  own  inde- 
pendence and  freedom,  but  for  the  very  life  of  democracy  everywhere. 

The  whole  world  knows  now  that  the  "Franco  Revolt"  is  in  reality  an  inva- 
sion. Hitler  and  Mussolini  are  bent  on  destroying  the  Spanish  Republic,  and 
with  its  destruction  gaining  vastly  increased  power  in  the  campaign  against  the 
democracies.  They  have  set  out  to  replace  a  hopeful  young  republic  with  a  dic- 
tatorship patterned  on  the  Nazi  and  Fascist  models.  In  the  Italian  and  German 
press  the  full  of  Barcelona  was  hailed  as  a  "great  victory." 

With  indescribable  brutality  and  complete  disregard  for  world  opinion,  they 
have  warred  against  l*>tli  the  armies  and  the  women  and  children  of  Spain.  It 
is  clear  that  they  intend  to  use  Spain  as  a  means  of  crippling  French  and  British 
democracy,  and  as  a  powerful  springboard  to  South  and  Central  America,  where 
their  agents  have  for  years  been  busy  spreading  propaganda  against  d  smocracy 
and  for  fascism. 

If  Franco,  Hitler  and  Mussolini  win  in  Spain,  the  fascist  penetration  of  the 
Western  Hemisphere  will  he  immensely  strengthened.  This  will  mean  a  greatly 
increased  defense  problem   for  the  United  States. 

It  must  not  be  allowed  to  happen!  Democracy  cannot  permit  unending  ag- 
gression against  it.  "Appeasement"  has  failed.  (Tuna.  Ethiopia,  Austria, 
Czechoslovakia,   Spain   witness  its  failure. 

What  can  our  country  do?  The  American  people  want  peace.  They  abhor 
aggression  and  warring  dictatorships.  They  are  committed  to  the  democratic 
way  of  life. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 


1505 


The  hard  fact  is  that  by  our  embargo  against  Spain  we  are  giving  aid  to  Hitler 
and  Mussolini  and  nil  they  stand  for.  Our  embargo  is  helping  to  destroy  a 
republic  which  stands  as  a  powerful  bulwark  against  the  fascist  plans.  If 
that    republic  is  destroyed,  much  of  the  responsibility   will   be  ours. 

The  signers  of  this  letter  believe  that  Mr.  Henry  L.  Stimson,  former  U'nited 
States  Secretary  of  State,  is  right  when  he  says: 

-II'  this  Loyalist  Government  is  overthrown,  it  is  evident  that  its  defeat  will 
be  solely  due  to  the  tact  that  it  has  been  deprived  of  its  right  to  buy  from  us 
and    other    friendly    nations    the    munitions    necessary    for    its    defense." 

To  the  plea  that  the  United  States  must  remain  neutral,  we  can  only  reply 
that  an  embargo  which  permits  aid  to  aggressors  and  denies  it  to  the  victim  is 
flagrantly  unneutral.  In  the  words  of  President  Roosevelt  to  the  76th  Congress, 
"we  have  learned  that  when  we  deliberately  try  to  legislate  neutrality,  our 
neutrality  laws  may  operate  unevenly  and  unfairly — may  actually  give  aid  to 
the  aggressor  and  deny  it  to  the  victim."  A  policy  which  places  a  friendly,  rec- 
ognized, democratically-elected  government  on  the  same  plane  with  the  foreign- 
aided  insurrectionist  cannot,  by  any  canon  of  law  or  tradition,  be  called  neu- 
trality. The  embargo,  as  our  most  distinguished  lawyers  and  historians  have 
insisted,  is  a  clear  violation  of  international  law. 

We  submit  to  our  fellow  Americans  and  to  our  government  that  every  obli- 
gation of  peace,  of  freedom,  of  justice,  of  self-interest,  calls  upon  us  to: 

LIFT   THE    EMBARGO WITHOUT   DELAY 

It  is  not  ton  late.  The  Spanish  Republic  still  lives.  Its  people,  who  still  con- 
trol Central  Spain  with  Valencia  and  iron-willed  Madrid,  have  no  intention  of 
surrendering.  A  simple  act  of  justice  on  the  part  of  The  United  States  of 
America  can  still  turn  the  tide  in  favor  of  democracy. 

We  who  have  signed  this  letter  want  to  hear  the  cheer  of  hope  and  new 
courage  that  will  go  up  in  every  land,  including  our  own,  when  the  word  goes 
out  that  The  United  States  has  lifted  the  embargo  against  Spain. 

American  public  opinion  has  given  our  government  a  clear  mandate  to  act. 
More  than  7<i  per  cent  of  public  opinion,  according  to  the  Gallup  poll,  supports 
the  Spanish  Republic. 

In  the  name  of  American  fair  play  and  of  all  our  best  traditions — 

In  the  name  of  world  peace  and  of  democracy — 

LIFT  THE  EMBARGO NOW 

(Signed)  Ernest  Sutherland  Bates,  Robert  Benchley,  Mare  Blitzstein, 
Franz  Boas,  Mrs.  Louis  D.  Brandeis,  Louis  Bromfield,  Van  Wyck 
Brooks,  Matthew  J.  Burns,  Henry  Seidel  Canby,  Walter  B. 
Cannon,  M.  D..  Carrie  Chapman  Catt,  Albert  Sprague  Coolidge, 
William  E.  Dodd,  Sherwood  Eddy,  Edna  Ferber,  Christian  Gauss, 
Roswell  G.  Ham,  Dashiell  Hammett,  Henry  T.  Hunt,  Edward  L. 
Israel,  Paul  Kellogg,  Rockwell  Kent,  John  A.  Kingsbury,  Emil 
Lengyel,  Oscar  E.  Maurer,  Edna  St.  Vincent  Millay,  Henry  Mor- 
genthau,  William  Allen  Neilson,  Marion  Edwards  Park,  Dorothy 
Parker,  Charles  Edward  Russell,  Alfred  K.  Stern,  Paul  H.  Todd, 
Harold  C.  Urey,  Mary  E.  Wolley. 


THESE    EMINENT    AMERICANS    HAVE    L'RGED    THAT    THE    SPANISH    EMBARGO    BE    LIFTED 

Bishop  Julius  W.  Atwood      Rev.  Francis  J.  McConnell    Mary  K.  Simkhovitch 
Rev.  W.  Russell  Bowie       Bishop    Edward    L.    Par-    Judge  Milton  E.  Gibbs 


Bishop    Chauncey    B. 

Brewster 
Rev.  Hugh  Elmer  Brown 
Eev.  Raymond  Calkins 
Bishop  Ralph  S.  Cushman 
Bishon  Charles  K.  Gilbert 
Rev.  Charles  W.  Gilkey 
Rev.  William  E.  Gilroy 
Rev.  L.  O.  Hartman 
Rev.  Ivan  Lee  Holt 
Rev.  Moses  R.  Lovett 
Rev.  Halford  E.  Luccock 


sons 
Rev.  Harold  C.  Phillips 
Rev.  Daniel  A.  Poling 
Rev.  Julius  S.  Seebach 
Rabbi  Stephen  S.  Wise 
Helen  Hall 
Linton  B.  Swift 
Helen  M.  Harris 
Elsie  Voorhees  Jones 
Jessie  Binford 
Owen  R.  Lovejoy 
Mary  Van  Kleeck 


Judge  Robert  W.  Kenny 
Judge  Arthur  Le  Sueur 
Justice  Justine  Wise  Pol- 
ler 
Justice  James  H.  Wolfe 
Hon.  Charles  Belous 
Hon.  Smith  W.  Brookhart 
Prof.  Leslie  H.  Buckler 
Prof.  Michael  N.  Chanalls 
Hon.  Stanley  M.  Isaacs 
Hon.  Paul  J.  Kern 
Hon.  Nathan  R.  Margold 


1506 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 


THESE  EMINENT  AMERICANS  HAVE  URGED  THAT  THE  SPANISH  EMBARGO  BE  LIFTED COI1. 


Arthur  Garfield  Hays 
Dorothy  Kenyon 
Louis  F.   MeCabe 
Harold  Riegelman 
Frank  P.  Walsh 
Dean  Francis  M.  Shea 
Natalie  Bodanya 
John  Alden  Carpenter 
Elizabeth  Sprague  Cool- 

idge 
Walter  Damrosch 
Olin  Downes 
Jessica  Dragonette 
Rosina  Lhevinne 
Josef  Lhevinne 
Yehudi  Menuhin 
Alexander  Smallens 
Sigmund  Spaeth 


Lawrence  Tibbett 
Efrem  Zimbalist 
Ernest  Hemingway 
Theodore  Dreiser 
William  Rose  Benet 
Margaret  Culkin  Banning 
Countee  Cullen 
R.  L.  Duffus 

Dorothy  Canfield  Fischer 
Alfred  Kreymborg 
Upton  Sinclair 
John  Steinbeck 
Louis  Adamic 
Harry  Elmer  Barnes 
Charles  A.  Beard 
Sherwood  Anderson 
Franklin  P.  Adams 
Maxwell  Anderson 


Brooks  Atkinson 
Stephen  Vincent  Benet 
Pearl  S.  Buck 
Vincent  Sheean 
Dorothv  Thompson 
Robert  C.  Clothier 
Ada  L.  Comstoek 
Henry  Pratt  Fairchild 
Vida  D.  Scudder 
Harold  G.  Urey 
Hairy  F.  Ward 
Henry  L.  Stimson 
Margaret  Bourke-White 
George  Biddle 
Lewis  Mumford 
John  Dewey 
Daniel  L.  Marsh 
A.  F.  Whitney 


THEY  SWEPT  BACK  NAPOLEON  i 


THE  INVADERS  OF  1939  WILL  FOLLOW — IF  THE  EMBARGO 
IS  LIFTED 


ACT  NOW  !   CUT  OUT  THIS   COUPON 


Capitol,  Washington,  D.  G. 
Joining  with  millions  of  other  Americans  of  all  political  and  religious  faith,  I 
urgently  request  that  the  Embargo  against  Republican  Spain  be  lifted  now  so 
that  world  peace  and  democracy  may  be  preserved.    • 

Name 

Street  Address 

City State 

Fill  in  name  of  your  Senator  or  Representative  and  mail  to  Brig.  Gen.  H.  C.  Newcomer, 
chairman,  Washington  Committee  to  Lift  Spanish  Embargo,  room  100,  1410  M.  Street  NW., 
Washington,  D.  C. 


Hon.    Paul    J.    Kern,    chair- 
man :  Honorary  vice  chair- 
men :  Hon.  Henry  T.  Hunt, 
Washington,  D.  C.  ;  Judge 
Robert     W.     Kenny,     Los 
Angeles :     Prof.     Malcolm 
Sharp,   University   of   Chi- 
cago. 
Leo  J.  Linder,  vice  chairman  ; 
Prof.     Herman     A.     Gray, 
treasurer;     Charles     Rab- 
bins, secretary. 
St.  Clair  Adams,  New  Orleans 
Spencer   Austrian, 

Los  Angeles 
S.  John  Block,  New  York 
George  K.  Bowden,  Chicago 
Louis  B.  Boudin,  New  York 
.lames   L.   Brewer.    Rochester 
Maurice  C.  Brigadier, 

Jersey  City 
Bon.    Smith    W.   Brookhart, 

Washington,  D.  C. 
Prof.  Leslie  H.  Buckler, 
University  of  Virginia 
Prof.    Michael    N.    Chandlis, 

University    of    Newark 
Russell  N.   Chase,  Cleveland 
Dr.  Felix  S.  Cohen, 

Washington,  D.  C. 
Prof.  Morris  K.  Cohen, 

New  York 
W.  A.  Combs,  Houston 
Paul  Coughlin,  Seattle 
Hon.  Maurice  P.  Davidson, 
New  York 


Exhibit  No.  16 

John  P.  Davis, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

Hon.  Hubert  T.  Delaney, 

New  York 
John  D.  Denison.  Des  Moines 
Richard  A.  Dowling, 

New  Orleans 
Osmond  K.  Freenkel, 

New  York 
Walter  Frank,  New  York 
Leo  Gallagher, 

Los  Angeles 
Irwin  Geiger, 

Washington.  D.  C. 
Max  Golina,  Milwaukee 
Judge  Milton  E.  Gibbs, 

Rochester 
Hon.    Jonah   J.   Goldstein, 

New  York 
Irvin   Goodman,  Portland 
Dean  Leon  Green, 

Northwestern  University 
Arthur  J.  Harvey,  Albany 
Prof.  II.  C.  Havighurst, 

Xort  hwestern   lTni  versify 
Arthur  Garfield  Hays. 

New  York 
Charles  II.  Houston, 

New  Yoik- 
Prof.   Samuel  Guy  Inman, 

New   Yoik 
Hon.  Stanley  M.  Isaacs, 

New  York 
Dorothy  Kenyon,  New  York 
Judge      Arthur      Le      Sueur, 

Minneapolis 


Mark  M.  Litchman, 

Seattle 
Hon.    Vito  Marcantonio, 

New  York 
Hon.  Nathan  R.  Margold, 

Washington,  D.  C. 
Louis  F.  MeCabe, 

Philadelphia 
Carey  McWilliams, 

Los  Angeles 
Kenneth   Meiklejohn, 

Washington,  D.  C. 
Samuel  D.  Menin,  Denver 
Darwin   J.   Mesorole, 

New  York 
Prof.  William  E.  Mikell, 

Philadelphia 
Earl  E.   .Miller.  Dallas 
Hon.  Patrick  H.  O'Brien, 

Detroit 
Hon.  Lsaac  Pacht, 

Los  Angeles 
Hon.  J.  Stuart  Page, 

Rochester 
Nathaniel  Phillips, 

New   York 
Justice   Justine   Wise   Polier, 

Xew  York 
Walter  H.  l'ollak,  New  York 

I Pressman,  Pittsburgh 

Prof.   Leon   A.   Ransom, 

Howard  University 
S.  Roy  Remar,  Boston 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  LMPLOYLE   LOYALTY    INVESTIGATION 


1507 


Harold  Riegelman, 

New  Xorl 
Mortimer  Riemer, 

Washington,  1).  C. 
Hon.  Lester  Wm.  Roth, 

Los  Angeles 
Harry   Sacher, 

New  York 


Exhibit  No.  10 — Continued 

Robert  .1.  Silberstein, 

.\c\v  Sork 
s.  Khan  Spiegel, 

Philadelphia 
Harold  Strauch,  Hartford 
Prof.     Wesley     A.     Sturges, 

Yale  University 
Maurice  Sugar,  Detroit 

(Partial   list  ) 


A.    Ovrum    Tapper,    Chicago 
Dean    William   Taylor, 

Howard   University 
Clare  Warne,  Los  Angeles 
Ruth    Weyand,    Chicago 
Carlo  Whitehead,  l  >enver 

.1  list  ice  .lames   1 1.  Wolfe, 
Salt    Lake  City 


Lawyers  Committee  on  American  Relations  With  Spain 

150  Broadway 

NEW  YORK,  N.  Y. 
REctor  2-S762 

March  5, 1938. 
A.  Marx  Levien,  Esq., 

21  E.  40th  St.,  New  York  City. 
Dear  Sir:  We  send  you  a  Petition  and  Memorandum  of  Law  on  the  Embargo 
against  Spain. 

The  eminent  members  of  the  bar  and  teachers  of  law  who  sponsor  and  endorse 
the  Petition  and  Memorandum  firmly  believe  that  the  Embargo  is  legally  un- 
tenable and  that  it  constitutes  a  violation  of  fundamental  principles  of  interna- 
tional law  and  an  abandonment  and  reversal  of  traditional  foreign  policy  of  the 
United  States. 

We  urge  you  to  join  with  us  in  requesting  the  reconsideration  by  the  President 
and  the  Congress  of  the  policy  of  our  government  towards  the  republican  govern- 
ment of  Spain. 

We  invite  you  to  sign  the  Petition  and  secure  the  signatures  of  your  colleagues 
and  friends  in  the  profession.    The  matter  is  urgent  and  the  prompt  return  of  the 
enclosed  petition,  duly  signed,  is  earnestly  requested. 
Respectfully  yours, 

Paul  J.  Kern,  Chairman. 


Exhibit  No.  17 


Seventy    organizations- 


Chairman  : 

Susan  Jenkins 
Vice  Chairmen  : 

Meyer  Perednock 

Winnifred  Freeler 

Rose  Nelson 
Secretary  : 

Gladys  Holland 
Treasurer  : 

Gertrude  R.  Prince 
Executive  Secretary  : 

Alice  R.  Collet 
Executive  Committee  : 

Jack  Berbach 

Dr.  George  Bersky 

Annie  S.  Bromley 


-settlement    houses,    consumers    cooperatives,    trade-unions,    and 
others — sponsor  the  committee 


Sadie  Cohen 
George  Wegmen  Fish 
Mildred  Gutullig 
Joseph  Gross 
Helen  Hall 
Isadore  Kerr 
Rudolph  Kirwen 
Felice  Lourie 
Dr.  Mary  Meekler 
B.  P.  McLaurin 
Plingerold  Phillips 
Jesse  Raphael 
Jessie  Seator 
Harold  Wettenberg 
Marion  Wood 


Advisory  Board  : 
Ruth  Beinduo 
Morris  L.  Ernst 
Dr.  Lewis  L.  Harris 
Arthur  Keller 
Dorothy  Kenyon 
Paul  J.  Kern 
Dr.  John  A.  Kingsbury 
Henry  W.  Laidler 
Dr.  Charles  A.  Merkes 
Frank  Olmstead 
Peggy  Packard 
A.  Philip  Randolph 
Bernard  Reis 
Rose  Schneiderman 
Mary  K.  Shilberlich 


Milk  Consumers  Protective  Committee 

Founded  by  Dr.  Caroline  Whitney 

An  Organization  to  Represent  Consumer  Interests 

215  Fourth  Avenue 

GRamercy  5-4066 

Chairman,  Caroline  Whitney  Memorial  Fund  :  Elinor  Merrell 

April  23, 1940. 
Hon.  John  J.  Dempset, 

Special  Committee  to  Investigate  Un-American  Activities, 
House  Office  Building,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Dear  Sir:  As  chairman  of  the  Milk  Consumers  Protective  Committee,  I  was 
one  of  those  consulted  by  Consumers  Union  in  their  preparation  of  a  letter  and 
statement  which  they  recently  sent  to  you  asking  for  a  thorough  investigation 


1508  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

by  your  committee  of  the  circumstances  surrounding  the  preparation  and  release 
of  the  report  on  "Communist  Work  in  Consumer  Organizations." 

The  facts  and  questionable  circumstances  indicating  a  conspiratorial  relation- 
ship between  your  committee's  special  investigator  and  an  officer  of  Hearst's 
Magazines.  Inc..  are  indeed,  shocking.  I  urge  that  you  make  a  thorough  investi- 
gation of  these  disclosures.  I  do  so  not  only  as  chairman  of  one  of  the  organiza- 
tions attacked  in  the  report,  but  also  as  a  citizen.  Such  unorthodox  procedure 
on  the  part  of  a  government  body  is  contrary  to  our  democratic  traditions. 
Respectfully, 

Ashe  Ingersoll,  Chairman. 

AI:  RS. 


Exhibit  No.  18 
Statement  of  Senator  McCarthy  ox  Haldore  Hansox 

The  next  case  is  that  of  Haldore  Hanson. 

This  man  occupies  one  of  the  most  strategically  important  offices  in  the  entire 
State  Department. 

It  is  my  understanding  that  he  joined  the  Department  of  State  in  February 
1942,  and  is  recognized  in  the  Department  as  a  specialist  and  expert  on  Chinese 
Affairs. 

Hanson,  now  Executive  Director  of  the  Secretariat  of  the  Inter-Departmental 
Committee  on  Scientific  and  Cultural  Cooperation,  will  head  up  a  Technical  Co- 
operation Projects  Staff  of  the  new  Point  4  Program  for  aid  to  under  developed 
areas  which  will  have  charge  of  the  expenditures  of  hundreds  of  millions  of  dol- 
lars of  our  taxpayers'  money  over  all  the  world.  ( Source :  Department  of  State 
Departmental  Announcements  41,  dated  February  21,  1950.) 

The  pro-Communist  proclivities  of  Mr.  Hanson  go  back  to  September  1938. 

Hanson  was  a  contributor  to  Pacific  Affairs,  the  official  publication  of  the 
Institute  of  Pacific  Relations,  whose  staff  was  headed  by  millionaire  Frederick 
Vanderbilt  Field,  an  admitted  Communist.  Field  has  devoted  bis  entire  fortune 
to  the  Communist  cause. 

It  is  important  that  the  committee  keep  in  mind  that  Mr.  Hanson  also  wrote 
for  the  magazine  Amerasia,  of  which  Philip  Jacob  Jaffe  was  managing  editor. 

Jaffe  was  arrested,  indicted,  and  found  guilty  of  having  been  in  illegal  posses- 
sion of  several  hundred  secret  documents  from  the  State,  Navy,  War,  and  other 
Government  Department  files. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  before  me  a  document  entitled  "Department  of  State, 
Departmental  Announcement  41."  The  heading  is  "Establishment  of  the  Interim 
Office  for  Technical  Cooperation  and  Development."  Then  in  parenthesis,  by  way 
of  explanation  of  this  rather  high-sounding  name,  we  find  "Point  Four  Program." 

The  first  paragraph  of  the  order  reads  as  follows  : 

"1.  Effective  immediately  there  is  established  under  the  direction  of  the  As- 
sistant Secretary  for  Economic  Affairs  of  the  Interim  Office  for  Technical  Co- 
operation and  Development  (TCD)." 

On  page  4  we  find  that  the  chief  of  this  Technical  Cooperations  Project  Staff 
is  one  Haldore  Hanson. 

Paragraph  2  on  Page  1  sets  forth  the  following  responsibilities  of  Hanson's 
division : 

"The  Interim  Office  ,is  assigned  general  responsibility  within  the  Department 
for  (a)  securing  effective  administration  of  programs  involving  technical  as- 
sistance to  economically  underdeveloped  areas  and  (h)  directing  the  planning 
in  preparation  for  the  Technical  Cooperation  and  Economic  Development  (Point 
Four)  Program.  In  carrying  out  its  responsibilities  the  Interim  Office  will  rely 
upon  the  regional  bureaus,  Bureau  of  United  Nations  Affairs,  and  other  compo- 
nents of  Economic  Affairs  area  for  participation  in  the  technical  assistance  pro- 
grams as  specified  below,  and  upon  the  central  administrative  offices  of  the  Ad- 
ministrative area  for  the  performance  of  service  functions." 

From  this  it  would  appear  that  his  division  will  have  a  tremendous  amount  of 
power  and  control  over  the  hundreds  of  millions  or  billions  of  dollars  which  the 
President  proposes  to  spend  under  his  Point  Four  Program,  or  what  he  has 
referred  to  as  the  "Bold  New  Plan." 

Hanson's  appointment  is  not  made  b.\  the  President,  hut  by  the  State  Depart- 
ment and  is  not  subject  to  any  Senate  confirmation.     Therefore,  it  would  seem 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1509 

rather  Important  to  examine  the  background  and  the  philosophy  of  this  young 
man. 

The  State  Department  Biographical  Register  gives  what  would  on  its  face 
seem  to  be  a  chronological  story  of  an  increasingly  successful  young  man.  It 
shows  that  he  graduated  from  college,  for  example,  in  1934  at  the  age  of  22;  that 
he  was  a  teacher  in  Chinese  colleges  from  1934  to  1937;  and  then  a  press  cor- 
respondent in  China  from  1936  to  1939;  a  staff  writer  from  1938  to  1942;  then 
in  1942  he  got  a  job  in  the  State  Department  at  $4,600  a  year ;  that  in  1944  he  was 
listed  as  a  specialist  in  Chinese  affairs  at  $5,600;  that  in  1945  he  was  made  Ex- 
ecutive Assistant  to  the  Assistant  Secretary  of  State  at  $6,50U ;  that  in  May  of 
1948  he  was  made  assistant  chief  of  the  area  division  number  3;  that  on  June  28, 
1948,  he  was  made  acting  chief  for  the  Far  Eastern  Area,  Public  Affairs  Over- 
seas Program  Staff;  that  on  November  14,  1948,  he  was  made  Executive  Director 
of  the  Secretariat  of  the  Inter-Departmental  Committee  on  Scientific  and  Cul- 
tural Cooperation.  There  is  certainly  nothing  unusual  about  this  biography. 
Nothing  there  to  indicate  that  this  man  might  be  dangerous  in  the  State  Depart- 
ment as  Chief  for  the  Far  Eastern  Area  Public  Affairs,  Overseas  Program  Staff, 
during  a  time  when  the  Communists  were  taking  over  China.  However,  much  is 
left  out  of  this  biography.  It  does  not  show,  for  example,  that  this  young  man 
was  running  a  Communist  magazine  in  Peiping  when  the  Japanese-Chinese  war 
broke  out.  It  does  not  show,  for  example,  that  he  spent  several  years  with  the 
Communist  armies  in  China,  writing  stories  and  taking  pictures  which  the 
Chinese  Communists  helped  him  smuggle  out  of  the  country.  Nor  does  this 
biography  show  that  this  man,  after  his  return  from  China,  wrote  a  book — a  book 
which  sets  forth  his  pro-Communist  answer  to  the  problems  of  Asiz  as  clearly 
as  Hitler's  Mein  Kampf  set  forth  his  solutions  for  the  problems  of  Europe. 

Nothing  that  he  has  said  or  done  since  would  indicate  that  he  repudiates 
a  single  line  of  that  book. 

This  man  clearly  believes  that  the  Communists  in  China  stand  for  everything 
that  is  great  and  good.  His  is  not  the  picture  of  a  mercenary  trying  to  sell  his 
country  out  for  thirty  pieces  of  silver.  In  reading  his  book,  you  are  impressed 
with  the  fact  that  he  firmly  believes  the  Communist  leaders  in  China  are  great 
and  good  men  and  that  all  of  Asia  would  benefit  by  being  communized. 

Take,  for  example,  what  he  had  to  say  about  Mao  Tse-tung,  the  head  of  the 
Communist  Party  at  that  time  and  now  the  Communist  ruler  of  China,  and  Chu 
Teh,  commander  in  chief  of  the  8th  Route  Communist  Army,  and  according  to 
Life  magazine  of  January  23,  1950,  Number  Two  man  in  prestige  to  Mao  Tse- 
Tung. 

In  Chapter  23,  entitled  "Political  Utopia  on  Mt.  Wut'Ai",  in  describing  a  meet- 
ing with  an  American  Major  Carlson,  here  is  what  he  had  to  say  : 

"We  stayed  up  till  midnight  exchanging  notes  on  guerrilla  armies,  the  farm 
unions,  and  the  progress  of  the  war.  I  was  particularly  interested  in  the  Com- 
munist leaders  whom  Carlson  had  just  visited  and  whom  I  was  about  to  meet. 
Mao  Tze-Tung,  the  head  of  the  Communist  Party,  Carlson  characterized  as  'the 
most  selfless  man  I  ever  met,  a  social  dreamer,  a  genius  living  fifty  years  ahead 
of  his  time.'  And  Chu  Teh,  commander  in  chief  of  the  8th  Route  Army  was  'the 
prince  of  generals,  a  man  with  the  humility  of  Lincoln,  the  tenacity  of  Grant, 
and  the  kindliness  of  Robert  E.  Lee.'  " 

For  a  man  slated  a  chief  of  the  bureau  which  may  have  the  job  of  spending 
hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars  throughout  the  world  this  indicates,  to  say  the 
least,  a  disturbing  amount  of  hero  worship  for  the  number  one  and  number  two 
Communist  leaders  in  the  Far  East  today. 

On  page  349,  he  condemns  the  right  wing  groups  in  the  Chinese  Government 
for  "fighting  against  the  Democratic  revolution  as  proposed  by  Mao  Tse  Tung 
and  the  Communists." 

On  the  same  page  he  points  out  that  anti-Red  officials  within  the  government 
were  making  indirect  attacks  upon  the  Communists  and  that  "leaders  of  the 
Communist  youth  corps  were  arrested  by  military  officers  at  Hankow.  I  myself 
was  the  victim  of  one  of  these  incidents  and  found  that  local  officials  were 
the  instigators." 

From  Hanson's  book  it  appears  that  the  Nationalist  government  knew  of  his 
close  collaboration  with  the  Communist  Army.  For  example,  on  page  350,  we 
find  that  his  passport  was  seized  by  the  police  in  Sian  when  they  found  that 
he  was  traveling  from  Communist  guerrilla  territory  to  the  Communist  head- 
quarters. He  states  that  the  man  responsible  "for  this  illegal  action  was 
governor  Ching  Ting-Wen — one  of  the  most  rabid  anti-Red  officials  in  China. 
The  governor's  purpose  was  merely  to  suppress  news  about  the  Communists." 


1510  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

Before  quoting  further  from  this  book  written  hy  Mr.  Hanson,  it  might  be 
well  to  give  a  clearer  picture  of  the  job  which  Secretary  Acheson  has  picked 
out  for  him.  The  State  Department  document  lists  some  of  the  duties  of  his 
bureau  as  follows  : 

1.  Developing  over-all  policies  for  the  program. 

2.  Formulating  general  program  plans  and  issuing  planning  directives. 

3.  Coordinating  specific  program  plans  developed  by  the  regional  bureaus 
and  making  necessary  adjustments. 

4.  Approving  projects,  determining  action  agencies,  and  allocating  funds  for 
U.  S.  bilateral  programs. 

5.  Directing  negotiations  and  relationships  with  intergovernmental  agencies 
and  with  other  D.  S.  agencies  participating  in  the  coordinated  program  or  other- 
wise carrying  on  technical  assistance  activities. 

1.  Initiating  and  developing  plans  for  technical  assistance  programs  for  indi- 
vidual countries  or  groups  of  countries  within  their  respective  regions. 

2.  Reviewing  program  proposals  affecting  their  regions  which  originate  from 
any  other  source. 

.°>.  Negotiating  and  communicating  with  foreign  governments. 

4.  Directing  State  Department  personnel  assigned  abroad  to  coordinate  and 
give  administrative  and  program  support  to  bilateral  programs. 

5.  Continuously  evaluating  programs  and  projects  within  regions. 

6.  Proposing  program  changes. 

7.  Initiating  instructions  to  the  field  carrying  out  their  responsibilities  and 
reviewing  all  other  instructions  concerned  with  technical   assistance  programs. 

This  gives  you  some  idea  of  the  tremendous  powers  of  the  agency  in  which 
Mr.  Hanson  is  a  top  flight  official. 

Let  us  go  back  to  Hanson's  writings : 

All  thi-ough  the  hook  he  shows  that  not  only  did  he  have  complete  confidence 
in  the  Communist  leaders  but  that  they  also  had  complete  confidence  in  him. 
On  page  256  he  refers  to  how  Communist  generals  Nie  and  Lu  Chen-Tsao  acted 
as  his  couriers,  smuggling  packets  of  films  and  news  stories  for  him  with  the 
aid  of  Communist  guerrilla  spies  into  Peiping. 

In  this  connection  I  might  say  that  he  very  frankly  points  out  that  the  Com- 
munists do  not  tolerate  anyone  who  is  not  completely  on  their  side.  Hansom 
makes  it  very  clear  all  through  the  book  that  he  is  not  only  on  the  Communist  side, 
but  that  he  has  the  attitude  of  a  hero  worshiper  for  the  Chinese  Communist 
leaders. 

His  respect  and  liking  for  the  Communist  leaders  permeates  almost  every 
chapter  of  the  hook.  For  example,  on  page  284  and  page  285,  he  tells  about  how 
some  ragged  wail's  whom  he  had  gathered  into  his  sleeping  quarters  regarded 
Mao  Tse  Tung  and  Chu  Ted  as  "Gods."  He  then  goes  on  to  tell  about  their 
favorite  Communist  General,  Holung,  and  states  that  they  convinced  him  that 
Holung  was  a  very  extraordinary  man  whom  they  described  as  "big  as  a  Shan- 
tungese,  heavy  as  a  restaurant  cook  but  quick  as  a  cat  in  battle."  He  then  goes 
on  to  describe  on  page  285  how.  when  he  met  General  Holung,  he  found  him  to 
be  much  as  the  hero-worshipping  boys  had  described  him.  "He  is."  said  Hanson, 
"a  living  picture  of  Rhett  Butler  from  the  pages  of  Gone  With  the  Wind." 

This  praise  of  Chinese  Communist  leaders — goes  on  page  after  page.  On  page 
278,  he  describes  Communist  General  P'eng  as  the  most  rigid  disciplinarian  and 
"the  most  persistent  student  of  world  affairs." 

In  Chapter  26,  he  speaks  with  apparent  bated  breath  of  the  "Brain  Trust"  of 
Communisl  leaders  who  were  immortalized  by  Edgar  Snow  in  his  Red  star  Over 
China. 

On  page  295  in  referring  to  two  other  Communist  generals,  he  says:  "Should 
this  book  ever  fall  into  Communist  hands,  I  must  record  that  those  two  lonely 
men  made  excellent  company  during  my  three  weeks  in  Yenan." 

After  describing  in  complimentary  manner  tins  university  and  the  students, 
on  page  296  he  says.  "Every  cadet  divides  his  time  between  political  and  military 
subjects.  On  the  one  hand  he  listens  to  lectures  on  Marxian  philosophy,  the 
historj  of  the  Chinese  Revolution,  the  technique  of  leading  a  mass  movement: 
on  the  other  hand  he  studies  guerrilla  tactics,  the  use  of  military  maps,  and  the 
organization  of  a  military  labor  corps." 

On  page  297  he  points  out  that  no  tuition  is  charged  at  the  academy  and  that 
each  student  is  supplied  with  uniform,  books,  and  food,  plus  a  pocket  allowance, 
and  then  has  this  to  say:  •'Some  recent  visitors  to  Yenan  have  spread  a  report 
that  the  academies  are  supported  by  Russian  rubles — a  thin  piece  of  gossip.     / 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1511 

was  told  by  several  Chinese  lenders,  mchiding  Mao  Tse-Tung,  that  the  largest 
contributions  came  from  American  sympathizers  in  New  York." 

On  page  297  and  298,  BansoD  relates  that  in  talking  to  one  of  the  Nationalist 
war  lords.  "I  suggested  that  he  could  learn  a  great  deal  from  the  Communists 
about  discipline  and  integrity  of  Leadership." 

On  page  303,  Hanson  has  this  to  say.  "My  attitude  toward  Communist  China's 
leaders  was  a  mixture  of  respect  for  their  personal  integrity  and  a  resentment 
of  i heir  suspiciousness.  They  impressed  me  as  a  group  of  hard-headed,  straight- 
shooting  realists." 

After  an  interview  with  Mao  Tse  Tung  lie  states,  "I  left  with  the  feeling  that 
he  was  the  least  pretentious  man  in  Yenan  and  the  most  admired.  He  is  a  com- 
pletely selfless  man." 

Following  is  Hansons  description  of  how  the  Reds  took  over.  I  quote  from 
page  102: 

"Whenever  a  village  was  occupied  for  the  first  time,  the  Reds  arrested  the 
landlords  and  tax  collectors,  held  a  public  tribunal,  executed  a  few  and  intimi- 
dated the  others,  then  redistributed  the  land  as  fairly  as  possible." 

In  Chapter  28,  in  comparing  the  Communists  to  Chiang  Kai-shek's  troops, 
Hanson  had  this  to  say: 

"I  left  Yenan  with  only  one  conviction  about  the  Communists ;  that  they  were 
fighting  against  the  Japanese  more  wholeheartedly  than  any  other  group  in 
China." 

He  then  goes  on  to  condemn  "Red  baiting"  officials  in  Chungking. 

On  page  312  of  his  book.  Hanson  quotes  a  Communist  editor  as  stating  as 
follows : 

"Our  relationship  to  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  is  no  different  than  that  of  the  American 
Communist  Party.  We  respect  the  work  of  Russia's  leaders  and  profit  by  their 
experience  wherever  we  can,  but  the  problems  of  China  are  not  the  same  as 
those  of  Russia.     We  plan  our  program  from  a  Chinese  point  of  view." 

Hanson  then  adds,  ''The  explanation  seemed  logical  enough  to  me." 

In  connection  with  Hanson's  position  as  Chief  of  the  Technical  Cooperation 
Projects  Staff,  in  charge  of  Truman's  Point  Four  Program,  the  following  on 
pages  312  and  313  of  his  book  would  seem  especially  significant.  He  quotes 
Mao  Tse  Tung  as  follows :  "China  cannot  reconstruct  its  industry  and  com- 
merce without  the  aid  of  British  and  American  capital." 

Can  there  be  much  doubt  as  to  whether  the  Communists  or  the  anti-Communist 
forces  in  Asia  will  receive  aid  under  the  Point  Four  Program  with  Hanson 
in  charge? 

Gentlemen,  here  is  a  man  with  a  mission — a  mission  to  communize  the  world — 
a  man  whose  energy  and  intelligence  coupled  with  a  burning  all-consuming 
mission  has  raised  him  by  his  own  bootstraps  from  a  penniless  operator  of  a 
Leftist  magazine  in  Peiping  in  the  middle  thirties  to  one  of  the  architects  of 
our  foreign  policy  in  the  State  Department  today — a  man  who,  according  to 
State  Department  announcement  No.  41  will  be  largely  in  charge  of  the  spend- 
ing of  hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars  in  such  areas  of  the  world  and  for  such 
purposes  as  he  decides. 

Gentlemen,  if  Secretary  Acheson  gets  away  with  his  plan  to  put  this  man 
to  a  great  extent  in  charge  of  the  proposed  Point  Four  Program,  it  will,  in  my 
opinion,  lend  tremendous  impetus  to  the  tempo  at  which  Communism  is  en- 
gulfing the  world. 

On  page  32  of  his  book,  Hanson  justifies  "The  Chinese  Communists  chopping 
off  the  heads  of  landlords — all  of  which  is  true,"  because  of  "hungry  farmers." 
That  the  farmers  are  still  hungry  after  the  landlords'  heads  have  been  removed 
apparently  never  occurred  to  him. 

On  page  31  he  explained  that  it  took  him  some  time  to  appreciate  the  appalling 
problems  which  the  Chinese  Communists  were  attempting  to  solve. 

In  Chapter  4  of  Hanson's  book,  he  presents  the  stock  Communists'  arguments 
for  the  so-called  Stalin-Hitler  Pact  of  1939. 

Secretary  Acheson  is  now  putting  Hanson  in  the  position  to  help  the  Com- 
munists solve  the  "appalling  problems"  in  other  areas  of  the  world  with  hun- 
dreds of  millions  or  bilious  of  American  dollars. 

The  obvious  area  in  which  this  man  will  start  using  American  money  to  help 
the  Communists  solve  the  people's  problem  will  be  Indo-China  and  India. 

It  should  be  pointed  out  that  this  case  was  brought  to  the  attention  of  State 
Department  officials  as  long  ago  as  May  14,  1947.  At  that  time,  the  Honorable 
Fred  Busbey,  on  the  floor  of  the  House  discussed  this  man's  affinity  for  the 
Communist  cause  in  China. 


1512  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

Exhibit  No.   19 

[Department  of  State.     Departmental  Announcement  41] 

Establishment    ok    the    Interim    Office    fob    Technical    Cooperation    and 

Development    (Point  Four  Program) 

1.  Effective  immediately  there  is  established  under  the  direction  of  the  Assist- 
ant Secretary  for  Economic  Affairs  [the  Interim  Office  for  Technical  Cooperation 
and  Development  (TCD)]. 

2.  The  Interim  Office  is  assigned  general  responsibility  within  the  Department 
for  (a)  securing  effective  administration  of  programs  involving  technical  assist- 
ance to  economically  underdeveloped  areas  and  (&)  directing  the  planning  in 
preparation  for  the  Technical  Cooperation  and  Economic  Development  (Point 
Four)  Program.  In  carrying  out  its  responsibilities  the  Interim  Office  will  rely 
upon  the  regional  bureaus,  Bureau  of  United  Nations  Affairs,  and  other  com- 
ponents of  Economic  Affairs  area  for  participation  in  the  technical  assistance 
programs  as  specified  below,  and  upon  the  central  administrative  offices  of  the 
Administrative  area  for  the  performance  of  service  functions. 

3.  The  Interim  Office  has  specific  action  responsibility  for  : 

(c)  Developing  over-all  policies  for  the  program. 

(&)    Formulating  general  program  plans  and  issuing  planning  directives. 

(c)  Coordinating  specific  program  plans  developed  by  the  regional  bu- 
reaus and  making  necessary  adjustments. 

(d)  Approving  projects,  determining  action  agencies,  and  allocating  funds 
for  U.  S.  bilateral  programs. 

(e)  Directing  negotiations  and  relationships  with  intergovernmental 
agencies  and  with  other  U.  S.  agencies  participating  in  the  coordinatpd 
program  or  otherwise  carrying  on  technical  assistance  activities. 

(f)  Reviewing  instructions  to  the  field. 

4.  Tbe  Interim  Office  will  coordinate  the  development  of  operating  policies 
governing  administrative  problems  generally  applicable  to  technical  assistance 
programs  such  as  utilization  of  available  specialized  personnel,  conditions  of 
employment,  and  utilization  of  training  facilities. 

5.  The  regional  bureaus  have  responsibility  with  respect  to  technical  assist- 
ance programs  for : 

(a)  Initiating  and  developing  plans  for  technical  assistance  programs  for 
individual  countries  or  groups  of  countries  within  their  respective  regions. 

(b)  Reviewing  program  proposals  affecting  their  regions  which  originate 
from  any  other  source. 

(c)  Negotiating  and  communicating  with  foreign  governments. 

(d)  Directing  State  Department  personnel  assigned  abroad  to  coordinate, 
and  give  administrative  and  program  support  to,  bilateral  programs. 

(e)  Continuously  evaluating  programs  and  projects  within  regions. 

(f )  Proposing  program  changes. 

(<7)   Initiating  instructions  to  the  field  carrying  out  their  responsibilities, 
and  reviewing  all  other  instructions  concerned  with  technical  assistance  pro- 
grams. . 
Responsibilities  previously  assigned  to  the  regional  bureaus   in  connection 
with  the  Philippine  Rehabilitation  Program,  Economic  Cooperation  Administra- 
tion Aid  programs,  and  existing  programs  in  Germany  and  Japan  are  not  affected 
by  this  announcement  except  for  paragraph  4  above  which  will  apply  where 
circumstances  require. 

6.  The  Bureau  of  United  Nations  Affairs  has  : 

(a)   Action  responsibility  for  : 

1.  Developing  the  U.  S.  position  concerning  the  international  organizational 
machinery  to  be  used  in  connection  with  technical  assistance  activities; 

2.  Developing  the  U.  S.  position  concerning  the  relative  proportions  of  con- 
tributions to  be  made  by  the  U.  S.  and  by  other  countries  to  the  special 
technical  assistance  accounts  of  international  organizations ; 

3.  Coordinating  negotiations  involving  such  accounts. 
(&)   Advisory  responsibility  concerning: 

1.  The  character  and  scope  of  technical  cooperation  programs  undertaken 
by  international  organizations ; 

2.  The  amounts  of  U.  S.  contributions  to  the  special  technical  assistance 
accounts  of  international  organizations ; 

3.  U.  S.  positions  on  program  allocations  from  such  accounts  by  interna- 
tional organizations. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1513 

The  Bureau  of  United  Nations  Affairs  maintains  general  contact  with  interna- 
tional organizations  in  line  with  its  over-all  responsibilities  and  arranges  for 
direct  contact  between  the  United  Nations  and  the  participating  specialized 
agencies  and  the  Interim  Office  of  Technical  Cooperation  and  Development  or 
U.  S.  agencies  on  operating  program  matters  as  requested  by  the  Interim  Office. 
The  Bureau  for  Inter-American  Affairs  makes  corresponding  arrangements  with 
respect  to  intergovernmental  arrangements  of  the  American  states. 

7.  The  following  have  such  responsibilities  in  connection  with  technical  assist- 
ance programs  as  are  in  accord  with  their  general  responsibilities  set  forth  in 
the  Organization  .Manual  of  the  Department. 

(a)  Tbe  Office  of  Financial  and  Development  Policy  with  respect  to  the  In- 
ternational Bank  and  Monetary  Fund. 

(P)  The  Office  of  Transport  and  Communications  Policy  with  respect  to  the 
Internationa]  Telecommunication  Union  and  the  International  Civil  Aviation 
Organization. 

(c)   The  UNESCO  Relations  Staff  with  respect  to  UNESCO. 

8.  Responsibility  for  the  administration  of  the  Department's  scientific  and 
technical  exchange  activities  under  the  U.  S.  Information  and  Educational  Ex- 
change Act  of  1948,  and  under  the  Act  of  August  i),  1939,  authorizing  the  Presi- 
dent to  render  closer  and  more  effective  the  relationship  between  the  American 
Republics,  insofar  as  these  activities  are  directly  related  to  specific  economic 
development  projects,  is  transferred  from  the  Office  of  Educational  Exchange 
to  the  Interim  Office  for  Technical  Cooperation  and  Development.  Activities 
which  are  not  so  related  remain  the  responsibility  of  the  Office  of  Educational 
Exchange.  The  functions,  personnel,  and  records  of  the  Secretariat  of  the  Inter- 
departmental Committee  on  Scientific  and  Cultural  Cooperation  are  trans- 
ferred from  the  Office  of  Education  Exchange  to  the  Interim  Office  for  Technical 
Cooperation  and  Development,  except  for  the  editorial  functions  connected 
with  the  publication  of  "The  Record''  and  the  corresponding  personnel  and 
records,  which  remain  in  the  Office  of  Educational  Exchange. 

9.  The  Assistant  Secretary  for  Economic  Affairs  will  become  the  Depart- 
ment's representative  on,  and  the  Chairman  of,  the  Interdepartmental  Commit- 
tee on  Scientific  and  Cultural  Cooperation,  in  place  of  the  Assistance  Secretary 
for  Public  Affairs.  He  will  also  serve  as  Chairman  of  the  Advisory  Committee 
on  Technical  Assistance.  The  Director  of  the  Interim  Office  for  Technical 
Cooperation  and  Development  will  serve  as  Vice  Chairman  of  both  committees. 

10.  The  other  offices  under  the  Assistant  Secretary  of  Economic  Affairs  advise 
the  Interim  Office  for  Technical  Cooperation  and  Development  on  the  economic 
feasibility  and  desirability  of  projects  and  programs,  from  the  standpoint  of 
their  respective  specialized  interests ;  make  or  arrange  for  such  economic  studies 
and  analyses  as  the  Interim  Office  for  Technical  Cooperation  and  Development 
may  require;  and  maintain  liaison  with  U.  S.  and  international  agencies  and 
with  private  organizations  on  matters  within  their  respective  fields  of  interest 
as  necessary  in  the  planning  and  operation  of  the  technical  assistance  programs. 

11.  The  Director  will  become  a  member  of  the  Board  of  Directors  of  the 
Institute  of  Inter-American  Affairs.  The  Interim  Office  for  Technical  Coop- 
eration and  Development  responsibilities  enumerated  under  3  and  other  para- 
graphs above  apply  in  full  to  technical  assistance  activities,  present  and  future, 
carried  on  by  the  Institute.  The  Bureau  of  Inter-American  Affairs  exercises 
all  responsibilities  listed  under  paragraph  5  above  with  respect  to  the  Insti- 
tute's program.  The  Interim  Office  for  Technical  Cooperation  and  Development 
and  the  Bureau  of  Inter-American  Affairs  are  jointly  responsible  for  develop- 
ing such  working  arrangements  as  are  necessary  to  insure  the  administration 
of  the  Institute  of  Inter-American  Affairs  as  a  constituent  part  of  a  coordinated 
technical  assistance  program. 

12.  The  Interim  Office  for  Technical  Cooperation  and  Development  consists 
of  the  following  organizational  units  under  the  supervision  of  the  designated 
officers  : 

Director :  Leslie  A.  Wheeler,  Ext.  3871. 

Technical  Cooperation  Projects  Staff,  Chief:  Haldore  Hanson,  Ext.  3011, 

5012. 
Technical    Cooperation   Policy    Staff,    Chief:    Samuel    P.    Hayes,    Jr.,   Ext 

4r»71,  4572. 
Technical  Cooperation  Management  Staff:  Richard  R.  Brown,  Director  of 

Executive  Staff.  E.  Ext.  2155. 
(February  21,  1950 J 


1514  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

Exhibit  No.  20 
Senator  McCarthy's  Statement  on  Mrs.  Esther  Caukin  Brunauer 

I  should  now  like  to  take  up  the  case  of  Esther  Caukin  Brunauer,  Assistant 
Director  of  Policy  Liaison,  UNESCO  Relations  Staff,  Department  of  State,  as  a 
salary  of  $9,70G  a  year  according  to  the  current  Federal  Register. 

I  urgently  request  that  this  committee  give  serious  consideration  to  the  details 
of  this  case  and  act  immediately  to  ascertain  the  facts. 

Mrs.  Brunauer  was  fur  many  years  Executive  Secretary  of  the  American  Asso- 
ciation of  University  Women. 

Mrs.  Brunauer  was  instrumental  in  committing  this  organization  to  the  support 
of  various  front  enterprises,  particularly  in  the  so-called  consumer  held.  One 
such  instance  of  this  activity  was  reported  in  the  New  York  Times  of  April  27, 
1943.  In  that  case  the  American  Association  of  University  Women  joined  with 
Consumers  Union,  The  League  of  Women  Shoppers,  and  other  completely  Com- 
munist controlled  fronts.  I  have  explained  to  the  committee  that  these  organiza- 
tions have  heen  declared  subversive  by  various  governmental  agencies. 

Exhibit  R  indicates  that  Mrs.  Brunauer  presided  at  a  Washington  meeting  of 
the  American  Friends  of  the  Soviet  Union.  This  organization  has  been  cited  as 
subversive  by  the  Attorney  General  of  the  United  States,  the  House  Committee 
on  Un-American  Activities  and  the  California  Committee  on  Un-American 
Activities.  The  principal  speaker  at  this  meeting  was  Myra  Page,  long  an 
avowed  leader  of  the  Communist  Party  and  frequent  writer  for  the  Daily  Worker 
and  other  Communist  periodicals. 

Certainly  this  committee  has  no  doubts  as  to  the  domination  by  the  Communist 
Party  of  the  American  Youth  Congress.  It  has  been  cited  as  subversive  by  the 
Attorney  General  and  other  governmental  agencies. 

Exhibit  S  shows  Esther  Caukin  Brunauer  was  a  signer  of  the  call  to  the  annual 
meeting  of  the  American  Youth  Congress  in  193S. 

Esther  Brunauer  is  the  wife  of  Stephen  Brunauer,  a  Hungarian  by  birth.  He 
is  a  scientist  who  has  had  the  rank  of  Commander  in  the  United  States  Navy  and 
his  scientific  work  has  involved  some  of  the  topmost  defense  secrets  which  the 
armed  forces  of  his  country  possess. 

I  think  it  highly  important  that  this  committee  immediately,  in  accordance 
with  their  mandate  from  the  Senate,  obtain  the  files  of  the  Federal  Bureau  of 
Invesigation,  Naval  Intelligence,  and  the  State  Department  on  the  activities  of 
Stephan  Brunauer,  the  husband  of  this  ranking  official  of  the  State  Department. 

I  ask  that  the  committee  immediately  seek  to  learn  whether  or  not  Stephan 
Brunauer  has 

1.  Been  the  subject  of  a  constant  investigation  by  government  agencies  over 
a  period  of  ten  years. 

2.  A  close  friend  and  collaborator  of  Noel  Field,  known  Communist  who  re- 
cently and  mysteriously  disappeared  behind  the  Iron  Curtain. 

3.  He  has  admitted  to  associates  that  he  was  a  member  of  the  Communist 
party. 

I  am  reluctant  to  go  any  further  into  this  case  but  I  am  prepared  to  produce 
competent  witnesses  who  will  testily  to  the  importance  of  immediate  action  in 
this  matter. 

It  can  be  readily  shown  that  at  least  three  government  agencies  have  been 
sifting  the  activities  of  a  small  group  of  people  whose  work  seriously  threatens 
the  security  of  the  country. 

Certainly  the  Communist  front  activities  of  Mrs.  Brunauer  are  sufficient  to 
seriously  question  her  security  status. 


Exhibit  No.  21 
"WHO  RULES  IX  SOVIET  RUSSIA/" 


A  Lecture  by  Myra  Page,  Author — Educator — Lecturer.  Typographical  Tkm- 
ci];.  423  G  Street,  X.  W.,  Thursday,  June  11th,  1936,  S:  3u  I'.  M.  Dr.  Esther 
Brunaukr.  Will  Preside 

"A  timely  and  interesting  discussion  on  a  much  debated  subject  hy  a  well- 
known  American  writer,  who  has  spent  2  years  in  The  Soviet  Union.  Myra  Page 
is  the  author  of  several  hooks.     Her  most   recent  one  is  ".Moscow  Yankee.''     She 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY   INVESTIGATION 


1515 


is  an  instructor  ;it  Commonwealth  College  in  Arkansas.  Formerly  on  the  staff 
of  the  "Moscow  Daily  News."  she  is  a  contributor  to  the  "Nation,"  "New  Re- 
public," and  other  American  periodicals  and  is  on  the  Editorial  staff  of  the  Maga- 
zine "Soviet  Russia  Today." 

Admission  ::.">  Cents.     Auspices  A.  F.  S.  U. 


Exhibit  No.  22 

Calling  the  Congress  of  Youth 

We  the  undersigned*  urged  the  organizations  of  youth  and  the  agencies  serving 
youth  to  respond  to  this  Call  to  the  Congress  of  Youth.  We  take  the  initiative 
in  calling  the  young  people  of  America  together  to  give  them  an  opportunity  to 
consider  their  mutual  problems  and  train  themselves  for  self-government  by 
practicing  citizenship. 


John  P.  Davis.  National  Negro  Congress. 

Courtenay  Dinwiddie,  National  Child 
Labor  Committee. 

Dorothy  Canfield  Fisher. 

W.  P.  Freeman,  Order  of  Rainbow 
Girls. 

T.  Arnold  Hill,  National  Urban  League. 

Chas  Kimball,  League  of  Nations  Asso- 
ciation. 

Mrs.  Elgerton  Parsons,  Pan-Pacific 
Women's  Association. 

Leland  Rex  Robinson,  League  of  Na- 
tions Association. 

Lester  F.  Scott,  Camp  Fire  Girls. 

George  N.  Sinister,  Commonweal. 

George  Soule,  editor,  the  New  Republic. 

Monroe  Smith,  American  Youth  Hostels 
Association. 

Oswald  Garrison  Villard,  the  Nation. 

< !.  W.  Warbasse,  Cooperative  League  of 
the  U.  S.  A. 

Richard  Welling.  National  Self -Govern- 
ment Committee. 

Max  Yergan,  International  Committee 
on  African  Affairs. 

women's  organization 

Mary  McLeod  Bethune,  National  Coun- 
cil of  Negro  Women. 

Esther  Caukin  Brunauer,  American  As- 
sociation of  University  Women. 

Hannah  Clothier  Hull,  Women's  Inter- 
national League  for  Peace  and  Free- 
dom. 

Lena  Madesin  Phillips,  International 
Federation  of  Business  and  Profes- 
sional Women. 

Josephine  Schain,  National  Committee 
on  the  Cause  and  Cure  of  War. 


health 

Dr.  Reginald  M.  Atwater,  American 
Public  Health  Association. 

Dr.  Kendall  Emerson,  National  Tuber- 
culosis Association. 

Dr.  Edward  Hume.  Christian  Medical 
Council  for  Overseas  Work. 

E.  D.  Mitchell,  Journal  of  Health  and 
Physical  Education. 

William  F.  Snow,  American  Social  Hy- 
giene Association. 

education 

LeRoy  E.  Bowman. 

William  H.  Bristow,  National  Congress 
of  Parents  and  Teachers. 

Mrs.  H.  R.  Butler,  National  Congress  of 
Colored  Parents  and  Teachers. 

President  W.  W.  Comfort,  Haverford 
College. 

President  Donald  J.  Cowling,  Carleton 
College. 

President  John  W.  Davis,  West  Virginia 
State  College. 

Edgar  J.  Fisher,  Institute  of  Interna- 
tional Education. 

Robert  Morss  Lovett,  University  of  Chi- 
cago. 

President  Henry  Noble  MacCracken, 
Yassar  College. 

Acting  President  Nelson  P.  Mead,  Col- 
lege of  the  City  of  New  York. 

Ordway  Tead,  Board  of  Education,  New 
York. 

Irina  E.  Voight,  National  Association  of 
Deans  of  Women. 

Mary  E.  Woolley,  president  emeritus, 
Mount  Holyoke  College. 


*The  signers  are  issuing  this  Call,  not  as  the  official  representatives  of  their  organiza- 
tions, but  in  their  personal  capacities  as  individuals  deeply  concerned  with  the  role  of 
young  people  in  the  United  States. 


68970 — 50 — pt.  2- 


1516 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 


TRADE  UNION 

Luigi  Antoninni,  International  Ladies' 

Garment  Workers  Union. 
Hevwood  Broun,  American  Newspaper 

Guild. 
Redmond  Burr,  Order  of  Railway  Te- 
legraphers. 
Jerome  Davis,  American  Federation  of 

Teachers. 
Frank  Gillmore,  Associated  Actors  and 

Artists  of  America. 
J.  B.  S.  Hardman,  editor,  the  Advance, 

Amalgamated    Clothing   Workers    of 

America. 
Gardner  Jackson,  Labor's  Nonpartisan 

League. 
Spencer  Miller,  Jr.,  Workers  Education 

Bureau  of  America. 
Philip  Murray,  Steel  Workers  Organiz- 
ing Committee. 
A.    Philip    Randolph,    Brotherhood    of 

Sleeping  Car  Porters. 
Reid  Robinson,  International  Union  of 

Mine,  Mill  and  Smelter  Workers. 
Rose    Schneiderman,    Women's    Trade 

Urn  ion   League. 
A.  F.  Whitney,  Brotherhood  of  Railway 

Trainmen. 

SOCIAL  SERVICE 

Lucy  P.  Carner,  Council  of  Social  Agen- 
cies of  Chicago. 

Charlotte  Carr,  Hull  House. 

Hazel  E.  Foster,  Association  of  Church 
Social   Workers. 

Helen  Hall,  National  Federation  of 
Settlements. 

Fred  K.  Hoehler,  American  Public  Wel- 
fare Association. 

Howard  R.  Knight,  National  Confer- 
ence of  Social  Work. 

Eduard  C.  Lindenian,  New  York  School 
of  Social  Work. 

Francis  H.  McLean,  Family  Welfare 
Association  of  America. 

Lillie  M.  Peck,  National  Federation  of 
Settlements. 

Mary  K.  Simkhovitch,  Greenwich 
House. 

Lillian  D.  Wald,  Henry  Street  Settle- 
ment House. 

GOVERNMENT 

Ruth    O.    Blakeslee,    Social    Security 

Board. 
C.  A.  Bottolfsen,  Governor  of  Idaho. 

Arnold    B,   Cammerer,  National   Parks 

Service. 
Arthur    Capper,    U.    S.    Senator    from 

Kansas. 

John   M.  Coffee,  U.   S.  Representative 

from  Washington. 
L.  D.  Dickenson,  Governor  of  Michigan. 


government — continued 

Matthew  A.  Dunn,  U.  S.  Representative 
from   Pennsylvania. 

James  A.  Farley,  U.  S.  Postmaster  Gen- 
eral. 

Thomas  F.  Ford,  U.  S.  Representative 
from  California. 

Frank  W.  Fries,  U.  S.  Representative 
from  Illinois. 

Lee  E.  Geyer,  U.  S.  Representative  from 
California. 

Harold  L.  Ickes,  Secretary  of  the  In- 
terior. 

Ed.  V.  Izak,  U.  S.  Representative  from 
California. 

R.  T.  Jones,  Governor  of  Arizona. 

Marvel  M.  Logan,  U.  S.  Senator  from 
Kentucky. 

Robert  Marshall,  United  States  For- 
estry Service. 

John  Moses,  Governor  of  North  Dakota. 

James  E.  Murray.  U.  S.  Senator  from 
Montana. 

Culbert  L.  Olson,  Governor  of  Cali- 
fornia. 

Robert  F.  Wagner.  U.  S.  Senator  from 
New  York. 

C.  W.  Warburton,  U.  S.  Department  of 
Agriculture. 

M.  L.  Wilson,  Under  Secretary  of 
Agriculture. 

RELIGIOUS 

Henry  A.  Atkinson.  World  Alliance  for 

International     Friendship     Through 

the  Churches. 
Naomi  Brodie,  Junior  Hadassah. 
Mrs.    Samuel    McCrea    Cavert,    Young 

Women's  Christian  Association. 
Samuel     M.     Cohen.     Young     People's 

League  of  the  United  Synagogue  of 

America. 
Bishop  Ralph   S.  Cushman,  Methodist 

Episcopal  Church. 
Robert  C.  Dexter,  American  Unitarian 

Association. 
Mrs.  Kendall  Emerson,  Young  Women's 

Christian  Association. 
Frederick   L.   Fagley,  General  Council 

of  the  Congregational  and  Christian 

Churches. 
Stephen      H.      Fritchnian,      Unitarian 

Youth  Commission. 
William    E.    Gardner,   National    Young 

People's     Christian     Union     of     the 

Universalist  Church. 
Philip    B.     Heller,     American    Jewish 

Congress. 
Rufus    M.    Jones,    American    Friends 

Service  Committee. 
Caroline  B.  Lourie.  National  Council  of 

Jewish  Juniors. 
Louise  Meyerovitz,  Young  Judea. 
J.     Carrel]     Morris,     Chistian     Youth 

Council  of  North  America. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1517 

religious — continued 

Helen  Morton.  National  Intercollegiate  Katherine   Terrill,   Council    for    Social 

Christian  Council.  Action,   Congregation   and  Christian 

Reverend     A.     Clayton     Powell,     Jr.,  ,  Church. 

Abyssinian  Baptist  Church.  Jls4dat7on'            *               Christian 

Henrietta     Roelofs,     Young     Women's  Chai.les  c>  Webber,  Methodist  Federa- 

Christian  Association.  tioI1  for  Social  Service. 

Carl    C.    Seitter,    National    Council    of  Bishop  Herbert  Welch,  Methodist  Epis- 

Methodist  Youth.  copal  Church. 

NATIONAL    LEGISLATIVE    PROGRAM 

Support  of — 

Thonias-Larrabee  Federal  Aid  to  Education  Bill. 

Wagner  Health  Bill. 

Bloom  Neutrality  Act  Revision  Bill. 

Pittman  Resolution  embargoing  violators  of  Nine-Power  Treaty. 

Wagner-Van  Nuys  Anti-Lynching  Bill. 

Mitchell  Bill  barring  discrimination  on  interstate  carriers. 

Wagner  Labor  Relations  Act  without  amendment. 

Wagner-Rogers  Child  Refugee  Bill. 

Amendments  to  Social  Security  Act  extending  benefits  to  migratory,  agri- 
cultural and  domestic  workers. 

Pensions  of  $60  per  month  at  age  60. 

Extension  of  Federal  Farm  Loans. 

Placement  of  C.  C.  C.  under  civilian  control  and  extension  of  educational 
program. 

Expansion  of  N.  Y.  A.  and  W.  P.  A. 

Ratification  of — 

Child  Labor  Amendment. 

Repeal  of — 

Oriental  Exclusion  Act. 

Opposition  to — 

Smith  Omnibus  Bill  and  others  directed  at  curtailment  of  civil  liberties. 

OFFICERS    ELECTED 

The  Nominations  Committee,  elected  at  the  Congress,  presented  a  slate  of 
Officers,  made  up  from  nominations  received  from  organizations  and  State 
Delegation  meetings,  to  the  Joint  Session  of  Senate  and  House.  At  the  Session, 
declinations,  substitutions,  and  nominations  were  accepted  from  the  floor  and  a 
final  ballot  distributed  for  the  vote  resulting  in  the  election  of  the  following 
Officers : 

Chairman — Jack  McMichael,  National  Intercollegiate  Christian  Council. 
Vice-Chairmen : 

J.  Carrel  Morris,  Christian  Youth  Council  of  North  America. 

James  B.  Carey,  United  Electric,  Radio  and  Machine  Workers  of  America. 

Mary  Jeanne  McKay,  National  Student  Federation  of  America. 

Louise  Meyerovitz,  Young  Judea. 

Edward  E.  Strong/National  Negro  Congress,  Youth  Section. 

James  V.  Krakora,  Czechoslovak  Society  of  America. 

(Representative  of  farm  organization  to  be  named  later). 
Regional  representatives : 

New  England :  Alexander  Karanikas,  Massachusetts  Youth  Congress. 

Middle  Atlantic  :  Michael  Gravino,  New  York  State  Youth  Council. 

East  Central :  Myrtle  Powell,  Pittsburgh  Y.  W.  C.  A. 

South  :  Thelma  Dale,  Southern  Negro  Youth  Congress. 

Miss  Jimmy  Woodward,  Y.  W.  C.  A.,  Randolph-Macon  College. 

South  West :  Wynard  Norman,  Oklahoma  Citv  Youth  Assembly. 

West  Central :  Harlan  Crippen,  Minnesota  Youth  Assembly. 

West  Coast  and  Rocky  Mountain :  Clara  Walldow,  California  Youth  Legis- 
lature. 

Puerto  Rico  :  Julia  Rivera. 


1518  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

Treasurer :    Harriet  Pickens,  Business  and  Professional  Council,  Y.  W.  C.  A. 
Executive  Secretary :  Joseph  Cadden. 
Representatives-at-Large : 

Clarence  Carter,  Connecticut  Conference  of  Youth. 

Daniel   J.    Spooner,   Young  Peoples   League   of   the   United    Synagogue   of 

America. 
Howard  Ennes,  Washington,  D.  C,  Youth  Council. 
Joseph  Lash,  American  Student  Union. 
Margeret  Day,  National  Federation  of  Settlements. 

Josiah  R.  Bartlett,  Social  Action  Committee,  Union  Theological  Seminary. 
(Representatives  of  Industrial  Council,  Y.  W.  C.  A.  and  an  A.  F.  of  L.  Union 
to  be  named  later.) 
Elected  Officers  listed  above  constitute  the  Cabinet  of  the  American  Youth 
Congress. 

The  Cabinet,  meeting  on  July  5,  made  the  following  appointments  : 
Administrative  Secretary — Frances  M.  Williams. 
Legislative  Director — Abbott  Simon. 

CREDENTIALS    REPORT 

Presented  b/i  the  Chairman  of  the  Credentials  Committee,  Roy  Lancaster  of  the 

ria.s  By-Product,  Coke  and  Chemical  Workers. 

73t>  Senators  and  Representatives  representing  organizations  with  a  total 
membership  of  4,G')7,915  (after  subtraction  for  duplication)  are  accredited  at 
the  Congress  of  Yoath.  Of  these,  96  are  Senators  delegated  by  63  different 
national  organizations  ;  640  are  Representatives  from  450  organizations. 

Representation  of  women  is  approximately  two-thirds  that  of  men.  The 
youngest  delegate  is  14  years  old  and  the  median  age  is  22. 


Exhibit  No.  23 

[From  the  New  York  Times,  Thursday,  March  16,  1939] 

New  Peace  Group  Is  Organized  Here — 17  Leaders  of  Various  U.  S.  Organiza- 
tions Join  in  Drive  for  Cooperative  Program — Oppose  Isolation  Policy — 
Revision  of  Neutrality  Act  To  Be  Sought — Eichelberger  Is  Elected 
Chairman 

A  new  peace  organization  to  campaign  for  international  cooperation  under  the 
leadership  of  the  United  States,  as  distinguished  from  isolation,  was  started 
here  yesterday  under  the  name  of  the  American  Union  for  Concerted  Peace 
Efforts. 

In  launching  it,  seventeen  leaders  of  national  organizations  declared  their  con- 
viction that  the  only  road  to  peace  for  the  United  States  and  the  world  was  a 
vigorous  three-point  foreign  policy :  "To  oppose  aggression,  to  promote  justice 
between  nations,  to  develop  adequate  peace  machinery." 

The  new  peace  union  likewise  announced  plans  for  a  Conference  of  One  Hun- 
dred to  be  held  in  Washington  on  April  15  and  16  to  bring  together  leaders  of 
organized  public  opinion. 

Eichelberger  Is  Chairman 

Clark  M.  Eichelberger,  national  director  of  the  League  of  Nations  Association, 
who  was  elected  chairman  of  the  executive  committee  of  the  new  peace  body, 
said  yesterday  it  would  emphasize  a  campaign  to  support  the  revision  of  our 
present  Neutrality  Act  along  the  lines  of  the  amendment  recently  introduced  by 
Senator  Elbert  D.  Thomas  of  Utah. 

This  amendment  would  have  the  practical  effect  of  giving  the  President  and 
Congress  an  opportunity  to  decide  who  was  the  aggressor  and  to  withhold  the 
economic  resources  of  the  United  States  from  the  aggressor  while  continuing  to 
supply  aid  to  the  victim. 

"World  cooperation  alone  can  protect  American  interests,"  said  the  statement 
of  principles  announcing  the  new  group.  "Consequently  we  support  the  leader- 
ship of  the  United  States  in  the  cooperative  use  of  its  moral,  diplomatic,  and  eco- 
nomic power  to  find  ways  short  of  war  to  let  the  aggressor  know  that  he  can  go 
no  further." 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1519 

Henry  A.  Atkinson,  general  secretary  of  the  World  Alliance  for  International 
Friendship  Through  the  Church  and  Church  Peace  Union,  is  vice  chairman  of  the 
ii  '\v  peace  anion;  Edgar  J.  Fisher,  assistant  director  of  the  Institute  of  Inter- 
national Education,  is  treasurer:  and  William  W.  Hinckley,  chairman  of  the 
National  Council  of  the  American  Youth  Congress,  is  secretary. 

OTHERS   ON   THE   COUNCIL 

Other  members  of  the  executive  committee  are: 

Vera  W.  Beggs,  chairman  of  international  relations,  General  Federation  of 
Women's  Clubs. 

Esther  Caukin  Brunauer,  associate  in  international  education,  American  Asso- 
ciation of  University  Women. 

Charles  G.  Fenwick,  Professor  of  International  Law,  Bryn  Mawr  College. 

Margaret  Forsyth,  chairman,  women's  committee,  American  League  for  Peace 
and  Democracy. 

Emily  J.  Hickman,  chairman,  international  section,  public  affairs  committee, 
National  Board,  YWCA. 

Alves  Long,  former  chairman,  department  of  international  relations,  General 
Federation  of  Women's  Clubs.  • 

Rhoda  McCullock,  editor  of  Women's  Press,  published  by  the  National  Board 
of  the  YWCA. 

Marion  M.  Miller,  executive  secretary,  National  Council  of  Jewish  Women. 

Hugh  Moore  of  Easton,  Pa. 

Josephine  Schain,  chairman,  National  Committee  on  the  Cause  and  Cure  of 
War. 

James  T.  Shotwell,  president,  League  of  Nations  Association. 

Mary  E.  Woolley.  chairman,  international  relations  committee,  American 
Association  of  University  Women. 


Exhibit  No.  24 
[From  the  New  York  Times,  December  3,  1938] 

Peace  Group  Seeks  Aggressor  Curbs — Committee  Starts  Campaign  for  an 
Amendment  to  (  >ur  Neutrality  Statute — Would  Aid  Victim  States — Present 
Act  Assailed  as  Not  Being  Neutral  and  Danger  to  Peace  of  This  Country 

The  Committee  for  Concerted  Peace  Efforts,  composed  of  leaders  of  fifteen 
national  organizations  interested  in  world  peace,  started  a  campaign  yesterday 
for  an  amendment  to  the  United  States  Neutrality  Act  so  this  country  can 
"determine  the  aggressor  and  apply  embargoes  to  that  State  only  and  not  to 
its  innocent  victim."  The  committee's  statement,  it  announced,  had  been  signed 
by  the  entire  membership. 

The  statement  called  on  the  American  people  to  write  to  their  Members  of 
Congress  urging  "an  amendment  which  will  distinguish  between  aggressor  and 
victim  ;  which  will  stop  shipments  of  munitions  and  raw  materials  to  aggi'essors." 
The  present  act,  according  to  the  statement  "is  not  neutral"  and  "encourages 
aggression  and  rebellion,"  "is  un-American,"  and  "endangers  the  peace  of  the 
United  States." 

The  committee  asserted  that  "if  these  changes  were  made  and  the  act  invoked 
Japan  could  no  longer  secure  from  us  the  54  percent  of  the  essential  war  supplies 
she  must  purchase  from  abroad  in  order  to  continue  her  war  in  China."  The 
act.  said  the  committee,  should  provide  that  "whenever  the  President  finds  that 
war  exists  between  nations,  in  violation  of  the  Kellogg  Pact  or  any  other  treaty 
to  which  the  United  States  is  a  party"  he  shall  consult  with  other  States  at 
peace,  determine  the  aggressor  and  apply  the  embargo. 

The  membership  of  the  committee,  as  made  public  yesterday,  follows : 

Clark  M.  Eichelberger,  national  director,  League  of  Nations  Association,  and 
chairman,  Committee  for  Concerted  Peace  Efforts. 

Henry  A.  Atkinson,  general  secretary.  World  Alliance  for  International  Friend- 
ship Through  the  Churches  and  Church  Peace  Union. 

Edgar  J.  Fisher,  assistant  director,  Institute  of  International  Education. 

William  W.  Hinckley,  chairman.  National  Council,  American  Youth  Congress. 

Mrs.  Vera  W.  Beggs,  chairman,  International  Relations  of  General  Federation  of 
Women's  Clubs. 


1520 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 


Dr.  Esther  Caukin  Brunauer,  associate  in  international  education,  American 

Association  of  University  Women. 
Charles  G.  Fenwick,  president,  Catholic  Association  for  International  Peace. 
Mrs.  Margaret  Forsyth,  chairman,  women's  committee,  American  League  for 

Peace  and  Democracy. 
Dr.  Emily  J.  Hickman,  chairman,  international  section,  public  affairs  committee, 

national  board,  Y.  W.  O.  A. 
Miss    Alves    Long,    former    chairman,    department    of    international    relations, 

General  Federation  of  Women's  Clubs. 
Mrs.  Marion  M.  Miller,  executive  secretary,  National  Council  of  Jewish  Women. 
Miss  Henrietta  Roelofs,  executive  of  public  affairs  committee,  National  Board 

of  Young  Women's  Christian  Association. 
Miss  Josephine  Schain,  chairman,  national  committee  on  the  Cause  and  Cure 

of  War. 
James  T.  Shotwell,  president,  League  of  Nations  Association. 
Dr.  Mary  E.  Woolley,  chairman,  international   relations  committee,  American 

Association  of  University  Women, 


Exhibit  No.  25 
PROCEEDINGS— CONGRESS  OF  YOUTH,  JULY  1-5,  1939,  NEW  YORK  CITY 

Calling  the  Congress  of  Youth 

We  the  Undersigned*  urge  the  organization  of  youth  and  the  agencies  serving 
youth  to  respond  to  this  Call  to  the  Congress  of  Youth.  We  take  the  initiative 
in  calling  the  young  people  of  America  together  to  give  them  an  opportunity 
to  consider  their  mutual  problems  and  train  themselves  for  self-government  by 
practicing  citizenship. 


John  P.  Davis,  National  Negro  Congress 

Courtenay  Dinwiddie,  National  Child 
Labor  Committee 

Dorothy  Canfield  Fisher 

W.  P.  Freeman,  Order  of  Rainbow  for 
Girls 

T.  Arnold  Hill,  National  Urban  League 

Chase  Kimball,  League  of  Nations  As- 
sociations 

Mrs.  Edgerton  Parsons,  Pan-Pacific 
Women's  Association 

Leland  Rex  Robinson,  League  of  Nations 
Association 

Lester  F.  Scott,  Camp  Fire  Girls 

George  N.   Shuster,  "Commonweal" 

George  Soule,  Editor,  "The  New  Re- 
public" 

Monroe  Smith,  American  Youth  Hostels 
Association 

Oswald  Garrison  Villard,  "The  Nation" 

C.  W.  Warbasse,  Cooperative  League  of 
the  U.  S.  A. 

Richard  Welling.  National  Self-Govern- 
ment  Committee 

Max  Yergan,  International  Committee 
on  African  Affairs 

women's  organizations 

Mary  McLeod  Bethune,  National  Coun- 
cil of  Negro  Women 

Esther  Caukin  Brunauer,  American  As- 
sociation of  University  Women 

Hannah  Clothier  Hull,  Women's  Inter- 
national League  for  Peace  and  Free- 
dom 


women's  organizations — continued 

Lena  Madesin  Phillips,  International 
Federation  of  Business  and  Profes- 
sional Women 

Josephine  Schain,  National  Committee 
on  the  Cause  and  Cure  of  War 

health 

Dr.  Reginald  M.  Atwater,  American  Pub- 
lic Health  Association 

Dr.  Kendall  Emerson,  National  Tuber- 
culosis Association 

Dr.  Edward  Hume,  Christian  Medical 
Council  for  Overseas  Work 

E.  D.  Mitchell,  Journal  of  Health  and 
Physical  Education 

William  F.  Snow,  American  Social  Hy- 
giene Association 

EDUCATION 

LeRoy  E.  Bowman 

William  II.  Bristow,  National  Congress 
of  Parents  and  Teachers 

Mrs.  H.  R.  Butler,  National  Congress 
of  Colored  Parents  and  Teachers 

President  W.  W.  Comfort,  Haverford 
College 

President  Donald 
College 

President  John  W 
State  College 

Edgar  J.  Fisher,  Institute  of  Interna- 
tional Education 


J.  Cowling,  Carleton 
Davis,  West  Virginia 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1521 


education — continued 

Robert  Moras  Lovett,  University  of  Chi- 
cago 

President  Henry  Noble  MacCracken, 
Yassar  College 

Acting  President  Nelson  P.  Mead,  Col- 
lege of  the  City  of  New  York 

Ordwav  Tead,  Board  of  Education,  New 
York 

lrma  E.  Voight,  National  Association  of 
Deans  of  Women 

Mary  E.  Woolley,  President  Emeritus, 
Mount  Holyoke  College 

TRADE-UNION 

Luigi  Antonini,  International  Ladies' 
Garment  Workers  Union 

Hevwood  Broun,  American  Newspaper 
Guild 

Redmond  Burr,  Order  of  Railway  Teleg- 
raphers 

Jerome  Davis.  American  Federation  of 
Teachers 

Frank  Gillmore,  Associated  Actors  and 
Artists  of  America 

J.  B.  8.  Hardman.  Editor,  "The  Ad- 
vance," Amalgamated  Clothing  Work- 
ers of  America 

Gardner  Jackson,  Labor's  Non-Partisan 
League 

Spencer  Miller,  Jr.,  Workers  Education 
Bureau  of  America 

Philip  Murray,  Steel  Workers  Organiz- 
ing Committee 

A.  Philip  Randolph,  Brotherhood  of 
Sleeping  Car  Porters 

Reid  Robinson,  International  Union  of 
Mine,  Mill  and  Smelter  Workers 

Rose  Schneiderman,  Women's  Trade 
Union  League 

A.  F.  Whitney,  Brotherhood  of  Railway 
Trainmen 

SOCIAL  SERVICE 

Lucy  P.  Carner,  Council  of  Social  Agen- 
cies of  Chicago 

Charlotte  Carr,  Hull  House 

Hazel  E.  Foster,  Association  of  Church 
Social  Workers 

Helen  Hall,  National  Federation  of  Set- 
tlements 

Fred  K.  Hoehler,  American  Public  Wel- 
fare Association 

Howard  R.  Knight,  National  Confer- 
ence of  Social  Work 

Eduard  C.  Lindeman,  New  York  School 
of  Social  Work 

Francis  H.  McLean,  Family  Welfare  As- 
sociation of  America 

Lillie  M.  Peck,  National  Federation  of 
Settlements 

Mary  K.  Simkhovitch,  Greenwich  House 

Lillian  D.  Wald,  Henry  Street  Settle- 
ment House 


GOVERNMENT 

Ruth  O.  Blakeslee,  Social  Security 
Board 

C.  A.  Bottolfsen,  Governor  of  Idaho 

Arnold  B.  Cammerer,  National  Park 
Service 

Arthur  Capper,  U.  S.  Senator  from 
Kansas 

John  M.  Coffee,  U.  S.  Representative 
from  Washington 

L.  D.  Dickenson,  Governor  of  Michigan 

Matthew  A.  Dunn,  U.  S.  Representative 
from  Pennsylvania 

James  A.  Farley,  U.  S.  Postmaster  Gen- 
eral 

Thomas  F.  Ford,  U.  S.  Representative 
from  California 

Frank  W.  Fries,  U.  S.  Representative 
from  Illinois 

Lee  E.  Geyer,  U.  S.  Representative  from 
California 

Harold  L.  Ickes,  Secretary  of-  the  In- 
terior 

Ed.  V.  Izak,  U.  S.  Representative  from 
California 

R.  T.  Jones,  Governor  of  Arizona 

Marvel  M.  Logan,  U.  S.  Senator  from 
Kentucky 

Robert  Marshall,  United  States  Forestry 
Service 

John  Moses,  Governor  of  North  Dakota 

James  E.  Murray,  U.  S.  Senator  from 
Montana 

Culhert  L.  Olson,  Governor  of  Califor- 
nia 

Robert  F.  Wagner,  U.  S.  Senator  from 
New  York 

C.  W.  Warburton,  U.  S.  Department  of 
Agriculture 

M.  L.  Wilson,  Under  Secretary  of  Agri- 
culture 

RELIGIOUS 

Henry  A.  Atkinson,  World  Alliance  for 

International  Friendship  Through  the 

Churches 
Naomi  Brodie,  Junior  Hadassah 
Mrs.    Samuel    McCrea    Cavert,    Young 

Women's  Christian  Association 
Samuel     M.     Cohen,     Young     People's 

League  of  the  United  Synagogue  of 

America 
Bishop  Ralph   S.   Cushman,  Methodist 

Episcopal   Church 
Robert  C.  Dexter,  American  Unitarian 

Association 
Mrs.  Kendall  Emerson,  Young  Women's 

Christian  Association 
Frederick  L.  Fagley,  General  Council  of 

the     Congregational    and    Christian 

Churches 
Stephen  H.  Fritchman,  Unitarian  Youth 

Commission 
William   E.    Gardner,   National  Young 

People's  Christian  Union  of  the  Uni- 
versalis! Church 


1522  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

religious — continued 

Philip  B.  Heller,  American  Jewish  Con-  Henrietta     Roelofs,     Young     Women's 

gress  Christian  Association 

Rufus    M.    Jones,    American    Friends  Carl    C.    Seitter,    National    Council   of 

Service  Committee  Methodist  Youth 

Caroline  B.  Lourie,  National  Council  of  Katherine   Terrill,    Council  for    Social 

Jewish  Juniors  Action,  Congregation  and  Christian 

Louise  Meyerovitz,  Young  Judea  Church 

J.     Carrell    Morris,    Christian    Youth  Jay  A.  Urice,  Young  Men's   Christian 

Council  of  North  America  Association 

Helen  Morton,  National  Intercollegiate  Charles  C.  Webber,  Methodist  Federa- 

Christian  Council  tion  for  Social  Service 

Reverend  A.  Clayton  Powell,  Jr.,  Abys-  Bishop  Herbert  Welch,  Methodist  Epis- 

synian  Baptist  Church  copal  Church 

NATIONAL  LEGISLATIVE  PE0GRAM 

Support  Of 

Thomas-Larrabee  Federal  Aid  to  Education  Bill. 

Wagner  Health  Bill. 

Bloom  Neutrality  Act  Revision  Bill. 

Pittman  Resolution  embargoing  violators  of  Nine-Power  Treaty. 

Wagner- Van  Nuys  Anti-Lynching  Bill. 

Mitchell  Bill  barring  discrimination  on  interstate  carriers. 

Wagner  Labor  Relations  Act  without  amendment. 

Wagner-Rogers  Child  Refugee  Bill. 

Amendments  to  Social  Security  Act  extending  benefits  to  migratory,  agri- 
cultural and  domestic  workers. 

Pensions  of  $60  per  month  at  age  of  60. 

Extension  of  Federal  Farm  Loans. 

Placement  of  C.  C.  C.  under  civilian  control  and  extension  of  educational 
program. 

Expansion  of  N.  Y.  A.  and  W.  P.  A. 
Ratification  of — 

Child  Labor  Amendment. 
Repeal  of — 

Oriental  Exclusion  Act. 
Opposition  to — 

Smith  Omnibus  Bill  and  others  directed  at  curtailment  of  civil  liberties. 

OFFICERS   ELECTED 

The  Nominations  Committee,  elected  at  the  Congress,  presented  a  slate  of 
Officers,  made  up  from  nominations  received  from  organizations  and  State  Dele- 
gation meetings,  to  the  Joint  Session  of  Senate  and  House.  At  the  Session, 
declinations,  substitutions,  and  nominations  were  accepted  from  the  floor  and  a 
final  ballot  distributed  for  the  vote  resulting  in  the  election  of  the  following 
Officers : 

Chairman:  Jack  McMichael,  National  Intercollegiate  Christian  Council. 
Vice  Chairman  :  J.  Carrel  Morris,  Christian  Youth  Council  of  North  America. 

James  P>.  Carey,  United  Electrical,  Radio  and  Machine  Workers  of  America. 

Mary  Jeanne  McKay,  National  Student  Federation  of  America. 

Louise  Meyerovitz,  Young  Judea. 

Edward  E.  Strong,  National  Negro  Congress,  Young  Section. 

James  V.  Krakora,  Czechoslovak  Society  of  America. 

(Representative  of  farm  organization  to  be  named  later.) 
Regional  representatives : 

New  England — Alexander  Karanikas,  Massachusetts  Youth  Congress. 

Middle  Atlantic — Michael  Gravino,  New  York  State  Youth  Council. 

East  Central— Myrtle  Powell.  Pittsburgh  Y.  W.  < !.  A. 

South — Thelma  Dale.  Southern  Negro  Youth  Congress. 

Miss  Jimmy  Woodward,  Y.  W.  C.  A.,  Randolph-Macon  College. 

•The  signers  are  issuing  this  call,  not  as  the  official  representatives  of  their  organiza- 
tions, but  in  their  personal  capacities  as  individuals  deeply  concerned  with  the  role  of 
young  people  in  the  United  States. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1523 

OFFICERS   ELECTED — COD  tinned 

South  West   -Wynard  Norman,  Oklahoma  City  Youth  Assembly. 

West  Central  —  Harlan  Crippen,  .Minnesota   Youth  Assembly. 

West   Coast  and   Rocky   .Mountain — Clara   Walldow,   California  Youth  Leg- 
islature. 

Puerto  Kico — Julia  Rivera. 
Treasurer — Harriet  Pickens,  Business  and  Professional  Council,  Y.  W.  C.  A. 
Executive  Secretary — Joseph  Cadden. 
Representatives  at  Large: 

Clarence  Carter.  Connecticut  Conference  of  Youth. 

Daniel   J.   Spooner,   Young  Peoples  League   of  the  United   Synagogue   of 
America. 

Howard  Ennes,  Washington,  D.  C,  Youth  Council. 

Joseph  Lash.  American  Student  Union. 

Margaret  Day.  National  Federation  of  Settlements. 

Josiah  R.  Bartlett,  Social  Action  Committee,  Union  Theological  Seminary. 

(Representatives  of  Industrial  Council,  Y.  W.  C.  A.,  and  an  A.  F.  of  L.  Union 
to  be  named  later.) 

Elected  Officers  listed  above  constitute  the  Cabinet  of  the  American  Youth 
Congress. 
The  Cabinet,  meeting  on  July  5,  made  the  following  appointments: 
Administrative  Secretary — Frances  M.  Williams. 
Legislative  Director,  Abbott  Simon. 

CREDENTIALS  REPORT 

Presented  oil  the  Chairman  of  the  Credentials  Committee,  Roy  Lancaster,  of  the 
Gas  By-Prod  act,  Coke  and  Chemical  Workers 

736  Senators  and  Representatives  representing  organizations  with  a  total  mem- 
bership of  4,697,915  (after  subtraction  for  duplication)  are  accredited  at  the 
Congress  of  Youth.  Of  these,  96  are  Senators  delegated  by  63  different  national 
organizations :  640  are  Representatives  from  450  organizations. 

Representation  of  women  is  approximately  two-thirds  that  of  men.  The 
youngest  delegate  is  14  years  old  and  the  median  age  is  22. 


Exhibit  No.  26 
Senator  McCarthy's  Statement  on  Owen  J.  Lattimore 

The  State  Department,  with  great  frequency,  utilizes  the  services  of  a  large 
group  of  individuals  in  diverse  fields  as  "consultants." 

One  of  its  most  regular  performers  in  this  field  is  the  man  I  wish  to  discuss 
next.    He  is  Owen  J.  Lattimore. 

Lattimore  was  not  only  a  consultant,  but  one  of  the  principal  architects  of  our 
far  eastern  policy.  This  man  is  one  of  the  State  Department's  outstanding  ex- 
perts on  problems  dealing  with  the  Far  East  and  lias  been  for  a  number  of  years. 

Lattimore  is  currently  employed  as  a  director  of  the  Walter  Hines  Page 
School  of  International  Relations,  located  at  Johns  Hopkins  University  in  Balti- 
more, Maryland.  He  has  held  numerous  positions  with  the  State  Department, 
among  them  a  6-month  period  in  1941  as  the  political  adviser  of  President 
Roosevelt  to  Generalisimo  Chiang  Kai-Shek.  He  was  a  Deputy  Director  in 
charge  of  the  Pacific  Branch  of  the  Office  of  War  Information  and  in  June  of 
1944,  he,  with  John  Carter  Vincent,  later  to  head  the  Far  Eastern  Bureau  of  the 
State  Department,  accompanied  Henry  Wallace  on  a  diplomatic  tour  of  Siberia 
and  Free  China. 

Recently  Lattimore  completed  a  State  Department  mission  to  India  and  it  is 
understood  that  he  is  now  a  consultant  in  the  Department.  While  the  State 
Department  will  tell  you  that  he  is  not  on  the  payroll  as  of  today,  the  point  is 
he  is  still  considered  by  the  Department  as  one  of  its  top  advisers  and  is  put  on 
and  off  the  payroll  as  consultant  apparently  at  will,  and  is  apparently  one  of 
the  top  men  in  developing  our  Asiatic  program. 

This  man's  record  as  a  pro-Communist  goes  back  many  years. 

I  hand  the  committee  a  letter,  dated  December  19,  1940,  on  the  letterhead  of 
Amerasia.    Again  we  have  the  familiar  name  of  Frederick  V.  Field,  Communist 


1524  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

chairman  of  the  editorial  board.  Equally  familiar  is  the  name  of  Jhillip  J. 
Jaffe,  managing  editor  of  the  magazine,  who  was  indicted  and  convicted  for 
having  illegal  possession  of  secret  State  Department  documents.  The  com- 
mittee will  note  that  there  follows  a  list  of  eight  members  of  the  board  of  this 
pro-Communist  magazine.  It  will  also  observe  that  50  percent  of  the  editorial 
board  of  this  magazine,  whose  editor  was  convicted  of  possessing  State  Depart- 
ment secret  documents  illegally,  have  been  or  are  now  highly  placed  officials  of 
the  Department  of  State  of  the  United  States. 

Their  names  are  T.  A.  Bisson,  Owen  Lattimore,  David  H.  Popper,  and  William 
T.  Stone. 

In  the  June  6.  1046,  issue  of  the  Washington  Times-Herald  there  appears  an 
article,  entitled  "How  Come?"  written  by  Mr.  Frank  C.  Waldrop,  editorial 
director  of  that  newspaper. 

Shortly,  I  shall  read  that  article  into  the  record,  but  I  should  like  to  mention 
in  passing  that  of  the  57  instructors  in  the  orientation  conference  and  training 
programs  for  personnel  of  the  Foreign  Service  and  the  Department  of  State, 
all  but  three  were  Government  officials.  Those  three  were  Dr.  Edward  C. 
Acheson,  Director  of  the  school  of  foreign  service  and  brother  of  the  present 
Secretary  of  State ;  Prof.  Owen  Lattimore  of  Johns  Hopkins  University  and 
Prof.  Frederick  L.  Schuman.  of  Williams  College,  Williamstown.  Mass. 

But  more  of  this  gentleman  later. 

When  Mr.  Waldrop  asked,  "How  Come?"  he  was  getting  closer  to  a  sordid 
picture  than  he  imagined. 

Here  is  what  he  had  to  say: 

"Herewith  an  item  that  may  be  of  interest  to  Secretary  of  State  Jimmy  Byrnes 
who  is  doing  his  level  best  these  days  to  cope  with  J.  Stalin's  bucking  broncos 
of  the  Kremlin. 

"Whether  he  finds  it  interesting  or  not,  he  certainly  could  with  profit  ask  a 
few  questions  about  a  project  in  his  own  shop  going  by  the  title  of  the  'Orienta- 
tion Conferences  and  Training  Programs  for  Personnel  of  the  Foreign  Service 
and  the  Department  of  State.' 

"The  writer  of  this  piece  sat  in,  uninvited,  yesterday  on  one  of  those  train- 
ing projects  and  found  it  nothing  more  or  less  than  an  example  to  diplomats 
on  how  to  needle  a  man  whose  back  is  turned — in  this  case  Gen.  Douglas 
MacArthur. 

"To  begin  at  the  beginning,  the  State  Department  has  a  'division  of  training 
services'  which  has  the  very  valuable  assignment  of  making  better  diplomats 
of  the  departmental  forces. 

"As  a  part  of  this,  there  are  scheduled  for  every  workday  from  Monday 
through  Friday  all  this  month,  a  series  of  lectures  by  supposed  experts  on  sub- 
jects of  importance  in  diplomacy. 

"(Don't  give  up.  It  concerns  You  too,  because  the  State  Department  is  sup- 
posed to  look  out  for  the  interests  of  the  United  States  between  wars  and  you 
live  here.) 

"Of  57  instructors  listed  to  give  the  developing  diplomats  the  real  dope  on 
their  business,  all  but  three  are  Government  officials. 

"The  three  exceptions  are :  Dr.  Edward  C.  Acheson,  director  of  the  school  of 
foreign  service  at  the  George  Washington  University  here  and  brother  of  Under 
Secretary  of  State  Dean  Acheson ;  Prof.  Owen  Lattimore,  of  Johns  Hopkins 
University,  Baltimore,  and  Prof.  Frederick  L.  Schuman  of  Williams  College, 
Williamstown,  Mass. 

"Lattimore  is  a  bosom  pal  of  Henry  Wallace,  the  great  mind  of  the  ages  now 
trying  to  decide  whether  he  can  best  save  the  world  by  staying  on  in  Truman's 
Cabinet  to  bore  from  within  or  by  resigning  to  bore  from  without. 

"Lattimore  also  hangs  out  with  other  persons  less  well  known,  to  an  extent 
that  ought  to  give  J.  Byrnes  some  pause. 

"Just  an  item:  He  was  formerly  on  the  editorial  board  of  Amerasia,  the  pro- 
Soviet  magazine  that  got  caught  in  possession  of  confidential  State  Department 
documents  in  1914  with  result  that  an  editor  and  a  State  Department  employee 
were  convicted  and  fined. 

"Lattimore  also  has  described  Stalin's  Mood  purges  of  1936-39  as  'a  triumph 
for  democracy,'  and  that,  friends,  is  just  a  slight  sample. 

"He's  clever,  but  you  invariably  find  him  in  all  those  old  familiar  places  when 
you  check  up.     Consider  his  performance  of  yesterday. 

"Most  people  have  the  impression  that  on  the  record  and  the  evidence  the 
welfare  of  the  United  States  is  better  looked  after  in  Japan  with  Gen.  Douglas 


STATE  DEPARTMENT   EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1525 

Mac-Arthur  in  solo  command,  than  in  Germany  whore  a  four-cornered  quarrel 
over  the  remains  grows  worse  and  worse. 

"To  all  of  this,  Dr.  Lattlmore  yesterday  issued  an  hour-long  'na-a-a-a-ah,  it's 
lousy.'  His  line  is  that  the  Japs  have  outsmarted  MacArthur  In  that  they  are 
holding  onto  a  'conservative'  agricultural  policy  and  occasionally  rescue  one  of 
their  industrialists,  hankers  and  so  forth  from  the  hangman's  rope. 

"Match  that  up,  citizens,  with  what  you've  heen  hearing  from  Moscow,  if  you 
bother  to  listen.  And  match  up  with  it  the  realization  that  such  a  thought  is 
the  host  offered  our  State  Department  help  as  expert  inside  dope  on  the  Far  East. 

"How  come  the  State  Department  has  to  drag  in  Owen  Lattimore  to  tell  what's 
what  in  the  Orient?  Hasn't  the  Department  got  anybody  on  its  own  staff  who 
knows  something? 

•And  as  for  the  baby  lined  up  for  June  10— that  F.  L.  Schuman— he's  all 
too  well  known  around  here,  especially  to  people  who  have  read  the  record  of 
the  Dies  committee. 

"But  if  you  don't  already  know  what  he  is,  you  can  get  him  completely  in  a 
flash  by  turning  to  page  582  of  his  latest  book,  'Soviet  Politics  At  Home  and 
Abroad.'  wherein  he  states: 

"The  Russian  adventure  marks  a  long  forward  stride  toward  human  mastery 
of  man's  fate.     *     *     * 

'•That  is  how  the  State  Department's  expert  instructor  on  U.  S.  Soviet 
relations  sums  up  Stalin's  behavior  and  the  almost  28  bloody  years  of  Communist 
dictatorship  in  Russia. 

"No  wonder  State  Department  secret  documents  leak.  No  wonder  Jimmy  Byrnes 
goes  to  conferences  with  Molotov  and  comes  staggering  home  asking  who  touched 
off  the  blast ! 

"This  writer  plans  to  sit  in  on  Schuman's  June  19  performance,  if  it  comes  off, 
and  will  try  to  report  on  same  in  this  space.  That  is,  of  course,  if  they  don't 
lock  the  door  first." 

Thus  we  have  the  officials  of  the  State  Department  again  warned  of  a  man 
who  by  any  "yardstick  of  loyalty"  could  not  possibly  be  a  good  security  risk. 

Mr.  Lattimore  himself  is  a  prolific  writer  and  there  is  no  lack  of  material 
for  the  committee  to  ascertain  exactly  where  this  man  stands  in  the  political 
scheme  of  things. 

The  Reverend  James  F.  Kearney,  S.  J.,  writing  in  the  Columbia  magazine  of 
September  1949,  gives  more  first-hand  information  of  great  value  to  the  committee. 
This  magazine  is  published  by  the  Knights  of  Columbus,  the  most  prominent  order 
of  Catholic  laymen  in  America. 

Here  is  what  Reverend  Kearney  wrote: 

"Who  or  what  has  so  vitiated  the  opinion  of  intelligent  Americans  on  the 
China  question?  Until  recently,  despite  the  dust  that  has  been  deliberately 
thrown  in  American  eyes  by  pink  correspondents,  the  question  could  be  stated 
so  clearly  and  simply  that  grammar  school  students  could  grasp  it.  Having  ex- 
plained it  to  grammar  students,  I  know.  Here  it  is,  expressed  in  monosyllabic 
words :  "If  the  Reds  win  out  there,  we  lose.  If  they  lose,  we  win.  Well,  for 
all  practical  purposes,  the  Red  have  now  won,  and  in  consequence  we  and  the 
Chinese  have  lost.  For  communism  it  is  the  greatest  triumph  since  the  Rus- 
sian Revolution ;  for  us,  though  few  Americans  yet  fully  realize  it,  it  is  perhaps 
the  greatest  disaster  in  our  history ;  and  the  end  is  not  yet.  Who  is  responsible? 
It  wasn't  a  one-man  job;  short-sighted  Chinese  officials  contributed  50  percent. 
There  are  those  who  believe,  though,  that  no  Americans  deserve  more  credit  for 
this  Russian  triumph  and  Sino-Ainerican  disaster  than  Owen  Lattimore  and  a 
small  group  of  his  followers. 

"Owen  Lattimore,  confidant  of  two  United  States  Presidents,  adviser  to  our 
State  Department,  author  of  10  books  about  the  Far  East,  where  he  has  25 
years  of  travel  and  study  to  his  credit,  was  horn  in  Washington,  D.  C,  but  after 
a  few  months  was  taken* to  North  China.  At  12  he  went  to  study  in  Switzerland, 
then  in  England,  and  returned  to  China  as  a  newsman  before  taking  up  explora- 
tion, particularly  in  Manchuria  and  Mongolia.  He  then  studied  in  Peiping,  first 
on  a  fellowship  from  the  Harvard  Yenching  Foundation  and  later  on  a  John 
Simon  Guggenheim  Memorial  Foundation  fellowship,  knows  the  Chinese,  Mon- 
golian, and  Russian  languages  well. 

"Returning  to  the  United  States  at  the  outbreak  of  the  Sino- Japanese  war  in 
1937,  a  year  later  he  became  director  of  the  Walter  Hines  Page  School  of  Inter- 
national Relations  of  Johns  Hopkins  University,  a  post  he  still  holds.  In  1941 
he  was  for  6  months  President  Roosevelt's  political  adviser  to  Generalissimo 
Chiang  Kai-shek,  then  returned  to  the  States  to  enter  the  OWI,  becoming  Deputy 


1526  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

Director  to  the  Overseas  Branch  in  Charge  of  Pacific  Operations.  In  June  1944, 
he  and  J.  Carter  Vincent,  later  to  head  the  Far  Eastern  Bureau  of  the  State 
Department,  accompanied  Henry  Wallace  of  the  State  Department  on  a  diplo- 
matic tour  of  Siberia  and  Free  China. 

"So  high  does  Owen  Lattimore  stand  in  Washington  that  it  is  said  that  only 
two  books  on  President  Truman's  desk  when  he  announced  Japan's  surrender 
were  newsman  John  Gunther's  Inside  Asia  and  Lattimore's  Solution  in  Asia. 
Lattimore  was  next  named  special  economic  adviser  to  Edwin  V.  Pauley,  head  of 
the  postwar  economic  mission  to  Tokyo.  Though  not  an  authority  on  Japan,  he 
did  not  hesitate  to  criticize  former  Ambassador  Joseph  C.  Grew's  plan,  adopted 
by  MacArthur,  to  govern  the  Japanese  people  through  the  Emperior.  He  be- 
lieved that  the  Emperior  and  all  his  male  heirs  should  be  interned  in  China  and  a 
republic  set  up  in  Japan. 

"In  this  thoroughly  distinguished  orientalist's  career  there  are  many  disturb- 
ing features.  For  example,  in  former  Red  Louis  Budenz'  March  19,  1949,  Collier's 
article,  entitled  'The  Menace  of  Red  China.'  we  read  'Most  Americans,  during 
World  War  II,  fell  for  the  Moscow  line  that  the  Chinese  Communists  were  not 
really  Communists  *  *  *  but  agrarian  reformers  *  *  *  That  is  just 
what  Moscow  wanted  Americans  to  believe.  Even  many  naive  Government 
officials  fell  for  it.  *  *  *  This  deception  of  United  States  officials  and  public 
was  the  result  of  a  planned  campaign ;  I  helped  to  plan  it.  *  *  *  The  num- 
ber one  end  was  a  Chinese  coalition  government  in  which  Chiang  would  accept 
the  agrarian  reformers — at  the  insistence  of  the  United  States.  *  *  *  We 
could  work  through  legitimate  Far  East  organizations  and  writers  that  were 
recognized  as  Orienal  authorities.  Frederick  V.  Field  emphasized  use  of  the 
Institute  of  Pacific  Relations.  *  *  *  The  agrarian  reformers  idea  started 
from  there.  It  took  root  in  leading  Far  East  cultural  groups  in  the  United 
States,  spread  to  certain  policy-making  circles  in  the  State  Department  and  broke 
into  prominent  position  in  the  American  press.  *  *  *  The  Communists  were 
successful  in  impressing  their  views  on  the  United  States  State  Department 
simply  by  p'anting  articles  with  the  proper  slant  in  such  magazines  as  Far  Eastern 
Survey,  Pacific  Affairs,  and  Amerasia.  Both  Far  Eastern  Survey  and  Pacific 
Affairs  are  publications  of  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations.  This  is  not  a 
Communist  organization.'  " 

(Apparently  the  writer  did  not  realize  that  this  organization  had  been  cited  as 
a  Communist  front  by  the  California  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities. 
1948  Report,  page  168.) 

"Where  does  Mr.  Lattimore  come  in?  From  1934  to  1941  he  was  editor  of 
Pacific  Affairs.  Freda  Utley  mentions  him  in  two  of  her  books.  In  her  Last 
Chance  in  China  she  tells  how  Moscow,  where  she  then  worked  as  a  Communist, 
was  able  to  help  its  friends  and  discomfit  its  enemies  in  the  Far  East  thanks 
to  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations,  and  that  Mr.  Lattimore  was  among  those 
Americans  who  came  to  Moscow  for  help  and  advice  (p.  193).  In  her  Lost 
Illusion  (p.  194)  she  refers  to  the  same  1936  Moscow  meeting:  'The  whole 
staff  of  our  Pacific  Ocean  cabinet  had  an  all-day  session  at  the  institute  with 
E.  C.  Carter.  Owen  Lattimore.  and  Harriet  Moore,  leading  lights  of  the  Institute 
of  Pacific  Relations.  I  was  a  little  surprised  at  the  time  that  these  Americans 
should  defer  so  often  and  so  eompletelv  to  the  Russian  viewpoint.  *  *  * 
Owen  Lattimore  found  it  difficult  at  first  to  submit  to  the  discipline  required 
of  the  Friends  of  the  Soviet  Union.  He  told  me  a  few  months  later  in  London 
how  he  had  almost  lost  his  position  as  editor  of  Pacific  Affairs  because  he  had 
published  an  article  by  the  Trotskyist  Harold  Isaacs.  In  later  years  in  the 
United  States  it  did  not  astonish  me  to  find  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations 
following  the  same  general  lines  as  the  Daily  Worker  in  regard  to  China  and 
Japan.' 

"Henry  Wallace  never  claimed  to  be  an  expert  on  the  Far  East.  How  much 
if  any,  of  his  report  after  returning  from  the  Siberia-China  visit  was  written  or 
suggested  by  the  oriental  expert,  Mr.  Lattimore,  I  do  not  know.  One  thing 
emerges,  however:  after  their  return,  the  American  policy  which  has  proved 
so  disastrous  for  both  Chinese  and  American  interests  and  so  helpful  to  Russia 
was  put  into  effect  and  is  still  being  pursued.  Lattimore's  Solution  in  Asia 
was  described  by  one  reviewer  as  'an  appeal  to  Chiang  Kai-shek  to  free  himself 
from  the  galling  yoke  (of  the  Kuomintang)  and  to  set  free  the  democratic 
forces  which  have  proved  effective  in  northwestern  (Tuna,'  i.  e..  the  Chinese 
Reds.  That  book  is  again  referred  to  in  an  article  by  ex-Communist  Max  East- 
man and  J.  B.  Powell  in  a  June  1945  Reader's  Digest  article.  The  Fate  of  the 
World  Is  at  Stake  in  China,  wherein  they  blast  the  deception  'that  Russia  is 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1527 

a  democracy  and  that  tlio  Chinese  can  therefore  safely  be  left  to  Russian  influ- 
ence.' Owen  Lattimore  is  perhaps  the  most  subtle  evangelist  of  this  erroneous 
conception. 

"Mr.  Lattimore  praised  the  net  result  of  the  Moscow  trials  and  the  blood  purge 
by  which  Stalin  secured  his  dictatorship  in  11136-39  as  'a  triumph  for  democracy.' 
He  now  urges  our  Government,  in  Solution  in  Asia,  to  accept  cheerfully  the  spread 
of  the  Soviet  form  of  democracy  in  Central  Asia.  His  publishers  thus  indicate 
the  drift  of  bis  book:  'He  (Mr.  Lattimore)  shows  that  all  the  Asiatic  peoples 
are  more  interested  in  actual  democratic  practises  ,  such  as  the  ones  they  can  see 
in  action  across  the  Russian  bonier,  than  they  are  in  the  fine  theories  of  Anglo- 
Saxon  democracies  which  come  coupled  with  ruthless  imperialism.'  Does  that 
sound  as  if  Mr.  Lattimore,  a  top  adviser  on  our  far-eastern  affairs,  is  on  our 
team? 

"The  same  article  continues  with  a  prophecy  which  has  just  about  come  true: 
'If  Russian  dictatorship  spreads  its  tentacles  across  China  the  cause  of  democ- 
racy (i.  e..  United  States  style)  in  Asia  is  lost.  As  is  well  known,  these  tentacles 
need  not  include  invading  Soviet  troops,  but  only  the  native  Communist  parties 
now  giving  allegiance  to  the  Soviet  Union  and  taking  their  directives  from  Mos- 
cow. When  these  Communist  Parties  get  control  of  a  neighboring  state  the 
Moscow  dictatorship  and  its  fellow  travelers  call  that  a  friendly  government. 
It  is  by  means  of  these  Communist-controlled  friendly  governments — not  by  So- 
viet military  conquest — that  Russian  power  and  totalitarian  tyranny  is  spread- 
ing from  the  Soviet  Union,  in  Asia  as  in  Europe. 

"That  is  perhaps  good  background  for  the  current  slogan  of  Mr.  Lattimore  and 
his  loyal  followers,  Edgar  Snow,  Ted  White,  Richard  Lauteroach,  Harvard's 
Fairbanks,  and  many  an  ex-OWI  man — that  there's  nothing  much  for  America 
to  worry  about  because  Mao  Tse-tung's  communism  is  a  nationalist  movement. 
A  moment's  reflection  should  make  it  clear  that  the  very  last  thing  a  real  Chinese 
nationalist  would  do  would  be  to  swallow  hook,  line,  and  sinker  the  doctrine  of 
Karl  Marx,  a  German  Jew,  who  besides  being  a  foreigner  has  a  system  that 
goes  counter  to  every  Chinese  instinct  and  every  tradition  in  the  Chinese  concept 
of  society. 

"This  recalls  an  incident  a  Belgian  priest  related  to  me  in  Shanghai  a  year 
and  a  half  ago.  He  bad  become  a  Chinese  citizen,  and  when  the  Chinese  Reds 
occupied  his  church  in  North  China  they  followed  the  usual  custom  (which  is 
probably  news  to  Mr.  Lattimore)  of  putting  up  the  pictures  of  Marx  and  Stalin 
in  the  place  of  honor  above  the  high  altar,  with  those  of  Mao  Tse-tung  and  Chu 
Teh  below.  A  Chinese  Red  then  told  the  priest  flatly,  'We  are  going  to  get  rid 
of  absolutely  all  foreign  influence  in  China.  Our  policy  is  China  for  the  Chinese.' 
I  can  imagine  Mr.  Lattimore  saying,  'Just  what  I  told  you.'  But  the  Belgian- 
Chinese  replied,  'And  those  two  foreign  gentlemen  up  there,  Marx  and  Stalin? 
When  did  they  become  Chinese  citizens?'    The  Red  slunk  silently  away. 

"If  anyone  is  still  puzzled  by  the  contention  that  Chinese  Marxists  are  pri- 
marily nationalists,  a  glance  at  the  Communist  Manifesto  will  clear  matters  up. 
'Though  not  in  substance,  yet  in  form,'  we  read  there,  'the  struggle  of  the  pro- 
letariat with  the  bourgeoisie  is  at  first  a  national  struggle.  The  proletariat  of 
each  country  must,  of  course,  first  of  all  settle  matters  with  its  own  bourgeoisie.' 
That,  I  believe,  shows  us  what  is  back  of  the  present  national  slogan  our  United 
States  pinks  apply  to  China's  Reds.  It's  not  authentic  nationalism,  of  course,  as 
the  Manifesto  explains  later :  'The  Communists  are  reproached  with  desiring  to 
abolish  countries  and  nationality.  The  workingmen  have  no  country.  We  can- 
not take  from  them  what  they  have  not  got.' 

"The  spurious  nature  of  the  nationalism  of  Mao  Tse-tung  was  admitted  by 
Mr.  Lattimore  himself,  perhaps  unintentionally,  in  a  tape-recorded  speech  he 
gave  in  San  Francisco,  December  7,  1948 :  'The  Chinese  Communists  never 
made  any  bones  about  the  fact  that  they  are  Marxists.  They  are  Marxist  Com- 
munists in  their  international  relations.  They  never  question  the  Russian 
line.  They  follow  every  twist  and  turn  of  it.'  That  is  an  important  admission 
by  Mr.  Lattimore,  since  so  many  of  his  followers  have  been  trying  to  tell  us 
there  is  no  Moscow  control  over  China's  Reds.  If  they  follow  every  twist  and 
turn  of  the  Moscow  line  they  are  evidently  not  Chinese  nationalists  as  we  under- 
stand the  term,  but  pseudo-nationalists. 

"A.  T.  Steele  and  Andrew  Roth  of  the  New  York  Herald  Tribune  and  the  Na- 
tion, respectively,  after  getting  out  of  Red  Peiping  recently,  declared  that  the 
Chinese  Red  leaders  are  in  every  sense  of  the  word  Communists  who  stand 
squarely  and  faithfully  for  the  Moscow  Party  line,  and  will  join  the  Kremlin 
in  the  coming  world  war  III  against  the  imperialist  powers,  particularly  Amer- 


1528 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 


ica.  They  likewise  agree  that  while  Mao  might  possibly  become  an  extreme 
nationalist  at  some  future  date,  another  Tito,  there  is  absolutely  no  evidence 
that  this  is  a  factor  to  lie  seriously  reckoned  with  for  a  long  time,  Mr.  Lattimore 
to  the  contrary  notwithstanding.  Spencer  Moosa,  latest  newsman  out  of  Pei- 
ping,  confirms  their  statements.  The  very  first  movie  put  on  by  the  Reds  in 
the  auditorium  of  the  Catholic  University  in  Peiping  after  they  moved  in  this 
year  was  the  Life  of  Stalin.  Need  we  say  it  was  not  anti-Russian V  And  so, 
instance  after  instance  shows  the  very  close  connection  between  Moscow  and 
Chinese  Communism  that  has  been  witnessed  throughout  the  last  28  years 
by  intelligent  observers  who  have  lived  in  Red  China— ahere  Mr.  Lattimore 
has  never  lived. 

"To  the  average  American,  whom  pro-Red  propaganda  is  intended  to  vic- 
timize, it  seems  quite  natural  that  Mao  Tse-tung,  a  native  of  China  who  has 
never  visited  Moscow,  should  think  first  of  Chinas  instead  of  Russia's  interests. 
Yet  how  many  native-born  Americans  are  there  who,  once  they  join  the  party, 
think  nothing  of  selling  out  their  country  and  its  secrets  to  the  Kremlin?  Such 
is  the  strange  mesmerism  exercised  by  their  Moscow  masters.  It  is,  then, 
no  harder  to  understand  Mao's  utter  devotion  to  the  party  line  than  it  is  to 
understand  that  of  Foster,  or  Dennis,  or  Earl  Browder.  After  all,  remember, 
a  real  Communist  has  no  country.  And  surely  Mao  has  proved  he  is  a  100-percent 
Communist. s  Let's  not  be  deceived  any  longer,  then,  by  this  fake  nationalism  of 
chi mi's  Reds,  which  is  the  central  thesis  of  Mr.  Lattimore's  recent  book,  The 
Situation  in  Asia. 

"If  a  man  who  had  written  10  volumes  about  Africa,  and  thereby  won  a  name 
for  himself  as  an  authority,  should  nevertheless  maintain  that  the  Negroes  in 
Africa  aren't  really  black  but  white,  it  would  be  a  cause  for  wonder.  Mr.  Owen 
Lattimore,  who  has  written  10  books  on  Asia  and  is  called  the  best  informed 
American  on  Asiatic  affairs  living  today,  is  doubtless  well-informed  on  many 
Asiatic  matters  but  unfortunately,  if  we  are  to  take  his  written  words  as  an  in- 
dex of  his  knowledge  of  China's  Reds,  he  is  very  badly  misinformed  about  the 
true  color  of  that  most  important  body  of  individuals  and  their  whole  way 
of  acting.  Which  reminds  me  of  a  recent  conversation  with  one  of  Mr.  Lattimore's 
OWI  boys  who  had  just  returned  from  a  3-years'  correspondent  assignment  in 
China.  I  asked  him  why  it  was  that  practically  all  our  foreign  newsmen,  though 
supposedly  educated  in  the  American  tradition  of  fair  play,  spoke  entirely  of 
corruption  in  the  Chiang  regime  but  said  nothing  about  the  corruption  in  the  Mao 
regime.  And  this  man,  who  was  being  paid  for  giving  his  American  readers  an 
honest  picture  of  conditions  in  the  vital  Far  East,  answered.  Because  there  is  no 
corruption  in  the  Red  regime!  I  laughed  at  him  for  wasting  his  3  years  in  the 
Orient  and  passed  him  an  article  showing  that  not  only  is  the  Red  regime  corrupt, 
but  from  every  conceivable  American  standpoint  it  is  conservatively  10  times 
more  corrupt  than  its  corrupt  opposite  number. 

"It  is  probably  of  such  men  that  Mr.  Lattimore,  in  his  book  Situation  in  China 
(p.  177),  writes:  'Hitherto  American  observers  who  have  been  acutely  conscious 
of  secret  police  activities  in  Kuomintang  China  have  had  nothing  comparable  to 
report  from  Communist  China.'  The  reason  is  that  these  official  observers  were 
allowed  the  freedom  to  observe  the  limited  activities  of  KMT  secret  police, 
while  they  weren't  even  permitted  to  enter  Red  China.  Had  they  wished,  though, 
they  could  have  learned  a  lot  from  people,  some  of  them  Americans,  who  had  lived 
in  Red  China.  They  would  have  heard,  for  instance,  about  the  'T'ing  ehuang  hui,' 
or  eavesdropper  corps,  who  after  killing  off  all  watchdogs,  creep  up  at  night, 
next  to  the  wall  or  on  the  flat  roofs  of  North  China  homes,  to  hear  what  is  being 
said  inside  the  family  about  the  Communists.  Children  are  rewarded  for  spying 
on  their  parents  and,  if  anyone  is  believed  to  be  giulty  of  anti-Communist  remarks, 
a  terror  gang  swoops  down  at  midnight  and  the  chances  are  the  unfortunate 
victim  will  be  discovered  next  morning  buried  alive  outside  his  home.  This  sort 
of  secret  police  and  terrorism  combined  has  been  so  universal  in  Red  China  that 
if  Mr.  Lattimore  dosn't  know  about  it  he  knows  extremely  little  of  Chinese 
Communism. 

"As  far  back  as  1045  the  predominant  sentiment  everywhere  in  Red  areas 
was  fear,  universal  fear,  fear  at  every  instant,  according  to  an  official  report 
of  a  Frenchman,  a  former  university  professor  from  Tientsin  who  spent  the 
years  from  1941  to  1!)4f>  in  Red  territoy,  and  had  been  haled  before  both 
Japanese  and  Red  tribunals.  'It  is  not  terror,'  he  says,  'for  terror  is  a  fear 
which  shows  itself  exteriorily.  Here  one  must  not  allow  his  fear  to  be  seen; 
he  must  appear  satisfied  and  approve  everything  that  is  said  and  done.  It  is  a 
hidden  fear,  but  a  creeping,  paralysing  fear.     The  people  keep  quiet.     They  do 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1529 

not  criticize;  they  avoid  passing  out  any  news.  They  are  all  aid  of  tlu-ir  neigh- 
bor, who  may  denounce  them.  They  arc  afraid  of  the  Reds  who  might  hear 
and  imprison  them.  When  the  Reds  Impose  a  tax,  it  is  paid  without  a  word. 
If  they  requisition  anyone  for  public  work,  the  work  is  done  carefully  and 
rapidly,  without  need  of  any  blows  and  curses  as  in  the  time  of  the  Japanese, 
and  wonderful  to  say,  without  any  need  of  supervision.  (This  is  amazing  to  any- 
one who  knows  the  easy-going  Chinese  character.)  I  have  witnessed  groups  of 
workers  along  the  big  highways  built  by  the  Japanese,  doing  exactly  the  same 
kind  of  work  they  did  for  the  Japanese,  hut  how  different  their  attitude!  There 
was  no  foreman  there  to  supervise,  and  yet  everything  was  done  carefully,  with 
hardly  a  word,  without  the  least  hit  of  joking.'  Mr.  Lattimore,  with  his  lack 
of  background,  might  interpret  this  as  a  sign  of  enthusiasm  for  the  Red  mas- 
ters.    But  the  report  states  simply,  'They  were  afraid.' 

"What  was  true  in  1945  in  Red  areas  is  also  true  today  according  to  the  very 
latest  1949  reports  that  have  filtered  through  the  Bamboo  Curtain:  'There  isn't 
too  much  suffering  from  hunger  in  the  city,  hut  it  is  impossible  to  lay  up  any 
reserves.  The  Communists  search  every  house  methodically  and  confiscate  any 
surplus.  Anyone  who  complains  or  criticizes  then  disappears  mysteriously, 
buried  alive,  it  is  said.  No  one  dares  say  a  word,  even  to  his  best  friend.  In 
the  country  districts  conditions  are  terrible.  The  Reds  take  everything;  grain, 
livestock,  clothing,  tools,  and  now  all  are  being  mobilised  for  army  service. 
Famine  reigns  everywhere  together  with  fear.  The  people  endure  this  with 
clenched  teeth,  but  when  asked  how  things  are  going  always  answer,  "Every- 
thing is  going  well."    They  had  better.' 

"These  reports  come  from  reliable  people  who  were  there  and  know  what  they 
are  talking  about,  and  who  ridicule  the  fairy  tales  Mr.  Lattimore  from  his  dis- 
tant and  comfortable  chair  in  Johns  Hopkins  spins  for  eager  young  Americans 
who  believe  he  is  an  authority  on  China's  Reds.  What,  for  example,  could  be 
further  from  the  truth  than  this  statement  in  The  Situation  in  China,  page  160: 
'In  China  it  may  be  conceded'  (not  by  anyone  who  knows  the  situation,  though, 
if  I  may  interrupt)  'that  the  Communists  hold  the  confidence  of  the  people  to 
such  an,  extent  that  they  can  probably  do  more  by  persuasion,  with  less  resort 
to  coercion,  than  any  previous  revolutionaries  in  history.  But  the  Communists 
cannot  indulge  in  experiments  which  the  people  do  not  accept,  because  the  armed 
and  organized  peasants,  would  be  able  to  resist  them  just  as  they  have  hitherto 
resisted  the  return  of  the  landlords.'  Sheer  nonsense !  The  only  real  landlords 
left  in  lied  areas  are  the  Red  leaders  themselves,  and  the  people  know  enough 
not  to  try  to  resist  these  ruthless  masters.  For  some  reason,  no  one  seems  to  relish 
being  buried  alive;  and  so  the  Communists  can  indulge  in  absolutely  any  experi- 
ment they  choose  without  the  slightest  open  resistance  from  the  peasants,  who 
are  merely  awaiting  patiently  for  better  flays. 

"Since  Mr.  Lattimore  is  patently  in  error  on  so  many  vital  points  connected 
with  the  China  Red  question,  it  becomes  more  and  more  strange  that  his  advice 
on  Red  China  should  be  followed  almost  slavishly  by  the  United  States  State 
Department.  It  has  already  brought  China  to  disaster  and  may,  if  we  continue 
to  follow  it.  also  ruin  America.  It  might  be  well  to  consider  what  advice  he 
has  given  for  future  United  States  policy  so  wTe  shall  know  what  a  new  litany 
of  Lattimore  disasters  awaits  us. 

"He  has  a  chapter  on  Japan  in  his  'Situation  in  Asia'  and.  though  he  admits 
General  MacArthur  is  a  first-class  administrator,  he  dislikes  his  'fatherly 
mysticism'  and  'old-line  Republicanism',  hints  it  would  have  been  wiser  to  give 
the  Russians  more  say,  considers  the  present  policy  as  pseudo-realistic  and  bound 
to  fail.  'It's  likely  to  blow  up  in  our  faces,  like  a  humiliating  stink  bomb',  damag- 
ing Mac-Arthur's  reputation  in  the  end.  He  doesn't  like  keeping  the  Emperor, 
nor  the  type  of  democracy  MacArthur  is  giving,  apparently  preferring  for  Japan 
the  totalitarian  type  Mao  Tse-tung  is  employing  in  China.  Mr.  Lattimore  doesn't 
like  to  see  Japan  make  a  bulwark  against  Russian  expansion,  and  believes  that 
since  she  is  possessed  of  the  most  advanced  technical  and  managerial  'know- 
how'  in  Asia  she  will  eventually  make  her  own  terms  with  both  Russia  and 
China,  without  consulting  the  U.  S. 

"  'The  Japanese,  watching  America's  failure  to  control  the  situation  in  China 
through  the  Kuomintang,  have  been  giggling  in  their  kimono  sleeves.  In  a 
queer  way  it  has  helped  to  restore  their  self-respect  for  their  own  failure  on  the 
continent.'  He  sees  no  future  for  Japan  apart  from  the  future  of  Asia,  since 
she  needs  the  iron  and  coal  of  Manchuria  and  the  markets  of  China. 

"In  this  he  is  probably  right ;  that  is  why  it  was  always  to  America's  vital 
interest  to  see  that  the  Open  Door  policy  and  the  territorial  integrity  of  China 


1530  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

were  preserved,  though  this  adviser  to  our  State  Department  did  not  think  them 
very  important.  He  considers  East  Asia  now  definitely  out  of  control  by  either 
Russia  or  America,  stating  that  it  forms  a  group  of  'third  countries,'  which 
seem  to  resemble  Nippon's  ill-fated  East  Asia  Co-prosperity  Sphere.  He  believes 
Japan,  then,  will  come  to  terms  both  with  Communist  Russia  and  Communist 
China,  and  will  end  up  by  being  more  anti-American  than  anti-Russian.  If  we 
had  only  adopted  his  plan  for  a  Japanese  'democracy'  right  after  the  war,  what 
a  deal  of  trouble  we  would  have  saved ! 

"What,  now,  are  his  plans  for  the  mainland?  He  was  long  in  favor  of  a 
Chiang  coalition  with  the  Reds,  and  blames  our  80th  Congress  for  spoiling  that. 
The  result  is  now  Communist  control — which  of  course  would  have  eventuated 
just  as  well  had  his  original  coalition  idea  gone  through.  We  mustn't  lay  down 
our  own  conditions  for  dealing  with  a  Red  China,  he  says,  or  we  shall  spoil 
our  favorable  position  with  the  Chinese.  Has  he  never  heard  how  Mao's  Reds 
detest  Americans,  and  hold  half  a  dozen  U.  S.  consuls  under  house  arrest?  'We 
must  at  all  costs  avoid  the  appearance  of  wanting  to  punish  the  Chinese  people 
for  having  a  government  which  we  didn't  approve  for  them  in  advance.'  As  if  the 
Chinese  were  really  anxious  for  a  puppet  Red  regime.  We  must  not  support 
any  rump  government,  for  that  would  be  dividing  China.  We  must  extend  credits 
to  poor  Red  China  and  help  build  it  up  by  trade  and  American  engineering 
'know-how'  as  'Ford  Motors  and  General  Electric  did  in  Russia  in  the  period  be- 
tween tears'.  But  let's  not  lay  down  any  conditions  for  our  aid,  by  insisting 
that  Red  China  be  hostile  to  Red  Russia. 

"And  if  all  that  isn't  enough  to  make  Uncle  Sam  suspect  that  Owen  Lattiniore  is 
making  a  fool  out  of  him  in  the  interests  of  world  Communism,  the  expert  goes 
much  further :  'The  new  government  of  China  will  claim  China's  Big  Five  posi- 
tion in  the  United  Nations,  including  the  right  of  veto.  By  the  use  of  our  own 
veto  we  could  delay  China  in  moving  into  this  position',  but  of  course  it  would 
be  unfair  to  deprive  Russia  of  another  vote,  especially  since  Russia  has  had 
nothing  whatsoever  to  do  with  imposing  Communism  on  China !  See  now  why 
the  pinks  are  so  strong  on  their  insistence  that  the  Red  movement  in  China  is 
purely  nationalistic  ?     And  another  vote  for  Mother  Russia  ? 

"Let's  take  Outer  Mongolia,  that  voted  unanimously  to  be  annexed  to  Russia 
in  1945 — each  voter  being  required  to  sign  his  name  on  his  ballot.  'Mongolia,' 
he  says,  'is  between  a  Communist-ruled  Russia  and  a  Communist-controlled 
China.  It  would  be  an  advantage  to  American  policy  to  be  able  to  emphasize 
that  there  is  a  country  occupying  600,000  square  miles  of  territory  *  *  * 
inhabited  by  people  who  are  neither  Chinese  nor  Russians.  It  is  impossible  to 
make  use  of  this  advantage  unless  the  separation  of  Outer  Mongolia  is  empha- 
sized by  membership  in  the  United  Nations.  *  *  *  It  is  true  that  Mongolia 
as  a  member  of  the  United  Nations  would  mean  another  vote  for  Russia ;  but 
would  this  be  a  greater  disadvantage  than  our  present  complete  lack  of  access 
to  this  key  country  between  China  and  Russia?'     (p.  220.) 

"Yes,  Mr.  Lattimore,  it  would.  Considering  that  the  whole  United  States 
had  but  one  vote  in  the  United  Nations,  while  Russia  started  out  with  three,  it 
is  simply  wonderful  of  Owen  Lattimore  to  give  a  couple  more  Far  East  satellite 
votes  to  our  'cold  war'  enemy.  Since  he  is  one  of  the  chief  advisers  to  our 
Far  Eastern  State  Department  Bureau,  is  it  any  wonder  that  disaster  has  been 
piled  on  disaster  in  Asia  for  Americans  while  world  Communism  engages  in 
frenzied  applause?  If  Mr.  Lattimore  is  permitted  to  turn  over  one  Far  Eastern 
vote  after  another  to  Russia,  Moscow  will  soon  dominate  the  United  Nations,  and 
then  can  safely  discard  the  veto.  Why  should  one  man.  whose  writings  show  he 
has  no  knowledge  of  the  character  of  China's  Reds,  be  allowed  to  go  on  un- 
challenged promoting  chaos  and  ruining  Christianity  in  Asia?  True,  he  doesn't 
say  he  wants  a  Red  Asia;  but  the  publisher  of  his  'Situation  in  Asia'  indicates 
his  intentions  when  on  the  jacket  of  the  book  they  print  a  map  of  Lattimore's 
Asia,  including  Japan,  Sakhalin,  all  of  China,  the  Philippines,  the  Dutch  East 
[ndies,  Siam,  Burma,  Malaya  and  India,  in  nice  Soviet  Livi\.'' 

It  is  uncanny  how  these  State  Department  policy  makers  are  drawn  together 
tin)!'  after  time  in  an  organization  or  group  or  project  of  pro-Soviet  nature. 

I  now  hand  the  committee  a  booklet  setting  forth  the  officers  and  trustees  of 
the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations.  It  will  be  noted  that  Mr.  Lattimore  is  a 
trustee. 

The  familiar  pattern  starts  again  with  Messrs.  Lattimore,  Hanson,  Bisson,  and 
Jessup. 

In  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations,  we  have  such  pro-Communists  as:  Fred- 
erick Vanderbilt  Field,  Philip  Jaffe,  Kate  L.  Mitchell,  Andrew  Roth,  Nym  Wales. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1531 

The  Attorney  General  of  the  United  States  lias  declared  the  American  Peace 
Mobilization  to  be  a  subversive  organization  and  the  House  Un-American  Acti- 
vities Committee  has  placed  the  same  stamp  of  infamy  on  the  Washington 
Committee  for  Aid  to  China. 

The  American  Peace  Mobilization  was  short-lived.    It  existed  during  the  days  ■ 
of  the  Stalin-Hitler  Pact  and  was  liquidated  by  the  Communists  on  the  very  day 
that  Hitler  invaded  the  Soviet  Union. 

Frederick  Vanderhilt  Field,  one  of  the  country's  top  Communists,  was  Execu- 
tive Secretary  of  the  American  Peace  Mobilization  on  Tuesday  evening,  Febru- 
ary 11.  1941,  also. 

On  that  date,  the  Washington  Committee  for  Aid  to  China,  held  a  meeting 
at  16th  and  "<>"  Streets,  N.  W..  Washington. 

At  the  time  This  meeting  was  held,  President  Roosevelt  was  under  the  most 
savage  attack  of  his  career  by  Frederick  Vanderbilt  Field  and  his  American 
Peace  Mohilization. 

The  Senators  may  recall  that  this  was  the  occasion  when  the  American  Peace 
Mohilization  organized  and  carried  out  a  twenty-four  hour  picket  line  around 
the  White  House.  The  pickets  carried  placards  denouncing  Roosevelt  as  a  war- 
mongering tool  of  Wall  Street. 

On  June  21,  1941,  the  American  Peace  Mobilization  pickets  were  still  sur- 
rounding the  White  House.  When  Hitler  invaded  the  Soviet  Union  on  the  morn- 
ing of  June  22,  the  pickets  were  withdrawn  within  an  hour.  The  party  line  had 
changed  in  a  matter  of  minutes  and  the  American  Peace  Mobilization  then  be- 
came the  American  People's  Mobilization,  urging  the  immediate  entrance  of  the 
United  States  into  the  war. 

Again,  associated  with  Frederick  Vanderbilt  Field,  we  have  Owen  Lattimore 
as  the  principal  speaker  at  the  above  meeting  on  the  evening  of  February  11, 
1941,  with  only  two  other  speakers :  One  of  them  was  Frederick  Vanderbilt 
Field. 

Here  again  we  have  the  old  familiar  pattern  of  a  member  of  the  important 
policy-making  group  of  the  State  Department  collaborating  with  known  Com- 
munists under  the  sponsorship  of  organizations  •officially  declared  subversive. 

I  hand  you  an  exhibit  of  the  National  Emergency  Conference  for  Democratic 
Rights,  Exhibit  30.  On  April  21,  1943,  the  House  Committee  on  Appropria- 
tions issued  a  report  citing  this  organization  as  "subversive  and  un-American." 
On  March  29,  the  House  Special  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  cited  it 
as  a  Communist  front. 

On  September  2, 1947,  on  page  12  of  its  Report  No.  1115,  the  Congressional  Com- 
mittee on  Un-American  Activities  said,  "It  will  be  remembered  that  during  the 
days  of  the  infamous  Soviet-Nazi  pact,  the  Communists  built  a  protective  organi- 
zation known  as  the  National  Emergency  Conference  for  Democratic  Rights, 
which  culminated  in  the  National  Federation  for  Constitutional  Liberties." 

In  its  1948  report  on  pages  112  and  327,  the  California  Committee  on  Un-Ameri- 
can Activities,  after  citing  it  as  a  Communist-front  organization,  defending  Com- 
munists, had  this  to  say :  "After  the  dissolution  of  the  American  League  for 
Peace  and  Democracy  in  February,  1940,  the  Communist  Party  frantically  or- 
ganized a  new  series  of  front  organizations.  The  National  Emergency  Con- 
ference for  Democratic  Rights  was  one  of  the  new  fronts  and  it  was  filled  from 
top  to  bottom  with  veteran  Communist  Party-liners." 

The  Maryland  Association  for  Democratic  Rights  was  an  affiliate  of  the  Na- 
tional Emergency  Conference  for  Democratic  Rights.  At  a  conference  of  this 
organization  in  Baltimore  early  in  1944,  we  have  as  sponsors,  Mr.  Owen  Latti- 
more and  his  wife. 

Once  again  we  have  a  policy-making  State  Department  and  attache  collaborating 
with  those  who  have  sworn  to  destroy  the  nation  by  force  and  violence. 

I  find  it  impossible  to  visualize  this  sort  of  a  good  security  risk  under  the 
"yardstick  of  loyalty"- outlined  by  Secretary  of  State  Acheson. 

I  hand  the  committee  an  exhibit  of  the  Writers'  Congress  of  1943,  31. 

On  December  4,  1947,  and  on  September  21,  1948,  the  then  Attorney  General 
Tom  Clark  in  letters  to  the  Loyalty  Review  Board,  cited  the  Hollywood  Writers' 
Mobilization  as  subversive  and  Communistic.  In  its  1945  report  on  page  130, 
the  California  Committee'  on  Un-American  Affairs  described  this  organization 
as  one  "whose  true  purpose"  was  "the  creation  of  a  clearing  house  for  Commu- 
nist propaganda." 

On  October  1,  2  and  3  of  1943,  the  Writers'  Congress  and  the  Hollywood 
Writers'  Mohilization  held  a  meeting  on  the  University  of  California-LA  campus 
in  Westwood.  Appearing  as  the  representative  of  the  Office  of  War  Information 
was  Mr.  Owen  Lattimore. 

68970 — 50 — pt.  2 4 


1532  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

Here  again  we  have  Mr.  Lattimore  involved  as  a  principal  in  an  organization 
declared  Un-American  by  the  Attorney  General  of  the  United  States. 

In  the  magazine  "Pacific  Affairs"  of  September  1938,  Owen  Lattimore  de- 
scribed the  Moscow  purge  trials  as  "a  triumph  for  Democracy." 

In  his  book  entitled  "Solution  in  Asia,"  Owen  Lattimore  declares  that  among 
the  people  of  Asia,  the  Soviet  Union  has  "a  great  power  of  attraction  *  *  *. 
It  stands  for  Democracy." 

I  submit  that  the  background  of  Mr.  Lattimore,  his  close  collaboration  and 
affiliation  with  numerous  Communist  organizations ;  his  friendsbip  and  close 
cooperation  with  pro-Communist  individuals,  leaves  absolutely  no  doubt  that  he 
is  an  extremely  bad  security  risk  under  Secretary  of  State  Acheson's  "yard- 
stick of  Loyalty"  and  in  fact,  his  wide  knowledge  of  Far  Eastern  Affairs  and  his 
affinity  for  the  Soviet  cause  in  that  area,  might  well  have  already  done  tins 
nation  incalculable  and  irreparable  harm. 

So  much  for  Mr.  Lattimore. 


Exhibit  No.  27 

Editorial  Board:  Frederick  V.  Field,  Chairman  Philip  J.  Jaffe,  Managing  Editor 

T.  A.  Bisson  Owen  Lattimore  David  H.  Popper 

Ch-ao-Tinc  Chi  Kate  Mitchell  William  T.  Stone 

Kenneth  W.  Colegrove  Cyrus  H.  Peake 

Amerasia 

A  Review  of  America  and  the  Far  East 

NEW  YORK 

125  East  52nd  St. 
Telephone  :    PLaza  3-4700 

December  19, 1940. 
Horace  W.  Truesdell, 

Washington  Committee  for  Aid  to  Chi  mi, 

1410  H  Street  NW.,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Dear  Mr.  Truesdeix:  We  are  of  course  very  sorry  that  a  simple,  factual, 
practically  statistical  article  should  have  caused  so  much  difficulty  among  indi- 
viduals. You  ask  me  to  explain  wliat  happened.  By  this  time  the  whole  thing 
is  so  involved  that  it  would  take  20,000  words  to  explain  it.  Some  day  when  I 
see  you — I  hope  soon — I  can  show  you  our  complete  file  of  correspondence  on  it 
from  which  you  will  see  that  it  was  impossible  for  me,  as  it  is  today,  to  judge 
the  merits  of  any  particular  person's  claims.  But  what  we  are  immediately 
interested  in  is  that  such  matters  should  not  become  the  subject  of  discussion 
in  the  magazine,  having,  as  it  does,  such  an  important  function  to  play  in  the 
Far  Eastern  world.  We  feel  that  it  would  be  indistinctly  bad  taste,  not  only 
for  the  magazine  but  for  the  individuals  involved,  to  have  such  explanations  pub- 
lished, even  if  I  knew  what  to  publish.  Of  course  we  are  not  publishing  any 
reprint  of  the  article,  as  both  you  and  Mr.  Hu  requested. 

I  suggest  that  sometime  when  I  am  in  Washington  that  all  of  us  have  a  session 
together  and  try  our  best  to  solve  the  mystery  so  we  may  avoid  such  conflicts 
in  the  future. 

Sincerely  yours, 

Philip  J.  Jaffe. 
pjj.hs 


Exit  1  hit  No.  28 
[From  the  Washington  (D.  C.)  Times- Herald,  June  6,  1946] 

How  Come? 
•    (By  Frank  C.  Waldrop) 

Herewith  an  item  that  may  he  of  interest  to  Secretary  of  State  Jimmy  Byrnes 
who  is  doing  his  level  best  these  days  to  cope  with  J.  Stalin's  bucking  broncos  of 
the  Kremlin. 

Whether  he  finds  it  interesting  or  not.  be  certainly  could  with  profit  ask  a  few 
questions  about  a  project  in  his  own  shop  going  by  the  title  of  the  "Orientation 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1533 

Conferences  and  Training  Programs  for  Personnel  of  the  Foreign  Service  and 
the  Departmenl  of  State." 

The  writer  of  this  piece  sat  in,  uninvited,  yesterday  on  one  of  those  training 
projects  and  found  it  nothing  more  or  less  than  an  example  to  diplomats  on  how 
to  needle  a  man  whose  back  is  turned — in  this  case  Gen.  Douglas  MacArthur. 

To  begin  at  the  beginning,  the  State  Department  has  a  "division  of  training 
services"  which  has  the  very  valuable  assignment  of  making  better  diplomats  of 
the  departmental  forces. 

As  a  part  of  this,  there  are  scheduled  for  every  work  day  from  Monday  through 
Friday  all  this  month,  a  series  of  lectures  by  supposed  experts  on  subjects  of 
importance  in  diplomacy. 

[Don't  give  up.  It  concerns  you,  too,  because  the  State  Department  is  sup- 
posed to  look  out  for  the  interests  of  the  United  States  between  wars  and  you 
live  here.] 

Of  57  instructors  listed  to  give  the  developing  diplomats  the  real  dope  on 
their  business,  all  but  three  are  Government  officials. 

The  three  exceptions  are :  Dr.  Edward  C.  Acheson,  director  of  the  school  of 
foreign  service  at  the  George  Washington  University  here  and  brother  of  Under- 
secretary of  State  Dean  Acheson ;  Prof.  Owen  Lattimore,  of  Johns  Hopkins  Uni- 
versity. Baltimore,  and  Prof.  Frederick  L.  Schuman  of  Williams  College,  Wil- 
liamstown,  Mass. 

Lattimore  is  a  bosom  pal  of  Henry  Wallace,  the  great  mind  of  the  ages  now 
trying  to  decide  whether  he  can  best  save  the  world  by  staying  on  in  Truman's 
Cabinet  to  bore  from  within  or  by  resigning  to  bore  from  without. 

Lattimore  also  hangs  out  with  other  persons  less  well  known,  to  an  extent  that 
ought  to  give  J.  Byrnes  some  pause. 

Just  an  item :  He  was  formerly  on  the  editorial  board  of  "Amerasia,"  the  pro- 
Soviet  magazine  that  got  caught  in  possession  of  confidential  State  Department 
•documents  in  1944  with  result  that  an  editor  and  a  State  Department  employee 
were  convicted  and  lined. 

Lattimore  also  has  described  Stalin's  blood  purges  of  1936-39  as  "a  triumph 
for  democracy,"  and  that,  friends,  is  just  a  slight  sample. 

He's  clever,  but  you  invariably  rind  him  in  all  those  old  familiar  places  when 
you  check  up.    Consider  his  performance  of  yesterday. 

Most  people  have  the  impression  that  on  the  record  and  the  evidence  the 
■welfare  of  the  United  States  is  better  looked  after  in  Japan  with  Gen.  Douglas 
MacArthur  in  sole  command,  than  in  Germany  where  a  four-cornered  quarrel 
over  the  remains  grows  worse  and  worse. 

To  all  of  this,  Dr.  Lattimore  yesterday  issued  an  hour-long  "na-a-a-a-ah,  it's 
lousy."  His  line  is  that  the  Japs  have  outsmarted  MacArthur  in  that  they  are 
holding  onto  a  "conservative"  agricultural  policy  and  occasionally  rescue  one  of 
their  industrialists,  bankers,  and  so  forth  from  the  hangman's  rope. 

Match  that  up,  citizens,  with  what  you've  been  hearing  from  Moscow,  if  you 
bother  to  listen.  And  match  up  with  it  the  realization  that  such  a  thought  is  the 
"best  offered  our  State  Department  help  as  expert  inside  dope  on  the  Far  East. 

How  come  the  State  Department  has  to  drag  in  Owen  Lattimore  to  tell  what's 
what  in  the  Orient?  Hasn't  the  department  got  anybody  o«n  its  own  staff  who 
knows  something? 

And  as  for  the  baby  lined  up  for  June  19 — that  F.  L.  Schuman — he's  all  too 
well  known  around  here,  especially  to  people  who  have  read  the  records  of  the 
Dies  committee. 

But  if  you  don't  already  know  what  he  is,  you  can  get  him  completely  in  a  flash 
by  turning  to  Page  5S2  of  his  latest  book,  "Soviet  Politics  At  Home  and  Abroad," 
wherein  he  states : 

"The  Russian  adventure  marks  a  long  forward  stride  toward  human  mastery 
of  man's  fate     *     *     *." 

That  is  how  the  State  Department's  expert  instructor  on  U.  S. -Soviet  relations 
sums  up  Stalin's  behavior  and  the  almost  28  bloody  years  of  Communist  dic- 
tatorship in  Russia. 

No  wonder  State  Department  secret  documents  leak.  No  wonder  Jimmy 
Byrnes  goes  to  conferences  with  Molotov  and  comes  staggering  home  asking 
-who  touched  off  the  blast ! 

This  writer  plans  to  sit  in  on  Schuman's  June  19  performance,  if  it  comes  off, 
and  will  try  to  report  on  same  in  this  space.  That  is,  of  course,  if  they  don't  lock 
the  door  first. 


1534 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 


Exhibit  No.  29 

The  Officers  and  Trustees  of  the   Institute  of  Pacific  Relations  Invite 
Yor  To  Become  a  Member  of  Its  American  Council 

One  East  Fifty  Fourth  Street,  New  York  City  22,  New  York 

INSTITUTE    OF    PACIFIC    RELATIONS 

American  Council 

I  accept  your  invitation  to  membership  in  the  IPR.     Please  enroll  me  in  the 

classification   checked   below.     Enclosed   is   $ 

Contributing  membership  carries  with  it  36  publications  annually 

($10  to  $100) 

— the  Far  Eastern  Survey,  a  biweekly  periodical 

— Pacific  Affairs,  a  quarterly  of  research  studies 

— selected  popular  pamphlets 

— regular  newsletter  on  IPR  activities 

— notices  of  new  books  and  other  Far  Eastern  publications 

— meetings,  lectures  and  discussion  groups  (for  members  near  IPR  offices) 

— 20  percent  discount  on  all  IPR  books 

Supporting  membership  carries  with  it 

($100  to  $2,500) 

— all  the  above  items 

— specially  requested  research  services.    Many  individuals,  organizations, 

firms,  and  Foundations  assist  substantially  in  this  way  to  maintain  the 

reearch  and  educational  program  of  the  IPR. 

Contributing  and  Supporting  memberships  help  to  meet  the  expense  of  educa- 
tional, research,  editorial,  library  and  staff  services,  and  permit  a  steady  expan- 
sion of  the  IPR  program. 

Contributions  are  deductible  in  computing  income  taxes 

Name Occupation 

Address 

Area  Interest 

OFFICERS  AND   BOARD   OF   TRUSTEES,   AMERICAN    COUNCIL 

Robert  G.  Sproul,  Chairman 

Edward  C.  Carter,  Executive  Vice  Chairman 

Joseph  P.   Chamberlain" 

Mortimer  Graves 

Henry  R.  Luce 

Ray  Lyman  Wilbur 

Brooks  Emeny,  Treasurer 

Tillie  G.  Stiahn,  Assistant  Treasurer 

Lawrence  Morris,  Secretary 


Vice  Chairmen 


Edward  W.  Allen 
Raymond  B.  Allen 
Christian  Arndt 
Paul  S.  Bachman 
Eugene  E.  Barnett 
Pearl  S.  Buck 
George  Cameron 
Edward  C.  Carter 
Joseph  P.  Chamberlain 
Allan  E.  Charles 
Lauchlin  Currie 
John  L.  Curtis 
Joseph  S.  Davis 
A.  L.  Dean 
Arthur  Dean 
Len  De  Caux 
Dorothy  Douglas 
Brooks  Emeny 
Frederick  V.  Field 
Henry  Field 


Galen  M.  Fisher 
G.  W.  Fisher 
Charles  K.  Gamble 
Clarence  E.  Gauss 
Mrs.  Frank  Gerbode 
Huntington  Gilchrist 
A.  J.  Gock 
Carrington  Goodrich 
Henry  F.  Grady 
Mortimer  Graves 
Admiral  John  W.  Green- 

slade 
William  R.  Herod 
John  Hersey 
Paul  G.  Hoffman 
William  C.  Johnstone 
Owen  Lattimore 
<  Jharles  F.  Loomis 
Henry  R.  Luce 
Charles  E.  Martin 


Mrs.  Alfred  McLaughlin 
Abbot  Low  Moffat 
Harriet  L.  Moore 
George  Abbot  Morison 
Lawrence  Morris 
A.  W.  Robertson 
Chester  Rowell 
Robert  G.  Sproul 
G.  Nye  Steiger 
Donald  Straus 
George  Taylor 
Juan  Trippe 
Henry  A.  Wallace 
Louis  Weiss 
Sumner  AVelles 
Lynn  White,  Jr. 
Brayton  Wilbur 
Ray  Lyman  Wilbur 
Herbert  J.  Wood 
Mrs.  Louise  L.  Wright 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1535 

IPK    REGIONAL    OF]  Id  B 

1151   So.  Broadway  417  Market  Street 

Los  Angeles  14.  California  San  Francisco  r>,  California 

215  Columbia  Street  1710  C  Street,  N.  W. 

Seattle  4.  Washington  Washington  5,  D.  C. 

Dillingham  Building  Annex.  Halekauwila  Street,  Honolulu  16,  T.  H. 

The  privilege  of  voting  for  the  Board  of  Trustees  is  limited  to  members  who 
are  American   citizens. 

THE   AMERICAN    COUNCIL    OF   THE    INSTITUTE    OF   PACIFIC    RELATIONS 

is  one  of  ten  national  councils  in  as  many  countries  of  the  world.  The  Institute 
is  a  nonpartisan,  private,  research  association  supported  by  business  corpora- 
tions, by  its  members,  and  by  Foundation  grants.  Its  chief  purpose  is  to 
provide  Americans  with  the  facts  about  economic,  political  and  social  develop- 
ments in  the  Far  East.  It  takes  on  stand  on  public  policy,  but  through  its 
publications  and  meetings  provides  an  impartial  forum  within  which  Far 
Eastern  specialists,  who  represent  many  points  of  view,  may  analyze  issues 
frankly. 

The  American  Council  of  the  IPR  publishes  factual  reports  and  studies  in  both 
book  and  pamphlet  form,  and  conducts  workshops,  conferences,  and  study  courses 
in  many  parts  of  the  United  States.  Over  two  million  copies  of  its  popular  pam- 
phlets have  been  used  by  the  Army  and  Navy,  schools,  colleges,  and  study  groups. 

In  1943,  the  Rockefeller  Foundation  Report  called  the  Institute  of  Pacific 
Relations  "*  *  *  the  most  important  single  source  of  independent  studies 
of  the  problems  of  the  Pacific  Area  and  the  Far  East." 

In  1945  the  United  States  Navy  awarded  its  Certificate  of  Achievement  to  the 
American  Council  of  the  IPR  "in  recognition  of  exceptional  accomplishment  in 
behalf  of  the  United  States  Navy  and  of  meritorious  contribution  to  the  national 
war  effort." 


Exhibit  No.  30 

Program 

Friday  evening,  June  Ik 

Opening  Meeting 8  :  30  p.  m. 

"Democratic  Rights  and  National  Defense" 
Speakers : 

Josephine  Truslow  Adams,   Swarthmore  College. 
Walter  White,  Secretary,  National  Association  for  the  Advance- 
ment of  Colored  People. 
Alfred  K.   Stern,   Chairman,  National  Emergency  Conference  for 

Democratic  Rights. 
Labor  Speaker  (to  be  announced). 

Saturday  afternoon,  June  15 

Registration 1:00  p.  m. 

General  Session 1:30-2:00  p.  m. 

Presiding  Chairman  :  Rev.  Theodore  P.  Ferris,  Temporary  Vice-Chair- 
man Maryland  Association  for  Democratic  Rights. 
Address :  Samuel  L.  M.  Barlow,  National  Emergency  Conference  for 
Democratic  Rights. 

Round  Table  Discussions 2:00-4:00  p.  m. 

Round  Table  I.  Democratic  Rights  and  Labor. 

Issues  involved :  National  Defense  and  Civil  Liberties ;  the  indus- 
trial mobilization  plan ;  legislation  and  trade  unions ;  anti-trust 
prosecutions. 
Round  Table  II.  Democratic  Rights  and  Minorities. 

Issues  involved  :  The  attack  upon  the  foreign  born ;  Discrimination 
against  the  Negro ;  the  anti-lynching  Bill ;  anti-Semitism ;  civil 
rights  of  political  minorities ;  intellectual  freedom  in  the 
schools. 


1536 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 


Saturday  afternoon,  June  15 — Continued 

Round  Table  III.  Democratic  Rights  and  the  Church. 

Issues  involved :  The  Church  and  intolerance ;  religion  in  a  demo- 
cratic society ;  freedom  of  speech  for  the  clergy ;  the  responsibility 
of  the  Church  in  the  face  of  attacks  upon  minorities. 
(Chairman  and  Discussants  of  Round  Tables  to  be  announced). 

Business  Session 4  :  00-5  :  30  p.  mv 

Presiding  Chairman  :  Rev.  Theodore  P.  Ferris. 

Reports  by  the  Chairmen  of  Round  Tables,  with  recommendations 

for  action. 
Election  of  Officers  and  Continuations  Committee. 

Maryland  Association  for  Democratic  Rights 

affiliated  to  the  national  emergency   conference  for  democratic    rights 

franz  boas,  national  honorary  chairman 

temporary  officers 


Win.  F.  Cochran,  Chairman 
Rev.  Theodore  P.  Ferris, 
Vice  Chairman 


Edna  R.  Walls,  Secretary 

Albert  Lion,  Jr.,  Treasurer 

Bert  L.  Clarke,  Executive  Secretary 


SPONSORS    OF    THE    CONFERENCE 

Mr.  I.  Duke  Avnet  Dr.  Ernst  Feise  Rev.  Joseph  S.  Nowak,  Jr, 

Dr.  Floyd  Banks  Dr.  Jonas  Friedenwald  Charles  B.  Olds 

Walter  Bohanan  Helen  Garvin  Maizie  Rappaport 

Gertrude  C.  Bussey  Sarah  Hartman  Leon  Rubenstein 

Marthe-Ann  Chapman  Sidney  Hollander  Dr.  Leon  Sachs 

Savilla  Cogswell  Dr.  W.  Stull  Holt  C.  A.  B.  Shreve 

J.  Marjorie  Cook  Mrs.  Anne  G.  Huppman  Dr.  Henry  E.  Sigerist 

Mrs.  Henry  E.  Corner  Owen  Lattimore  H.  Bowen  Smith 

Dorothy  Currie  Mrs.  Owen  Lattimore  William  Smith 

Fred  D'  Avila  Claire  Leighton  Wm.  F.  Stark 

Carrington  L.  Davis  Edward  S.  Lewis  Arthur  K.  Taylor 

Mrs.  Edmond  S.  Donoho  Charles  W.  Mitzel 

Jacob  J.  Edelman  Samuel  R.  Morsell 

In  order  to  facilitate  arrangements  for  the  Conference,  please  return  this  blank  ta 

the  address  below  as  soon  as  possible 

registration  blank 

Maryland  Association  for  Democratic  Rights, 
19  Medical  Arts  Building,  Baltimore,  Md. 

Name 

Address 

Please  check  your  basis  of  participation  in  the  Conference : 

Individual 

Representative  of  an  organization 

Organization 

Total  membership  of  organization 

(Each  organization   is  entitled  to  at   least   two  delegates.     Organizations 
having  more  than  100  members  are  entitled  to  one  delegate  for  every 
additional  100  members.) 
Registration  Fee  enclosed :  25c  per  delegate. 


Exhibit  No.  31 

WRITERS  CONGRESS— 1943 

University  of  California,  L.  A.  Campus,  Westwood.  Joint  Auspices,  Univer- 
sity of  California,  Hollywood  Writers  Mobilization,  Friday,  Saturday, 
Sunday,  October  1,  2,  3 


STATE   DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1537 

WRITERS  IN   WARTIME 

Writers  face  tremendous  and  argent  tasks  in  relation  to  the  war.  The  spoken 
and  written  word  and  the  image  on  the  screen  are  of  crucial  importance  in  de- 
veloping civilian  and  military  morale,  in  bringing  the  promise  of  victory  to  the 
countries  under  Axis  tyranny,  in  cementing  the  unity  of  the  United  Nations,  in 
clarifying  the  conditions  for  a  just  and  lasting  peace.  In  this  second  year  of  the 
conflict,  the  effective  use  of  word  and  image  is  vital  to  the  winning  of  the  war. 

Believing  that  this  places  a  direct  responsibility  on  all  writers,  and  seeking 
to  find  ways  and  means  by  which  the  writer  can  understand  and  fulfill  his  obliga- 
tions, the  University  of  California  and  the  Hollywood  Writers  Mobilization  will 
hold  a  Congress  of  professional  writers  for  the  achievement  of  the  following 
purposes : 

To  analyze  propaganda  techniques  as  weapons  of  victory;  to  sharpen  the  crea- 
tive skill  of  writers  by  pooling  their  creative  experience  and  knowledge ;  to  in- 
vestigate the  most  effective  use  of  new  media  of  expression ;  to  strengthen  firm 
and  continuous  cultural  understanding  among  the  United  Nations;  to  mobilize 
the  entire  writing  profession  in  a  program  of  action  for  the  free  world  of 
tomorrow. 

Opening  session,  Friday  evening,  8: 15  p.  m.,  October  1, 1943 

EOYCE  HALL,  UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 

Welcome Robert  G.  Sproul,  President,  University  of  California 

Reading  of  message  from  President  Franklin  D.  Roosevelt 

The  Writers  Congress Marc  Connelly,  Ralph  Freud 

Robert  Rossen,  Chairman 

GREETINGS  FROM  THE  UNITED  NATIONS 

Thomas  Baird Great  Britain    Yu  Shan  Han China 

Phyllis  Bentley Great  Britain    Mikhail  Kalatosov U.  S.  S.  R, 

Nehemias  Gueiros,  Enrique  de  Lozada,  Jose  Ramos,  Hernane  Tavares  de  Sar 

South  America 

SPEAKERS 

Lieut.  Col.  Evans  Carlson,  United  States  Marine  Corps 
Y.  Frank  Freeman,  Motion  Picture  Producers  Association 
Owen  Lattimore,  Office  of  War  Information 
Col.  Carlos  Romulo,  the  Philippines 
Walter  White,  N.  A.  A.  C.  P. 

GUESTS 

James  Cagney  Thomas  Mann  Kenneth  Thomson 

Theodore  Dreiser  Elliott  Paul  Walter  Wanger 

D.  D.  Durr  Capt.  Paul  Perigord  Jack  L.  Warner 

Lion  Feuchtwanger  Calvin  J.  Smith  Col.  Darryl  F.  Zanuck 

A  Cappella  Choir — Director,  Ray  Moremen 
Saturday  Morning,  10  a.  m.  to  12:30  p.  m.,  October  2,  19',3 

A  panel  discussion  is  a  general  sociological  and  psychological  approach  to  a 
subject.  A  seminar  treats  the  subject  in  relation  to  a  specific,  technical  craft. 
Location  of  sessions  will  be  posted  at  Royce  Hall,  Friday  evening,  October  1st. 

SEMINARS 

The  feature  film 

First  Session:  Dore  Schary,  Chairman;  Sidney  Buchman ;  William  Dozier ; 
Talbot  Jennings ;  Col.  Darryl  F.  Zanuck. 
Treatment  of  the  war  in  motion  pictures.     Responsibilities,  accomplishments, 
challenges  to  be  met.     Survey  of  war  films  made  and  to  be  made.     Trends  in  the 
story  market.     Indications  for  the  future. 

Radio  news  and  analysis 

Fox  Case,   Chairman;   Harry  W.   Flannery ;    Sam   Hayes;    Chet   Huntley; 
Clinton  Jones  ;  Hubbard  Keavy  ;  Nelson  Pringle  ;  Wallace  Sterling. 


1538  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

Methods  employed  in  assembling,  rewriting,  and  airing  the  news.     An  actual 
radio  news  program  prepared  and  broadcast  before  the  audience  of  the  seminar. 

The  role  of  the  press 

First  Session :  John  Cohee,  Chairman ;  Alexander  Kaun ;  Robert  C.  Miller. 
War   coverage.     The    war    correspondent.     Covering    the    home    front.     The 
labor  press.     The  future  functioning  of  the  press  in  the  war  effort. 

Song  writing  in  tear 

Arthur  Schwartz,  Chairman :  Ira  Gershwin ;  Oscar  Hammerstein,  II ;  E.  Y. 
Harburg ;  Leo  Robin ;  Earl  Robinson. 
The  contribution  of  the  song  to  the  war  effort.     The  role  of  the  writer.     Goals 
to  reach.  .uJ 

Radio  television 

Lewis  Allen  Weiss,  Chairman  ;  Klaus  Landsberg ;  Gilbert  Seldes. 
The  challenge  of  a  new  medium.     Present  status.     The  transition  period.     The 
writer  in  relation  to  television.     Technical  and  economic  implications. 

Humor  and  the  war 

A.  S.  Burrows ;  Carroll  Carroll ;  Cornwall  Jackson ;  Phil  Leslie ;  Leonard 
Levinson;  Sam  Moore;  Don  Quinn;  Frederic  Rinaldo ;  Melville  Shavelson. 
Humor  in  relation  to  the  morale  of  the  soldier  and  the  civilian. 

Saturday  Afternoon,  2  to  5  p.  in.,  October  2,  19J/3 

PANELS 

The  nature  of  the  enemy 

John  Wexley,  Chairman  ;  Lion  Feuchtwanger  ;  David  Hanna  ;  Mikhail  Kala- 

tosov  ;  Dudley  Nichols  ;  Col.  Carlos  Romulo  ;  Virginia  Wright. 

Treatment  of  the  Enemy  in  films,  books  and  radio.     Survey  and  comparisons  of 

Enemy  types.     The  writer  probes  the  Nazi  "mind."     How  should  Japan's  racist 

political  philosophy  be  treated  by  the  writer?    The  key  question:  How  closely 

are  the  German  and  Japanese  people  to  be  identified  with  their  rulers? 

The  American  scene 

Robert  Rossen,  Chairman;  Howard  Estabrook;  Franklin  Fearing;  James 
Felton:  Bernard  Gordon;  Milton  Merlin;  Carleton  F.  Morse;  Nat  Wolff. 
Tensions  and  dislocations  at  home.     The  family  under  constantly  changing 
social  and  economic  conditions.     The  psychological  factors  which  underlie  cre- 
ative writing  in  relation  to  the  home  front. 

Indoctrination  and  training  film 

Capt.  Bernard  Vorhaus,  Chairman ;  Thomas  Baird ;  Lt.  Col.  Owen  Crump ; 
Lt.  Col.  Evans  Carlson;  Maj.  Harrison  Jacobs;  Lt.  Com.  J.  C.  Hutchinson. 
The  function  of  the   training  film.     Reports   on  visual  orientation  courses. 
Showing  of  motion  pictures  exemplifying  work  of  all  branches  of  service. 

Saturday  Evening,  1:30  to  10:30  P.  M.,  October  2,  19-'t3 

PANELS 
Minority  groups 

Leonard  Bloom,  Chairman;  Cbarlotta  Bass;  Carlos  Bulosan;  John  Collier; 

Harry  Hoijer";  Carey  McWilliams  ;  Samuel  Ornitz  ;  Dalton  Trumbo  ;  Walter 

White. 

Historical    and    scientific    background    of    the    minority    problems  .  .  .     The 

writer's  treatment  of  the  question.     The  Negro :   Case  history  of  a  minority 

group. 

Pan-American  affairs 

Ralph  Peals.  Chairman  :  Xehemias  Gueiros  ;  Enrique  de  Lozada  ;  Jose  Ramos ; 
Hernane  Tavares  de  Sa. 
Inter-American  relations  in  their  sociological,  political,  and  economic  aspects. 
Educational  and  linguistic  problems  defined  and  examined. 

Propaga  n  it  a  a  n  a  lysis 

John  B.  Hughes.  Chairman  ;  Lyman  Bryson  :  Gordon  Kahn  ;  Paul  Lazarsfeld; 
W.  E.  Oliver,  Charles  Seipmann;  Frances  Wilder. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT   EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1539 

Propaganda  techniques  in  relation  to  the  American  scene  .  .  .    The  writer's 
influence  is  strengthening  the  home  front. 

Probh  ins  of  peace 

Gordon  S.  Watkins,  Chairman;  Phyllis  Bentley ;  Yu  Shan  Han;  Vladimir 
Pozner;  Robert  Riskin. 
Postwar  Internal  planning.     Postwar  international  cooperation  .  .  .     Cultural 
understanding  among  nations  .  .  .    The  writer  and  his  new  audience. 

Sunday  Homing,  10  a.  in.  to  1,2:30  p.  in.,  October  3, 191,3 

SEMINARS 

Writers  in  exile 

Phyllis   Bentley,    Chairman:   Gustave   Aiit ;   Lion   Feuchtwanger ;    Thomas 
Mann  ;  Alexis  Minotis  ;  Capt.  Paul  Perigord. 
The  exiled  writer's  relation  to  his  home  country-     His  creative  and  economic 
problems  .  .  .  His  return  to  his  home  country  in  the  postwar  world. 

The  role  of  the  press 

Second  Session;  Hobart  Montee;  Morris  Watson. 
War  coverage  .  .  .  The  war  correspondent  .  .  .  Covering  the  home  front  .  .  . 
The  labor  press  .  .  .  The  future  functioning  of  the  press  in  the  war  effort. 

Short-wave  radio 

Glan  Heisch,  Chairman;  John  Burton;  E.  T.  Buck  Harris;  Lt.  Col.  Tom 
Lewis ;  Larry  Rhine. 
Short-wave  radio  programs  for  our  troops  abroad  .  .  .  Propaganda  uses  .  .  . 
Actual  illustrations  of  psychological  warfare  broadcasts  by  radio  Tokyo  .  .  .  and 
by  U.  S.  stations. 

The  documentary  film 

Leo  Hurwitz,  Chairman;  Thomas  Baird;  James  Wong  Howe;  Joris  Ivens; 
Kenneth  Macgowan  ;  Sgt.  Ben  Maddow  ;  Arthur  Mayer. 

The   morale    film  .  .  .  Wartime    documentaries   in   commercial   theaters  .  .  . 
Comparison  of  work  accomplished  in  various  United  Nations. 

Music  and  the  tear 

Lou  Cooper  ;  Hanns  Eisler ;  Gerald  Strang. 
Music  as  an  integral  element  of  film  and  radio  .  .  .  The  demands  placed  upon 
music  by  the  war. 

Sunday  Afternoon,  2  to  5  p.  in.,  October  3,  19Jt3 
seminars 

The  feature  film 

Second   Session:   Thomas    Baird;    Thomas   Chapman;    Jorge   Delano,    Sr. ; 
Mikhail  Kalatosov  ;  Robert  Rossen. 
The  United  Nations.     Speakers  from  the  British  and  Russian  film  industries. 
A  comparative  survey.     Concrete  proposals  for  more  effective  screen  writing 
in  terms  of  content  and  technique. 

The  animated  cartoon 

Phil  Eastman,  John  Hubley,  Karl  van  Lueven. 
The  unique  position  of  the  animated  cartoon  among  war  films  .  .  .  New  oppor- 
tunities for  the  writer  and  for  the  artist  .  .  .  Social  and  educational  aspects. 

Creative  radio 

Paul  Franklin,  Chairman;  Hector  Chevigny,  Norman  Corwin,  Ranald  Mac- 
Dougall,  Arch  Oboler,  Jack  Runyon,  Bernard  Schoenfeld. 
The    radio    dramatist    in    wartime  .  .  .  The    commercial    writer  .  .  .  Docu- 
mentary radio  .  .  .  Evaluation  of  current  tendencies  .  .  .  The  future  of  creative 
radio  writing. 

Publicity  and  the  war 

Cecil  Carl,  Chairman. 
The  role  of  the  motion  picture  publicist  .  .  .  Exploitation  and  advertising  in 
the  war  effort. 


1540 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 


Sunday  Evening,  7:30  to  10:30  p.  m.,  .October  3,  19.'f3 

Concluding    Session:    Royce    Hall — Reports    From    Panels    and    Seminars; 

Resolutions — Program  of  Action 

(Meals  will  be  served  on  the  Campus  at  nominal  prices) 
Committees  of  the  Writers  Congress 


Gustave  Arlt 
Sidney  Buchman 
Fox  Case 
Marc  Connelly 
Jean  Dalrymple 
William  Dozier 
Charles  Einfeld 
Franklin  Fearing 
Y.  Frank  Freeman 
Ralph  Freud 


Gnstave  Arlt 
Bill  Blowitz 
Richard  Collins 
Franklin  Fearing 
Paul  Franklin 
Sheridan  Gibney 
Talbot  Jennings 


co-chairmen 
Marc  Connelly  ;  Ralph  Freud 

treasurer 

Francis  Edwards  Faragob 

advisory  committee 

Francis  H.  Harmon 
John  B.  Hughes 
Joris  Ivens 
Stephen  Longstreet 
Alfred  E.  Longueil 
Kenneth  Macgowan 
.Mary  C.  McCall,  Jr. 
William  Morris,  Jr. 
Dudley  Nichols 
Mark  Sandrieh 

general  committee 

Howard  Koch 
John  Howard  Lawson 
Melvin  Levy 
Alfred  E.  Longueil 
Milton  Merlin 
Josef  Mischel 
Sam  Moore 


Carl  Sandburg 
Dore  Senary 
Arthur  Schwartz 
Robert  G.  Sproul 
Rex  Stout 
Lamar  Trotti 
Walter  Wanger 
Jack  L.  Warner 
Walter  White 
Col.  Darryl  F.  Zanuck 


Arch  Oboler 
W.  E.  Oliver 
H.  R.  Reynolds 
Allen  Rivkin 
Robert  Rossen 
Zachary  Schwartz 


Publicity  direction,  Vic  Shapiro  and  staff ;  executive  secretary,  Jane  Mead 
committees  on  panels  and  seminars 


Minority  groups 
Ring  Lardner,  Jr.,  Chair- 
•  man 

Charles  Brackett 
Edward  Dymtryk 
Everett  Freeman 
Don  Hartman 
Harry  Hoijer 
Robert  Josephs 
Carey  McYVilliams 
David  Robison 
Frank  Tuttle 

Nature  of  the  enemy 
John  Wexley,  Chairman 
Fiances  Goodrich 
Albert  Hackett 
David  Hertz 
Dan  James 
Emmett  Lavery 
Stephen  Longstreet 
Marva  Ross 
Allan  Scott 


Propaganda  analysis 
Franklin  Fearing,  Chair- 
man 
Ben  Barzman 
Sidney  Carroll 
John  Houseman 
John  B.  Hughes 
Sidney  James 
H.  R.  Reynolds 
Cameron  Shipp 
Frances  Wilder 

American  scene 

Robert  Rossen,  Chairman 
Edward  Chodorov 
Howard  Estabrook 
Franklin  Fearing 
F.  Hugh  Herbert 

Problems  of  peace 
.Melvin  Levy,  Chairman 
Bill   Blowitz 
George  Corey 


Problems  of  peace — Con. 

Sheridan  Gibney 
Richard  Hocking 
Sgt.  Bob  Lee 
Milton  Merlin 
Hugh  Miller 
W.  E.  Oliver 
Caroline  Pratt 
Hans  Reichenbach 
Paul  Trivers 

J'a))-. [merican   affairs 
Louis  Solomon,  Chairman 
Irwin  Braun 
J.  Robert  Bren 
Enrique  de  Lozada 
Ilernane  Tavares  de  S"a 
Gerald  Smith 
Guy  Endore 
Manuel  Gonzales 
Jackson  Leighter 
Kenneth  Macgowan 
Joan  Madison 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1541 


COM  M  1TTEK 

Pa  n-A  hi  erica  n  a  ft  a  trs — 

Continued 
H.'R.  Reynolds 
Allen  Hivkin 
Waldo  Salt 
Leo  Town  send 
Marion  Zeitlin 

Feature  film 

Richard    Collins,    Chair- 
man 
William  Dozier 
Talbot  Jennings 
JFay  Kanin 
Michael  Kanin 
Howard  Koch 
Dudley  Nichols 
Maurice  Rapf 
Meta  Reis 
Dore  Schary 
Lamar  Trotti 

Documentary  film 
Joris  Ivens,  Chairman 
Bernard  Gordon 
Ian  Hunter 
Jay  Leyda 

Training  films 

('apt.    Bernard    Vorhaus, 

Chairman 
Lt.  Commander  J.  C.  Hut- 
chinson 
Major  Harrison  Jacobs 
Lt.  Fanning  Hearon 
Sgt.  Stanley  Rubin 
Corp.  Alex  Greenberg 
Henry  Blankfort,  Jr. 
Edgar  Peterson 

Animated  cartoon 

iZachary  Schwartz,  Chair- 
man 
Graham  Heid 
Winston  Hibler 
Sgt.  John  Hubley 
William  King 
Karl  Van  Leuven 
Norman   Wright 

Creative  radio 

Arch  Oboler,  Chairman 

Bernard  Schoenfeld 


s  on  panels  and  seminaus — continued 

Humor  and  the  war — Con. 

Melvin  Frank 
Leonard  Leviuson 
Phil  Leslie 
Sam  Moore 
Norman  Panama 


Creative  radio — Con. 

Sam  Moore 
Wendell  Williams 

Radio  neivs  and  analysis 
Fox  Case,  Chairman 

Radio  shortwave 
Glan  Heisch,  Chairman 
Georgia  Backus 

Publicity  and  war 
Tom  Alfred 
Bill  Blowitz 
Cecil  Carle 
Lou  Harris 

Role  of  press 

II.  R.  Reynolds,  Chairman 

Charles  Cosgrove 

Donald  Mac-Donald 

John  Maloney 

W.  E.  Oliver 

Robert  Tonge 

Writers  in  exile 
Josef  Mischel,  Chairman 
Gustave  Arlt 
Kurt  Neumann 

Song  writing  in  war 
Earl  Robinson,  Chairman 
Leo  Robin 
Arthur  Schwartz 

Music  and  the  war 
Carroll   Hollister,   Chair- 
man 
Mischa  Altman 
Florence  Byrens 
Sol  Kaplan 
Gale  Kubik 
Lydia  Marcus 
Earl  Robinson 
Gerald  Strang 
Cyril  Towbin 

Humor  and  the  war 

Stanley    Roberts,    Chair- 
man 
A.  S.  Burrows 
Julius  Epstein 


Don  Quinn 
Frederic  Rinaldo 
Fred  Saidy 
Melville  Shavelson 

Arrangements 

Francis  Edwards  Fara- 
goh,  Chairman 

Milton  Merlin,  Vice- 
Chair  man 

Gustav  Arlt 

Fox  Case 

Franklin  Fearing 

Ralph  Freud 

Fred  Grable 

Hy  Kraft 

John  Howard  Lawson 

Stephen  Longstreet 

Alfred   E.   Longueil 

Melvin  Levy 

Mrs.  Robert  Rossen 

Herman  Rotsten 

Adrian  Scott 

Jack  Stanley 

Mrs.  William  Wyler 

Publicity 

Bill  Blowitz 
John   Clark 
John  Flinn 
Chandler  Harris 
Jerry  Hoffman 
Leonard  Neubauer 
George  Thomas,  Jr. 

Tickets 

Jane  Murfin,  Chairman 
Harold  Buchman 
Earl  Felton 
Robert  E.  Kent 
Lewis  Meltzer 
Ann  Roth  Morgan 
Frank  Partos 
Marguerite  Roberts 
Stanley  Roberts 
Richard  Weil 


GUILDS  PARTICIPATING  IN  THE  HOLLYWOOD  WRITERS  MOBILIZATION 

Robert  Rossen,  Chairman 

Paul  Franklin,  Vice  Chairman 

Pauline  Lauber  Finn,  Executive  Secretary 

■Screen  Writers  Guild  Screen  Cartoonists  Guild 

Radio  WTriters  Guild  American  Newspaper  Guild 

Screen  Publicists  Guild  Independent  Publicists  Assn. 

Screen  Readers  Guild  Song  Writers  Protective  Association 

1655  NORTH  CHEROKEE,  HOLLYWOOD  2  8,  CALIFORNIA 


1542  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

Exhibit  No.  32 
Senator  McCarthy's  Statement  on  Gustavo  Duran 

The  Committee  will  recall  that  the  name  of  Gustavo  Duran  was  first  mentioned 
hy  me  as  a  possible  bad  security  risk  in  a  speech  which  I  made  in  Reno,  Neva'da. 

At  that  time  I  said :  "Now,  let's  see  what  happens  when  individuals  with 
Communist  connections  are  forced  out  of  the  State  Department.  Gustavo  Duran, 
who  was  labeled  as  (I  quote)  'a  notorious  international  Communist,'  was  made 
assistant  to  the  Assistant  Secretary  of  State  in  charge  of  Latin  American  Affairs. 
He  was  taken  into  the  State  Department  from  his  job  as  a  lieutenant  colonel 
in  the  Communist  International  Brigade.  Finally,  after  intense  congressional 
pressure  and  criticism,  he  resigned  in  1946  from  the  State  Department — and 
ladies  and  gentlemen,  where  do  you  think  he  is  now?  He  took  over  a  high-sal- 
aried job  as  Chief  of  Cultural  Activities  Section  in  the  Office  of  the  Assistant 
Secretary  General  of  the  United  Nations." 

This  statement  was  promptly  ridiculed  by  the  Secretary  of  State  who— through 
Mr.  Peurifoy — merely  said  that  this  man  Duran  was  no  longer  an  employee  of 
the  State  Department,  but  had  been  in  the  auxiliary  foreign  service  from  Jan- 
uary 1943  until  September  1945,  and  thereafter  until  October  4,  1946,  in  the 
Department.  Mr.  Peurifoy  added  that  Duran  had  voluntarily  resigned  from 
the  State  Department  on  October  4,  1946. 

One  of  the  important  facts  that  the  Secretary  overlooked  in  making  this  press 
release  is  that  this  man  is  still,  as  of  today,  a  high  salaried  official  in  the  United 
Nations.  On  March  8th  my  office  phoned  the  office  of  Trygve  Lie  to  find  out 
exactly  what  type  of  work  he  was  doing.  My  office  was  advised  that  information 
could  not  be  given  to  me.  The  State  Department  advised  me  that  Duran  is 
now  Chief  of  the  Cultural  Activities  Section  of  the  Department  of  Social  Affairs, 
United  Nations. 

I  was  surprised  to  find  that  the  Permanent  Secretary  of  the  United  Nations 
felt  he  could  not  give  to  a  United  States  Senator  the  information  as  to  what  this 
man  was  doing.  However,  since  that  time  I  have  had  the  matter  checked  in  New 
York  and  am  informed  he  is  actually  with  the  International  Refugee  Organiza- 
tion, engaged  in  work  having  to  do  with  screening  refugees  coming  into  this 
country.  The  financial  contribution  which  the  United  States  makes  toward  the 
running  of  this  United  Nations'  agency  amount  to  45.57  percent.  (Senate  Report 
1274,  81st  Congress,  2d  Session,  Committee  on  Expenditures  in  the  Executive 
Departments,  prepared  by  Subcommittee  on  Relations  with  International  Organ- 
izations.) 

At  the  time  that  Acheson's  man  attempted  to  ridicule  my  statement,  he  either 
did  not  know  the  facts  in  the  case  or  he  was  covering  up  the  information  whicl> 
is  in  the  files  and  which  should  have  been  known  to  him. 

This  information,  which  I  shall  document  for  the  committee,  was  known  or  was 
available  to  the  State  Department.  It  shows  that  Duran  was  (1)  well-known 
for  his  rabid  Communist  beliefs  and  activities,  (2)  that  he  was  active  in  secret 
Soviet  operations  in  the  Spanish  Republican  Army,  (3)  that  a  highly  confidential 
report  was  sent  to  the  State  Department  by  the  Military  Attache  at  the  American 
Embassy  in  Madrid  which  according  to  all  existing  rules  called  for  Duran's  im- 
mediate dismissal — unless  the  facts  were  proven  to  be  wrong.  Originally,  I 
understand  it  was  claimed  that  this  was  a  case  of  mistaken  identity.  That  claim, 
I  believe,  has  been  subsequently  dropped  in  view  of  the  fact  that  our  intelligence 
produced  pictures  of  him  in  the  uniform  that  he  wore  at  the  time  he  was  the 
regional  head  of  SIM.'which  was  the  Spanish  Counterpart  of  the  Russian  NKVD 
or  OGPU.     I  now  hand  the  committee  one  of  those  pictures. 

At  the  time  this  intelligence  report  reached  the  State  Department,  Duran  was 
a  highly  placed  official  in  a  confidential  capacity  with  the  State  Department 
in  South  America. 

When  the  American  people  read  the  carefully  prepared  statement  put  out  by  the 
Secretary  of  State's  office  in  regard  to  the  Duran  statement,  they  were  entitled  to 
rely  upon  it  as  being  the  truth.  Unfortunately,  anyone  who  believed  that  state- 
ment got  a  completely  erroneous  impression  of  the  actual  facts. 

Whichever  way  you  wish  to  interpret  this  situation  I  submit  to  the  Committee 
that  it  is  typical  of  the  carelessness  of  the  top  executives  of  the  State  Department 
of  this  country.  The  situation  I  have  just  discussed  is  typical  of  the  type  of 
news  releases  emanating  from  the  State  Department;  it  is  typical  of  the  half 
truths  we  hear  in  answer  to  the  information  which  I  have  been  developing  in 
regard  to  the  bad  security  risks  in  that  Department. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1543 

I  now  submit  to  the  committee  the  Intelligence  Report  just  referred  to  in  its 
entirety.  It  will  be  noted  the  State  Department  received  a  copy  of  it.  There  are 
certain  matters  discussed  in  this  report  which  I  do  not  feel  should  be  made  public 
until  the  committee  has  had  a  chance  to  thoroughly  look  into  them.  I  have, 
therefore,  deleted  these  sections  from  the  copies  being  handed  to  the^ press  and 
will  not  read  them  into  the  record  at  this  time.  The  entire  report,  however, 
with  nothing  deleted  is  being  handed  to  each  of  the  members  of  the  committee. 

B.  I.  D.  No.  7232. 
Report  No.  R-290/46. 

Confidential  Intelligence  Report  for  General  Use  by  any  U.  S.  Intelligence 

Agency 

June  4,  194G. 
From  :  Military  Attache,  American  Embassy,  Madrid,  Spain. 
Source  :  Spanish  Army  Central  General  Staff.    B-3. 
Area  Reported  On  :   Spain. 

Who's  Who:  Gustavo  Dtjran. 

Following  is  the  report  given  the  Military  Attache  by  the  A.  C.  of  S.,  G-2, 
Spanish  Central  General  Staff,  After  the  M/A  asked  whether  Dtjran  was  known: 

1.  "Gustavo  Dtjrah  came  to  Madrid  for  the  first  time  in  the  nineteen  twenties 
from  the  Canary  Island,  in  the  company  of  another  Canarian,  a  painter  called 
Nestor,  who  was  registered  by  the  Spanish  police  for  the  same  reasons  as 
Duran  *  *  *.  As  a  friend  of  Nester,  Gustavo  Duran  became  employed  as 
a  pianist  in  the  company  of  Antonia  Merce  the  'Argentinita'  and  went  to  Berlin 
to  participated  in  that  capacity  in  dance  shows.  However,  his  *  *  *  caused 
him  to  incur  the  fury  of  the  Berlin  police,  which  finally  ousted  him  from  Germany. 

2.  "Similar  trouble  happened  to  him  in  other  Europen  capitals. 
His  *  *  *  grew  to  the  limit  in  Paris,  which  was  the  preferred  center  for 
his  activities  some  years  before  the  advent  of  the  Spanish  Republic  in  1931, 
while  he  was  under  the  protection  of  his  friend  Nestor,  the  painter,  who  was 
well  known  in  certain  Parisian  quarters.  About  that  time  the  Soviets  entrusted 
Gustavo  Duran  with  some  missions  and  finally  appointed  him  their  agent. 

3.  "Upon  the  proclamation  of  the  Spanish  Republic,  the  'Porcelana'  (as  he 
was  nicknamed)  returned  to  Madrid.  His  identity  papers  indicated  that  he  was 
the  representative  of  the  Paramount  Film  Co.  However,  bis  true  mission  was 
service  of  the  GPU.  Duran  was  greatly  successful  in  his  activities  due  to  the 
political  protection  he  enjoyed.  He  soon  became  one  of  the  leading  members  of 
the  Youths  of  the  Communist  Party  and  greatly  contributed  to  the  merger  of 
the  Communist  Youths  with  the  youths  of  the  Spanish  Labor  Party,  thus  giving 
birth  to  the  JSU  ('Juventudes  Socialisitas  Uniflcadas' — United  Socialist  Youths), 
of  fateful  remembrance,  since  this  organization  committeed  the  most  cold- 
blooded crimes  before  18  July  1936  (date  of  the  military  uprising)  and  during 
the  Red  revolution  which  ensued. 

4.  '•During  the  republican  regime  (1931-1936)  Duran  continued  practising 
his  *  *  *.  Together  with  other  'close'  friends  of  his  and  some  young 
pro-Communist  poets,  among  whom  Alberty  was  noted,  Duran  succeeded  in  be- 
coming notorious.  All  them  were  his  tools  and  all  them  were  made  into  active 
Communists.  In  Duran's  home  located  *  *  *,  such  meetings  took  place 
that  the  police  had  to  interfere  frequently,  thus  giving  occasion  to  complete  his 
record  as  *  *  *  in  the  files  of  the  General  Directorate  of  Security.  This 
record  as  *  *  *  was  probably  removed  by  his  friend  Serrano  Poncela,  who 
was  the  Chief  of  the  'Red'  Police  during  the  months  of  October  and  November 
1936  in  Madrid  and  political  reporter  of  'Mnndo  Obrero'  (a  Communist  news- 
paper) and  Chief  of  the  JSU  Duran's  release  from  his  frequent  imprisonments 
for  *  *  *  conduct  was  due  to  his  powerful  political  protectors,  who  blindly 
obeyed  orders  from  the  Soviet  political  police. 

5.  "Upon  the  national  uprising  (beginning  of  Civil  War)  Gustavo  Duran  took 
over  the  nearest  convent  to  his  house,  called  las  Siervas  de  Maria,'  located  at 
the  old  Chamheri  Plaza.  He  was  there  the  'responsable',  or  chief.  He  was 
afflicted  there  with  typhoid  fever  during  the  month  of  August  1936. 

The  ''Cause  General"  (General  Judicial  Proceedings)  has  information  about 
the  crimes  perpetrated  by  the  militia  under  the  command  of  Duran's  "choca" 
(illegal  prison).  He  was  one  of  the  principal  leaders  of  the  popular  militia 
created  by  the  Communists.  He  was  a  personal  friend  of  Lister  and  Modesto 
(commanders  of  Red  brigades,  now  Generals  in  the  Russian  Army)   and  soon 


1544  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

became  captain,  major  and  lieutenant  colonel  of  the  "Red"  Army.  He  belonged 
to  the  General  staff  of  the  "Red"  forces  which  directed  the  "brilliant"  with- 
drawals of  Talavera  de  la  Reina,  Maqueda,  Toledo,  etc. 

6.  "When  the  international  brigades  were  brought  into  the  Madrid  and  Aran- 
juez  fronts,  Gustavo  Duran  formed  part  of  the  High  Russian  General  Staff, 
with  headquarters  at  Tarancon  and  its  vicinity,  where  they  left  sad  and  hideous 
recollections. 

7.  "After  Tarancon  we  (the  Spanish  Intelligence  Service)  lost  track  of  Duran. 
It  appears  that  he  went  to  Moscow  with  a  delegation  of  male  and  female  mem- 
bers of  the  "Red"  Army.    It  appears  that  later  he  was  for  some  time  in  Paris. 

8.  "And  now  he  is  in  Washington  as  a  collaborator  of  Spruille  Braden,  Chief 
of  a  Section  of  the  State  Department." 

9.  M.  A.  Comment :  A  very  reliable  Spaniard  who  is  anti-Franco  in  sympathies 
but  is  middle  of  the  road  republican  and  extremely  pro-U.  S.  and  democratic 
in  his  views  states  that  he  knows  personally  that  Duran  as  commander  officer 
of  an  international  brigade  in  a  small  town  not  far  from  Madrid  ordered  the 
execution  of  the  town  electrician  and  another  man  who  was  a  mason,  neither 
of  whom  has  committed  any  act  for  which  they  should  have  suffered  this 
execution. 

1332     Wendell  G.  Johnson, 
Colonel,  G.  S.  C,  Military  Attach d. 

The  Honorable  Kenneth  S.  Wherry  wrote  to  the  State  Department  on  August 
2,  1946,  demanding  the  immediate  discharge  of  Duran.    I  now  submit  this  letter : 

August  2,  1946. 
The  Honorable  James  F.  Byrnes, 

Secretary  of  State,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Dear  Secretary:  As  a  member  of  the  Appropriation  Committee,  on  April  18, 
1946,  I  asked  for  investigation  of  certain  persons  holding  positions  of  trust  and 
responsibility  in  your  Department. 

It  was  my  purpose  then  and  is  now  to  withhold  appropriations  that  finance 
the  salaries  and  activities  of  anyone  in  the  State  Department  whose  allegiance 
apparently  is  to  some  other  country  rather  than  to  the  United  States. 

You  will  recall,  Mr.  Secretary,  that  when  you  appeared  I  questioned  you  about 
some  of  these  officials  and  among  them  was  a  Gustavo  Duran.  This  was  just 
prior  to  the  Carter  Glass  funeral.  At  that  time  you  stated  there  was  a  question 
of  identity  of  Gustavo  Duran.  You  stated  further  an  investigation  had  revealed 
that  he  was  some  other  person  than  the  man  in  the  State  Department,  who  has 
been  an  assistant  to  Spruille  Braden. 

It  has  now  come  to  my  knowledge  there  exists  an  extensively  military  intelli- 
gence report  on  this  man,  Gustavo  Duran,  and  I  am  reliably  informed  that  several 
copies  of  this  report  have  been  delivered  to  the  State  Department. 

I  am  now  making  this  formal  request  upon  you  in  my  official  capacity  as  a 
United  States  Senator,  and  as  a  member  of  the  State  Department  Subcommittee 
on  Appropriations,  that  on  the  basis  of  this  report  you  immediately  discharge 
Gustavo  Duran. 

Cordially  yours, 

Kenneth  S.  Wherry. 
KSW:emn 

After  Senator  Wherry  wrote  this  letter  to  the  State  Department,  demanding 
the  immediate  discharge  of  Duran,  he  received  on  September  14,  1946,  the- 
following  letter  from  Six.  Donald  Russell,  the  Assistant  Secretary  of  State. 

Assistant  Secretary  of  State, 
Washington,  September  14,  1946. 
The  Honorable  Kenneth  S.  Wherry, 

United  States  Senate. 
My  Dear  Senator:  I  am  in  receipt  of  your  recent  inquiry  about  the  security 
investigation  by  the  Department  of  Mr.  Gustavo  Duran.  As  you  know,  the 
Department  has  a  Security  Committee  which  confines  itself  to  reviewing  security 
investigations  and  to  making  recommendations  based  thereon.  Of  course,  this 
committee  has  nothing  to  do  with  reviewing  the  qualifications  or  competency  of 
the  person  reviewed  for  a  position  in  the  Department  other  than  as  security  is- 
involved.  I  have  added  this  because  from  our  conversation  I  would  assume 
that  you  seriously  question  the  qualifications  of  Mr.  Duran  for  employment,  as 
distinguished  from  security  consideration.  That  phase  of  Mr.  Duran's  employ- 
ment is  not  within  the  scope  of  the  Security  Committee. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1545 

After  reviewing  the  entire  record  on  Mr.  Duran  as  procured  from  all  available 
sources,  the  Security  Committee  recommended  favorably  on  Mr.  Duran.  I  bave 
carefully  gone  over  the  record  before  the  Security  Committee  and  I  have  approved 
their  recommendation. 

While  I  recognize  thai  the  above  conclusions  are  at  variance  with  your  own 
feelings,  I  have  to  do  my  duty  as  I  see  it  and  I  hope  that  you  will  recognize  that 
I  have  attempted  to  exercise  my  judgment  faithfully  and  honestly. 

With  best  wishes,  1  am 
Sincerely  yours, 

(S)   Donald  Russell. 

When  Mr.  Russell  wrote  this  letter  on  September  14,  1946,  he  had  in  his  flies 
the  top  secret  report  from  the  Military  Attache  in  Madrid,  which  I  have  already 
referred  to.  outlining  in  detail  the  facts  I  have  given  on  Duran. 

What  was  the  mysterious  power  in  the  possession  of  Duran  that  enabled  him 
to  continue  to  serve  as  a  confidential  assistant  to  Spruille  Braden,  the  then  head 
of  the  State  Department's  South  American  affairs? 

Why  was  this  man  permitted  voluntarily  to  resign  in  the  face  of  these  grave 
charges? 

Mr.  Duran  obviously  had  powerful  friends  and  one  of  his  greatest  champions 
was  his  immediate  chief.  Spruille  Braden. 

I  now  show  the  Committee  a  copy  of  a  letter  marked  "secret"  and  dated  De- 
cember 21.  1048.  in  Havana. 


Habana,  December  21,  1943. 
Memorandum  for  the  Military  Attache 

Mi-.  Gustavo  Duran  was  recommended  to  me  in  the  first  instance  by  a  friend 
of  unimpeachable  patriotism  and  integrity.  He  was  recommended  for  a  specific 
objective  requiring  a  person  of  highly  specialized  qualifications;  his  duties  were 
to  be  concerned  with  protecting  United  States  interests  through  confidential 
surveillance  over  Falangist  activities  in  Cuba.  * 

As  to  Mr.  Duran's  background,  he  is  a  naturalized  American  citizen  born  and 
educated  in  Spain.  He  is  of  good  family,  and  in  his  youth  was  particularly 
interested  in  the  arts.  When  the  Spanish  Civil  War  began  in  July  1936,  he 
gave  up  everything  to  fight  on  the  side  of  the  Loyalists  and  from  a  somewhat 
dilettante  but  brilliant  young  man,  turned  into  a  vital  force  for  the  Republican 
cause.  His  military  record  was  reportedly  brilliant.  He  was  further  described 
to  me  as  being  a  man  whose  hatred  for  the  Fascists,  and  his  deep  devotion  to 
liberal  principles,  are  not  open  to  debate.  A  close  association  with  him  during 
a  period  of  over  a  year  fully  support  this  description. 

Mr.  Duran  arrived  in  Habana  in  November  1942  on  the  payroll  of  the  Pan 
American  Union  and  was  to  transfer  to  the  stall  of  the  CIAA  on  February  1, 
1043.  Instead,  I  urgently  recommended  his  employment  as  an  Auxiliary  Foreign 
Service  Office  in  a  telegram  from  which  I  quote  the  following: 

"I  regard  Duran  as  eminently  qualified  for  the  work  he  is  performing  and 
I  have  the  highest  estimation  for  his  intelligence  and  character  as  well  as  for 
his  complete  loyalty  and  discretion.  He  has  already  proven  of  very  great  value 
to  this  Embassy  and  I  anticipate  that  his  usefulness  will  increase  as  he  becomes 
more  familiar  with  conditions  in  Cuba.  I  consider  that  his  continuance  here  is 
particularly  desirable  at  the  present  time  when  our  relations  with  Spain  are 
of  such  vital  importance." 

Mr.  Duran  has  now  served  as  one  of  my  immediate  associates  for  more  than 
a  year.  His  work  has  been  excellent  and  outstandingly  useful  to  the  United 
States  Government.  From  my  personal  knowledge  based  on  close  association, 
Mr.  Duran  is  not  a  Communist  but  a  liberal  of  the  highest  type.  I  consider  him 
an  unusually  worthy,  patriotic,  and  honorable  American  citizen,  who  shows  great 
promise  as  a  United  States  Government  official  capable  of  high  responsibility. 

Spruille  Braden. 

Mr.  Braden  describes  Mr.  Duran  as  one  recommended  to  him  by  a  friend  of 
unimpeachable  integrity. 

He  set  forth  in  his  letter  that  Duran  was  a  naturalized  citizen,  born  and 
educated  in  Spain,  of  good  family  and  in  his  youth  was  particularly  "interested 
in  the  arts."     Braden  said  that  from  1936  Duran  gave  up  everything  to  fight 


1546  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

on  the  side  of  the  Spanish  Loyalists  and  said  he  "urgently  recommended  his 
employment  as  an  Auxiliary  Foreign  Service  officer." 

Following  Senator  Wherry's  letter  to  the  State  Department  of  August  1940, 
in  which  the  Senator  maintained  that  this  man  was  such  a  bad  security  risk 
that  he  should  be  discharged,  we  find  that  he  was  permitted  to  resign  on  October 
4,  1946. 

In  view  of  the  grave  charges  made  by  Senator  Wherry  and  the  unusual  attitude 
of  the  State  Department  in  permitting  this  man's  resignation,  it  would  be  interest- 
ing to  know  what,  if  any,  investigation  was  made  by  State  Department  officials 
as  to  his  conduct  while  in  a  responsible,  confidential  capacity  in  the  Department. 

But  Duran's  friends  in  the  State  Department  did  not  turn  their  backs  on  him. 

After  his  resignation,  Duran  almost  immediately  was  employed  as  a  representa- 
tive of  the  International  Refugee  Organization  of  the  United  Nations.  He  was 
employed  there  as  of  yesterday. 

I  have  received  a  confidential  report  that  Duran  was  recommended  for  his 
UN  position  by  a  member  of  the  present  Presidential  Cabinet.  It  has  also  been 
reported  to  me  that  Duran  is  the  brother-in-law  of  Michael  Straight,  the  owner 
and  publisher  of  a  pro-Communist  magazine  called  the  New  Republic. 

Here  again  it  is  certainly  pertinent  to  inquire  where  this  man  got  his  power, 
what  he  did  while  in  the  State  Department,  and  possibly,  of  equal  importance,  is 
what  he  did  not  do. 

To  complete  this  picture,  I  attach  hereto  copies  of  the  following  documents : 

(1)  Report  from  Edward  J.  Ruff,  Assistant  U.  S.  Military  Attache  in  the 
Dominican  Republic,  addressed  to  the  American  Intelligence  Service  dated  De- 
cember 30, 1943. 

(2)  Excerpt  from  the  book,  Why  and  How  I  Left  Defense  Ministry  in  the 
Intrigue  of  Russia  in  Spain,  by  Idalicio  Prieto,  former  Minister  of  Defense  for 
the  Spanish  Republican  cause. 

(3)  A  list  of  reference  material  for  the  committee's  use  in  further  checking 
into  the  background  and  activities  of  this  man  who  is  now  with  IRO,  screening 
refugees  coming  into  the  United  States. 


December  30,  1943. 

Report   From  Edward  J.   Ruff,  Assistant  U.    S.   Military  Attache   in   the 
Dominican  Republic,  Addressed  to  the  American  Intelligence  Service 

I  want  to  take  this  opportunity  to  clarify  my  position  in  connection  with 
Report  No.  428,  dated  13  December  1943,  subject:  Gustavo  Duran.  Alleged  Com- 
munist Employee  of  the  CIAA,  Havana.  As  you  know,  this  office  received  a 
cable  from  the  Military  Attache,  Havana,  requesting  that  dissemination  of  this 
report  to  be  held  up  on  the  grounds  that  it  was  "absolutely  incorrect."  A  few 
days  ago  we  received  letter  No.  7907  from  Lt.  Col.  Brown,  written  by  Ambassador 
Braden  concerning  this  individual.  Both  these  communications  corroborated 
information  which  we  had  regarding  Duran  and  I  cannot  see  on  the  basis  of  their 
reports  how  our  report  can  be  branded  as  "absolutely  incorrect."  Our  only  state- 
ment in  the  report  on  Duran  is  that  he  was  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  in 
Spain.  From  further  reports  received,  this  information  can  now  be  evaluated 
as  A-l.  For  your  own  knowledge,  the  information  on  Duran  was  submitted 
by  a  Spanish  refugee  who  also  served  as  a  Lt.  Colonel  in  the  Spanish  Republican 
Army  and  had  served  on  Duran's  promotion  board  in  Spain,  which  board  was 
charged  with  considering  recommendations  for  promotion  of  Spanish  Republican 
Officers.  As  our  source  was  actually  sitting  on  the  Board  at  the  time  that 
Duran's  recommendation  for  promotion  came  through,  he  himself  saw  all  Duran's 
papers  and  letters  of  recommendation,  and  had  access  to  complete  information 
regarding  Duran's  background. 

He  states,  dogmatically,  that  the  records  showed  Duran  to  be  a  member  of  the 
Spanish  Communist  Party.  Our  source  had  previously  made  available  to  us 
the  information  agreeing  with  that  sent  to  us  by  Military  Attache,  Havana, 
i'\c  ]it  tlic  statement  that  Duran  entered  the  Army  as  a  private.  According  to  our 
Agent.  Duran  was  commissioned  directly  from  civilian  life  and  given  the  rank 
of  Major  in  the  Militia.  Later  when  the  Militia  became  part  of  the  Spanish 
Republican  Army,  he  was  made  a  Major  in  the  Army.  The  only  additional  in- 
formation we  had,  and  which  we  did  not  mention  in  the  report  as  it  was  not 
believed  pertinent,  was  the  reported  fact  that  Duran  is  a  homosexual.  I  do  not 
question  Duran's  interest  in  the  arts,  his  culture,  or  intelligence.     However,  we 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1547 

only  stated  in  our  report  that  Duran  was  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party,  and 
that  we  did  not  know  whether  he  is  still  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party.  I, 
myself,  am  convinced  that  Duran  was  a  Communist  and  consider  Ambassador 
Barden's  statement  that  he  is  a  "liberal  of  the  highest  type"  to  be  a  euphemism. 
Under  the  circumstances,  I  believed  the  reliability  of  our  report  still  remains  as 
originally  submitted. 

The  Ambassador  here  is  inclined  to  concur  in  my  report  on  Duran,  but  has 
asked  that  do  further  official  correspondence  on  the  subject  be  sent  up.     Hence 
this  personal  letter  from  me. 
Sincerely, 

Edward  J.  Ruff, 

1st  Lt.,  A.  O.  D.,  Assistant  Military  AttacM. 


Excebpt  Pbom  the  Book,  Why  and  How  I  Left  Defense  Ministry  in  the 
Intrigue  of  Russia  in  Spain,  by  Indalicio  Prieto,  Former  Minister  of 
Defense  for  the  Spanish  Republic  Cause 

"It  is  true  that  I  have  had  certain  incidents  with  the  Russians.  Certain  Rus- 
sian technicians  proposed  to  me  in  Valencia,  that  a  service  of  Military  Investi- 
gations should  be  created.  This  was  the  Spanish  counterpart  of  the  NKVD.  I 
confess  that  I  opposed  the  project.  But  because  of  insistent  pressure,  I  created 
the  SIM.  I  was  especially  concerned  with  choosing  a  chief,  until  I  gave  it  to  an 
intimate  friend  of  mine,  who  had  just  come  from  France,  where  he  was  with 
his  family.     In  entrusting  him  with  the  task,  I  gave  him  these  instructions : 

"You  are  going  to  form  the  SIM,  carefully,  with  elements  of  all  groups  of  the 
Popular  Front.  Your  only  charges  will  be  these  two :  Do  not  permit  the  new 
organization  to  be  converted  into  an  instrument  of  the  Communists  and  do  not 
permit  Russian  technicians  to  gain  control.  Listen  to  the  advice  of  these  tech- 
nicians and  follow  their  orientations,  which  can  be  very  useful  to  you,  but  con- 
trol must  always  be  in  your  hands  and  in  that  of  the  Government,  and  of  no 
one  else." 

I  showed  little  tact  in  the  selection  of  that  comrade.  A  Republican  named 
Sayagues  came  in  fact  to  be  the  chief  of  SIM.  Regional  chiefs  of  the  SIM  were 
designated  and  they  proposed  to  me  a  certain  Gustavo  Duran  for  the  Madrid 
zone.  It  was  not  concealed  from  me  that  the  person  proposed  was  a  Communist 
(Duran).  I  knew  this,  but  in  spite  of  that,  he  was  appointed  by  me.  In  the 
decree  creating  the  SOI  of  August  1937 — a  decree  which  I  myself  drew  up,  be- 
cause I  did  not  wish  to  follow  in  a  slavish  manner  the  project  which  was  handed 
me — there  is  an  article  by  virtue  of  which  the  appointment  of  all  agents  of  the 
SIM  rests  exclusive  with  the  Minister  of  National  Defense.  This  was  a  guaran- 
tee which  temporarily  I  wish  to  establish.  No  one  could  be  an  agent  of  the 
SIM  who  was  not  in  possession  of  the  memorandum  book  which  bore  duplicate 
the  signature  of  the  minister.  Duran  having  been  appointed  chief  of  the  de- 
marcation of  the  army  of  the  center,  of  his  own  accord  and  without  power  to 
do  so,  appointed  the  agents  who  were  under  his  orders,  which  to  the  number  of 
some  hundreds,  were  Communists  and  only  four  or  five  were  Socialists.  I  faced 
an  intolerable  situation,  wherefore  alleging,  and  with  reason,  that  I  lacked  com- 
manders in  the  army.  I  ordered  that  all  military  chiefs  who  were  not  in  par- 
ticular positions  in  the  army  should  return  to  their  former  positions  and  thus 
Major  Duran  had  to  return  to  his  military  function.  Because  of  Duran's  leaving 
the  SIM  I  received  a  visit  from  a  Russian  technician,  of  these  services,  who  said 
to  me: 

"Russian  Agent.  I  have  come  to  speak  to  you  about  the  dismissal  of  Duran. 
What  happened? 

"Prieto.  Nothing  special,  I  lacked  commanders  in  the  army  and  ordered  Duran 
to  return  to  it. 

"Russian  Agent.  No.  You  discharged  him  because  he  appointed  Communists 
as  agents  in  Madrid. 

"Prieto.  That  is  also  sufficient  reason,  because  Duran  absolutely  lacked  author- 
ity to  make  appointments. 

"Russian  Agent.  Why  did  he  not  have  the  power  to  appoint  agents? 

"Prieto.  Because  by  virtue  of  the  decree  creating  the  SIM  that  power  is 
reserved  exclusively  to  the  Minister." 

I  read  the  decree  and  before  the  evidence  of  my  statement  my  visitor  alleged : 

"Russian  Agent.  Duran  could  make  temporary  appointments. 
68970—50 — pt.  2 5 


1548  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

"Prieto.  Neither  actual  nor  temporary.  Here  in  Spain,  moreover,  the  tem- 
porary is  converted  into  the  definitive. 

"Russian  Agent.  Be  that  as  it  may,  I  come  to  ask  you  to  immediately  restore 
Major  Duran  as  chief  of  the  SIM  in  Madrid. 

"Prieto.  I  am  very  sorry,  but  I  cannot  consent. 

"Russian  Agent.  If  you  do  not  restore  Duran,  my  relations  with  you  are 
broken. 

"Prieto.  I  am  sorry,  but  Major  Duran  will  go  to  the  front  of  his  division  and 
will  not  return  to  the  SIM.  Your  attitude  is  unjustified  and  I  cannot  yield  to  it." 
I  did  not  yield  as  a  matter  of  fact,  and  my  relations  with  the  Russian  technician, 
through  his  own  wish,  were  absolutely  cut  off.  I  have  not  seen  him  since  that 
scene. 


Exhibit  No.  33 

Habana,  December  21,  1943. 

Memorandum  for  the  Military  Attache 

Mr.  Gustavo  Duran  was  recommended  to  me  in  the  first  instance  by  a  friend 
of  unimpeachable  patriotism  and  integrity.  He  was  recommended  for  a  specific 
objective  requiring  a  person  of  highly  specialized  qualifications ;  his  duties  were 
to  be  concerned  with  protecting  United  States  interests  through  confidential 
surveillance  over  Falangist  activities  in  Cuba. 

As  to  Mr.  Duran's  background,  be  is  a  naturalized  American  citizen,  born  and 
educated  in  Spain.  He  is  of  good  family,  and  in  his  youth  was  particularly 
interested  in  the  arts.  When  the  Spanish  Civil  War  began  in  July  1936,  he 
gave  up  everything  to  fight  on  the  side  of  the  Loyalists,  and  from  a  somewhat 
dilettante  but  brilliant  young  man,  turned  into  a  vital  force  for  the  Republican 
cause.  His  military  record  was  reportedly  brilliant.  He  was  further  described 
to  me  as  being  a  man  whose  hatred  for  the  Fascists,  and  his  deep  devotion  to 
liberal  principles,  are  not  open  to  debate.  A  close  association  with  him  during 
a  period  of  over  a  year  fully  supports  this  description. 

Mr.  Duran  arrived  in  Habana  in  November  1942  on  the  payroll  of  the  Pan 
American  Union  and  was  to  transfer  to  the  stall  of  the  C.  I.  A.  A.  on  February 
1,  1943.  Instead,  I  urgently  recommended  his  employment  as  an  Auxiliary  For- 
eign Service  Officer  in  a  telegram  from  which  I  quote  the  following : 

"I  regard  LHiran  as  eminently  qualified  for  the  work  he  is  performing 
and  I  have  the  highest  estimation  for  his  intelligence  and  character  as  well 
as  for  his  complete  loyalty  and  discretion.    He  has  already  proven  of  very 
great  value  to  this  Embassy  and  I  anticipate  that  his  usefulness  will  in- 
crease as  he  becomes  more  familiar  with  conditions  in  Cuba.    I  consider  that 
his  continuance  here  is  particularly  desirable  at  the  present  time  when 
our  relations  with  Spain  are  of  such  vital  importance." 
Mr.  Duran  has  now  served  as  one  of  my  immediate  assistants  for  more  than 
a  year.     His  work  lias  been  excellent  and  outstandingly  useful  to  the  United 
States  Government.     From  my  personal  knowledge  based  on  close  association, 
Mr.  Duran  is  not  a  Communist  but  a  liberal  of  the  highest  type.     I  consider 
him  an  unusually  worthy,  patriotic  and  honorable  American  citizen,  who  shows 
great  promise  as  a  United  States  Government  official  capable  of  high  responsi 
bility. 

»  Spruille  Braden. 


Exhibit  No.  34 

December  30,  1943. 

Report   From    Edward  J.   Ruff,   Assistant  U.   S.   Military   Attache  in   the 
Dominican   Republic,  Addressed  to  the  American   Intelligence  Service 

I  want  to  take  this  opportunity  to  clarify  my  position  in  connection  with 
Report  No.  428,  dated  13  December  1943,  subject:  Custavo  Diran.  Alleged  Com- 
munist Employee  of  the  CIAA,  Havana.  As  yon  know,  this  officer  received  a 
cable  from  the  Military  Attache,  Havana,  requesting  that  disseminations  of  this 
report  to  bo  hold  up  on  the  grounds  that  it  was  "absolutely  incorrect."  A  few 
days  ago  wo  received  letter  No.  TIMJT  from  Lt.  Col.  Brown,  written  by  Ambassador 
Braden   concerning   this   individual.     Both   these   communications   corroborated 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1549 

Information  which  we  had  regarding  Duran  and  T  cannot  sec  on  the  basis  of  their 
reports  bow  our  report  can  be  branded  as  "absolutely  incorrect."  Our  only  state- 
ment in  the  report  on  Dnran  is  that  he  was  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  in 
Spain.  From  further  reports  received,  this  information  can  now  be  evaluated 
as  A-l.  For  your  own  knowledge,  the  information  on  Duran  was  submitted 
by  a  Spanish  refugee  who  also  served  as  a  Lt.  Colonel  in  the  Spanish  Republican 
Army  and  had  served  on  Duran's  promotion  board  in  Spain,  which  hoard  wras 
Charged  with  considering  recommendations  for  promotion  of  Spanish  Repuhlican 
Officers.  As  our  source  was  actually  sitting  on  the  board  at  the  time  that 
1  hiran's  recommendation  for  promotion  came  through,  he  himself  saw  all  Duran's 
papers  and  letters  of  recommendation,  and  had  access  to  complete  information 
regarding  Duran's  background. 

He  states,  dogmatically,  that  the  records  showed  Duran  to  he  a  member  of  the 
Spanish  Communist  Party.  Our  source  had  previously  made  available  to  us 
the  information  agreeing  with  that  sent  to  us  by  Military  Attache,  Havana, 
except  the  statement  that  Duran  entered  the  Army  as  a  private.  According  to  our 
Agent.  Duran  was  commissioned  directly  from  civilian  life  and  given  the  rank 
of  Major  in  the  Militia.  Later  when  the  Militia  became  part  of  the  Spanish 
Republican  Army,  he  was  made  a  Major  in  the  Army.  The  only  additional  in- 
formation we  had.  and  which  we  did  not  mention  in  the  report  as  it  was  not 
believed  pertinent,  was  the  reported  fact  that  Duran  is  a  homesexual.  I  do  not 
question  Duran"s  interest  in  the  arts,  his  culture,  or  intelligence.  However,  we 
only  stated  in  our  report  that  Duran  was  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party,  and 
that  we  did  not  know  whether  he  is  still  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party.  I, 
myself,  am  convinced  that  Duran  was  a  Communist  and  consider  Ambassador 
Braden's  statement  that  he  is  a  "liberal  of  the  highest  type"  to  be  a  euphemism. 
Under  the  circumstances,  I  believed  the  reliability  of  our  report  still  remains  as 
originally  submitted. 

The  Ambassador  here  is  inclined  to  concur  in  my  report  on  Duran,  but  has 
asked  that  no  further  official  correspondence  on  the  subject  be  sent  up.     Hence 
this  personal  letter  from  me. 
Sincerely, 

Edward  J.  Ruff, 
1st  Lt.,  A.  O.  D.,  Assistant  Military  Attache. 


Exhibit  35 
Senator  McCarthy's  Statement  on  John  Stewart  Service 

This  case  is  that  of  John  Stewart  Service, 

This  man  is  a  foreign  service  officer  of  the  Department  of  State  and  at  the 
moment  is  in  Calcutta,  India,  where  he  is  helping  determine  the  all-important 
policy  of  our  Government  toward  India, 

The  name  of  John  Stewart  Service  is  not  new  to  the  men  in  the  Government 
who  must  pass  on  a  governmental  employee's  fitness  as  a  security  risk. 

When  Mr.  Peurifoy  testified  before  the  Senate  Appropriations  Committee,  he 
said  that  Service  had  been  cleared  four  different  times. 

It  is  my  understanding  that  the  number  has  now  risen  to  fiive  and  I  earnestly 
request  that  this  committee  ascertain  immediately  if  Service  was  not  considered 
as  a  bad  security  risk  by  the  Loyalty  Appeal  Board  of  the  Civil  Service  Commis- 
sion, in  a  post-audit  decision,  handed  down  on  March  3  of  this  year. 

I  understand  that  this  board  returned  the  file  of  Mr.  Service  to  the  State 
Department  with  the  report  that  they  did  not  feel  that  they  could  give  him  clear- 
ance and  requested  that  a  new  board  be  appointed  for  the  consideration  of  this 
case. 

To  indicate  to  the  committee  the  importance  of  this  man's  position  as  a  security 
risk  to  the  Government,  I  think  it  should  be  noted  that  he  is  one  of  the  dozen 
top  policy  makers  in  the  entire  Department  of  State  on  Far  Eastern  policy. 

He  is  one  of  the  small,  potent  group  of  "untouchables"  who  year  after  year 
formulate  and  carry  out  the  plans  for  the  Department  of  State  and  its  dealings 
with  foreign  nations ;  particularly,  those  in  the  Far  East. 

The  Communist  affiliations  of  Service  are  well  known. 

His  background  is  crystal  clear. 

He  was  a  friend  and  associate  of  Frederick  Vanderbilt  Field,  the  Communist 
Chairman  of  the  Editorial  Board  of  the  infamous  Amerasia. 


1550  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

Half  of  the  Editorial  Board  of  this  magazine  were  pro-Communist  members 
of  the  State  Department  and  the  committee  is  in  possession  of  these  names. 

On  June  G,  1945,  the  Federal  Bureau  of  Investigation,  after  an  exceedingly 
painstaking  and  careful  investigation  covering  months,  arrested  Philip  J.  Jaffe, 
Kate  Louise  Mitchell,  editor  and  coeditor  of  Amerasia,  Andrew  Roth,  a  lieutenant 
in  the  United  States  Naval  Reserve  stationed  in  Washington ;  Emanuel  Sigurd 
Larsen  and  John  Stewart  Service,  who  were  employees  of  the  State  Department 
(this  is  the  same  John  S.  Service  to  whom  I  have  just  referred  and  who  is  pres- 
ently representing  the  State  Department  in  Calcutta,  India)  ;  Mark  Julius  Gayn, 
a  magazine  writer  of  New  York  City,  who  is  about  to  leave  for  Russia.  They 
were  arrested  on  charges  of  espionage  in  connection  with  the  theft  of  the  fol- 
lowing Government  records : 

360  classified  documents  from  the  State  Department,  including  some  top 

secret  and  confidential  classification; 
163  prepared  by  ONI. 
42  prepared  by  MID. 
58  prepared  by  OWL 
9  from  the  files  of  the  War  Department. 

Some  of  the  important  documents  picked  up  by  the  FBI  at  the  time  of  the 
arrest  were  as  follows : 

First:  One  document  market  "secret"  and  obviously  originating  in  the  Navy 
Department  dealt  with  the  schedule  and  targets  for  the  bombing  of  Japan.  This 
particular  document  was  known  to  be  in  the  possession  of  Phillip  Jaffe,  one  of 
the  defendants,  during  the  early  spring  of  1945  and  before  the  program  had 
been  effected.  That  information  in  the  hands  of  our  enemies  could  have  cost 
us  many  precious  American  lives. 

Second :  Another  document,  also  marked  "top  secret"  and  likewise  originating 
in  the  Navy  Department,  dealt  with  the  disposition  of  the  Japanese  Fleet  sub- 
sequent to  the  major  naval  battle  of  October  1944,  and  gave  the  location  and 
class  of  each  Japanese  warship.  What  conceivable  reason  or  excuse  could  there 
be  for  these  people,  or  anyone  else  without  authority  to  have  that  information 
in  their  possession  and  at  the  same  time  claim  freedom  of  the  press?  That  was 
the  excuse  they  offered.     They  stole  this  document  for  no  good  purpose. 

Third :  Another  document  stolen  from  the  Office  of  Postal  and  Telegraph 
Censorship,  was  a  secret  report  on  the  Far  East  and  so  stamped  as  to  leave 
no  doubt  in  anybody's  mind  that  the  mere  possession  of  it  by  an  unauthorized 
person  was  a  clear  violation  of  the  Espionage  Act.  This  was  not  an  antiquated 
paper  but  of  current  and  vital  interest  to  our  Government  and  the  Nation's 
welfare. 

Fourth:  Another  document  stolen  was  from  the  Office  of  Military  Intelligence 
and  consisted  of  22  pages  containing  information  obtained  from  Japanese  pris- 
oners of  war. 

Fifth:  Another  stolen  document,  particularly  illuminating  and  of  present 
great  importance  to  our  policy  in  China,  was  a  lengthy  detailed  report  showing 
complete  disposition  of  the  units  in  the  army  of  Chiang  Kai-shek,  where  located, 
how  placed,  under  whose  command,  naming  the  units,  division  by  division,  and 
showing  their  military  strength. 

Many  of  the  stolen  documents  bear  an  imprint  which  reads  as  follows : 

"This  document  contains  information  affecting  the  national  defense  of 
the  United  States  within  the  meaning  of  the  Espionage  Act,  50  United  States 
Code  31-32,  as  amended.  Its  transmission  or  the  revelation  of  its  contents 
in  any  manner  to,an  unauthorized  person  is  prohibited  by  law." 

Despite  the  very  small  circulation  of  1,700  copies  of  this  magazine  it  had  a 
large  photocopying  department.  According  to  Congressman  Dondero,  who  spon- 
sored the  resolution  for  the  investigation  of  the  grand  jury,  this  department 
was  working  through  the  night,  in  the  small  hours  of  morning,  and  even  on 
Sundays.  It  could  reproduce  the  stolen  documents — and  undoubtedly  did — and 
distribute  them  into  channels  to  serve  subversive  purposes,  even  into  clenched 
'.ists  raised  to  destroy  our  Government. 

in  June  1044  Amerasia  commenced  attacks  upon  Joseph  C.  Grew,  who  had 
during  bis  stay  in  the  State  Department  rather  vigorously  opposed  the  clique 
which  favored  scuttling  Chiang  Kai-shek  and  allowing  the  Communist  element 
in  China  to  take  over. 

Larsen,  one  of  the  codefendants  in  this  case  subsequently  wrote  a  lengthy  report 
on  this  watter.    I  would  like  to  quote  briefly  from  parts  of  that  report: 

"Behind  the  now  famous  State  Department  Espionage  Case,  involving  the 
arrest  of  six  persons  of  whom  I  was  one.  an  arrest  which  shocked  the  Nation  on 


STATE   DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1551 

.Tunc  7.  101".  is  the  storj  of  a  highly  organized  campaign  to  switch  American 
policy  in  the  Far  East  from  its  long  tested  course  to  the  Soviet  lino.  It  is  a 
story  which  has  never  hern  told  before  in  full.  Many  sensational  though  little 
explained  developments,  such  as  the  General  Stilwell  Affair,  the  resignation  of 
Under  Secretary  Joseph  C.  Grew  and  Ambassador  Patrick  Hurley  and  the 
emergence  of  a  pro-Soviel  bine  in  the  Far  Eastern  Division  of  the  State  Depart- 
ment, are  interlaced  with  the  Case  of  the  Six,  as  the  episode  became  known.  *  *  * 

••It  is  the  mysterious  whitewash  of  the  chief  actors  of  the  Espionage  Case 
which  the  Congress  has  directed  the  Hobbs  committee  to  investigate.  But  from 
behind  that  whitewash  there  emerges  the  pattern  of  a  major  operation  performed 
upon  Uncle  Sam  without  his  being  conscious  of  it.  That  operation  vitally  affects 
our  main  ramparts  in  the  Pacific.  In  consequence  of  this  operation  General 
Marshall  was  sent  on  a  foredoomed  mission  to  China  designed  to  promote  Soviet 
expansion  on  our  Asiatic  frontier.  It  was  a  mission  which  could  not  but  come 
to  grief  and  which  may  yet  bring  untold  sorrow  to  the  American  people. 

"How  did  it  happen  that  the  United  States  began  to  turn  in  1944  upon  its 
loyal  ally,  the  Chiang  Kai-shek  Government,  which  had  for  7  years  fought  Japan, 
and  to  assume  the  sponsorship  of  the  rebel  Communist  regime  which  collaborated 
with  the  Japanese  during  the  period  of  the  Stalin-Hitler  Pact?  How  did  it  come 
to  pass  that  Washington  since  1S)44  has  been  seeking  to  foist  Communist  members 
upon  the  sole  recognized  and  legitimate  government  of  China,  a  maneuver  equiva- 
lent to  an  attempt  by  a  powerful  China  to  introduce  Earl  Browder  and  William  Z. 
Foster  into  key  positions  in  the  United  States  Government?  How  did  it  trans- 
spire  that  our  top-ranking  military  leader,  General  Marshall,  should  have  pro- 
moted an  agreement  in  China  under  which  American  officers  would  be  training 
and  equipping  rebel  Chinese  Communist  units  at  the  very  time  when  they  were 
ambushing  our  marines  and  when  Communists  the  world  over  were  waging  a  war 
of  nerves  upon  the  United  States? 

"Whose  was  the  hand  which  forced  the  sensational  resignation  of  Under 
Secretary  of  State  Joseph  C.  Grew  and  his  replacement  by  Dean  Acheson?  And 
was  the  same  hand  responsible  for  driving  Ambassador  Patrick  Hurley  into  a 
blind  alley  and  retirement?" 

In  describing  the  arrest,  Larson  had  this  to  say  about  his  arrival  at  the  office 
of  the  United  States  Commissioner: 

"There  I  found  myself  sitting  next  to  John  Stewart  Service,  a  leading  figure 
in  the  pro-Soviet  group  in  the  China  Section  of  the  State  Department,  and  to 
Lieutenant  Andrew  Roth,  liaison  officer  between  the  Office  of  Naval  Intelligence 
and  the  State  Department,  whom  I  also  knew  as  an  adherent  of  pro-Soviet  policies. 
Both  of  them  were  arrested  separately  the  same  night  in  Washington." 

Larsen  then  goes  on  to  describe  John  Stewart  Service,  John  P.  Davies,  Jr.,  and 
John  Carter  Vincent  as  the  pro-Soviet  group  in  the  China  Section  whose  views 
were  reflected  by  Amerasia  and  whose  members  were  in  close  touch  with  Jaffe 
and  Roth.  In  connection  with  this,  it  will  be  remembered  that  John  Service,  as 
Stilwell's  political  adviser,  accompanied  a  highly  secret  military  commission  to 
Yenan.  Upon  the  return  of  this  mission,  you  will  recall  that  Stilwell  demanded 
that  Chiang  Kai-shek  allow  him  to  equip  and  arm  some  300,000  Communists. 
Chiang  Kai-shek  objected  on  the  grounds  that  this  was  part  of  a  Soviet  plot 
to  build  up  the  rebel  forces  to  the  extent  that  they  would  control  China.  Chiang 
Kai-shek  promptly  requested  the  recall  of  Stilwell  and  President  Roosevelt 
relieved  Stilwell  of  his  command.  It  was  at  this  time  that  Service  submitted  his 
Report  No.  40  to  the  State  Department,  which,  according  to  Hurley,  was  a  plan 
for  the  removal  of  support  from  the  Chiang-Kai-shek  government  with  the  end 
result  that  the  Communists  would  take  over. 

The  espionage  cases  apparently  had  their  origin  when  a  British  Intelligence 
Unit  called  attention  to  material  being  published  in  Amerasia  which  was  em- 
barrassing its  investigations. 

Preliminary  investigations  conducted  at  that  time  by  OSS  disclosed  classified 
State  Department  material  in  the  possession  of  Jaffe  and  Mitchell.  The  FBI 
then  took  over  and  reported  that  in  the  course  of  its  quest  it  was  found  that 
John  Stewart  Service  was  In  communication  from  China  with  Jaffe.  The  sub- 
stance of  some  of  Service's  confidential  messages  to  the  State  Department  reached 
the  offices  of  Amerasia  in  New  York  before  they  arrived  in  Washington.  One  of 
the  papers  found  in  Jaffe's  possession  was  Document  #  58,  one  of  Service's 
secret  reports  entitled  :  "Generalissimo  Chiang  Kai-shek — Decline  of  his  Prestige 
and  Criticism  of  and  Opposition  to  his  Leadership." 

In  the  course  of  the  FBI  investigation  Amerasia  was  revealed  as  the  center  of 
a  group  of  active  enthusiastic  Communists  or  fellow  travelers.     To  give  you  a 


1552  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

better  picture  of  Amerasia,  it  perhaps  should  be  mentioned  here  that  Owen  Latti- 
more  was  formerly  an  editor  of  Amerasia,  and  Frederick  Vanderbilt  Field,  a 
writer  for  the  Daily  Worker,  was  the  magazine  head.  Mr.  Jaffe  incidentally  was 
naturalized  in  1923  and  served  as  a  contributing  editor  of  the  Defender,  a 
monthly  magazine  of  International  Labor  Defense,  a  Communist  organization, 
in  1933.  From  1934  to  1936  he  had  been  a  member  of  the  editorial  board  of 
China  Today,  which  was  a  publication  of  the  pro-Soviet  American  Friends  of  the 
Chinese  People.  At  that  time  he  operated  under  the  alias  of  J.  W.  Philips. 
Tinder  the  name  of  J.  W.  Philips,  he  presided  in  1935  over  a  banquet  at  which 
Earl  Browder  was  a  speaker.  He  also  lectured  at  the  Jefferson  School  of  Social 
Science,  an  avowed  Communist  Party  institution.  He  was  also  a  member  of  the 
Board  of  Directors  of  the  National  Council  of  American  Soviet  Friendship.  The 
New  York  Times,  subsequent  to  his  arrest,  referred  to  him  as  an  active  supporter 
of  pro-Communist  and  pro-Soviet  movements  for  a  number  of  years. 

According  to  an  article  in  Plain  Talk  magazine  Jaff'ee  has  been  a  liberal  con- 
tributor to  pro-Soviet  causes  and  that  on  one  occasion  he  reserved  two  tables 
at  a  hotel  banqnest  held  to  launch  a  pro-Communist  China  front  in  the  name 
of  "The  fifth  floor,  35  East  12th  Street,"  which  happens  to  be  the  National 
Headquarters  of  the  Communist  Party. 

I  realize  that  this  history  of  Jaffe's  activities  is  unnecessary  for  most  of  the 
members  of  this  investigating  body,  but  I  feel  that  the  record  should  be  complete 
so  that  anyone  who  reads  it  will  understand  the  background  of  the  individual 
to  whom  his  four  codefendants  had  been  delivering  secret  State  and  War  De- 
partment material.  His  coeditor,  Miss  Mitchell,  gave  a  party  for  John  S.  Service 
when  he  returned  from  China.  Service  had  previously  attended  a  special  press 
conference  held  by  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations,  in  which  he  supported  the 
position  of  the  Chinese  Communists. 

Larsen  had  this  to  say  about  his  codefendants : 

"I  knew  Jaffe  and  his  group  as  the  editor  of  a  magazine  which  had  almost 
semiofficial  standing  among  the  left  wingers  in  the  State  Department." 

The  night  Kate  Mitchell  was  arrested,  she  had  in  her  possesion  according  to 
Congressman  Dondero,  a  highly  confidential  document  entitled :  "Plan  of  Rattle 
Operations  for  Soldiers,"  a  paper  of  such  importance  that  Army  Officers  were 
subject  to  court  martial  if  they  lost  their  copies. 

Congressman  Frank  Fellows,  a  meniher  of  the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary 
which  investigated  the  grand  jury  which  failed  to  indict  Service,  wrote  a 
minority  report  in  which  he  stated  : 

"The   author    of    the    resolution    under    which    this   committee    assumed 
jurisdiction  stated  upon  the  floor  of  the  House,  'The  President  authorized 
the  arrest  to  be  made  and  the  arrests  were  forbidden  by  the  State  Depart- 
ment'." 
Under  Secretary  Joseph  C.  Grew  very  urgently  insisted  ttpon  a  prosecution  of 
the  six  individuals  who  were  picked  up  by  the  FBI  on  charges  of  conspiracy  to 
commit  espionage.    He  thereupon  immediately  became  a  target  in  a  campaign  of 
vilification  as  the  culprit  in  the  case  rather  than  the  six  who  had  been  picked 
up  by  the  FBI. 

Lieutenant  Roth  wrote  a  series  of  articles  for  a  New  York  paper  and  published 
a  book  in  which  he  vigorously  attacked  Grew  for  his  opposition  to  the  Commu- 
nist sympathizers  in  the  State  Department  insofar  as  the  far  eastern  policy  was 
concerned. 

Under  Secretary  Grew,  after  a  lifetime  in  the  diplomatic  service,  resigned  and 
President  Truman  announced  that  Dean  Acheson  would  take  over  the  post  of 
Under  Secretary  of  State.     *     *     * 

"During  my  conference  with  Mr.  Jaffe  in  October"  Larsen  said,  "he  dropped 
a  remark  which  one  could  never  forget,  'Well  we've  suffered  a  lot',  he  said,  but 
anyhow  we  got  Grew  out'." 

In  regard  to  the  legal  handling  of  this  case,  the  following  is  found  in  Plain 
Talk  in  an  article  by  Larsen : 

"While  public  attention  was  largely  focused  upon  extraneous  issues,  the 
Espionage  Case  itself  was  following  a  special  course  behind  the  scenes.  It  ap- 
peared that  Kate  Mitchell  had  an  influential  uncle  in  Buffalo,  a  reputable  at- 
torney by  the  name  of  James  M.  Mitchell,  former  president  of  the  New  York 
State  Bar  Association.  Mr.  Mitchell  was  a  member  of  a  very  influential  law 
firm  in  Buffalo,  Kenefick,  Cooke,  Mitchell,  Bass  &  Letchworth.  The  New  York 
City  correspondents  of  that  law  firm  include  the  most  redoubtable  Col.  Joseph 
M.  Hartfield,  extremely  well  known  and  extremely  influential  in  Government 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1553 

circles  in  Washington.  Colonel  Hnrtfiold,  who  is  regarded  by  sonic  as  one  of 
the  most  powerful  political  lawyers  in  the  country,  made  at  least  four  trips  to 
Washington  where  he  called  on  top  officials  of  the  Department  of  Justice  in  the 
matter. 

In  that  connection  I  would  like  to  quote  again  from  Congressman  Dondero's 
talk  on  the  House  floor,  in  which  he  stated : 

"I  have  heretofore  charged  and  reiterate  now  that  the  court  before  whom  these 
cases  were  brought  was  not  fully  informed  of  the  facts.  A  summary  of  the 
court  proceedings  has  been  furnished  to  me,  which  shows  no  evidence  or  exhibit 
obtained  by  the  Federal  Bureau  of  Investigation  presented  to  the  court.  Jaffe's 
counsel  told  the  court  that  Jaffe  had  no  intention  of  harming  the  Government, 
and  United  States  Attorney  Hitchcock  told  the  court  there  was  no  element  of 
disloyalty  in  connection  with  the  case.  If  that  is  the  fact,  may  I  respectfully 
ask  what  purpose  did  these  individuals  have  in  mind  in  stealing  these  particular 
files? 

Had  this  same  thing  happened  in  certain  other  governments,  these  people 
would  undoubtedly  have  been  summarily  shot,  without  a  trial.  Let  us  not  forget 
we  were  still  at  war  with  Germany  and  Japan  when  these  files  were  stolen,  and 
Jaffe,  in  whose  possession  they  were  found,  had  been  for  more  than  10  years  a 
leader  and  heavy  financial  supporter  of  Communist  propaganda  causes,  accord- 
ing to  the  FBI." 

As  I  stated  above,  after  the  Grand  Jury  failed  to  indict  Mitchell,  Service,  and 
Roth,  the  House  passed  a  resolution  in  which  it  directed  the  Committee  on  the 
Judiciary : 

"to  make  a  thorough  investigation  of  all  the  circumstances  with  respect  to 
the  disposition  of  the  charges  of  espionage  and  the  possession  of  documents 
stolen  from  secret  Government  files  which  were  made  by  the  Federal  Bureau 
of  Investigation  'against  Philip  J.  Jaffe,  Kate  L.  Mitchell,  John  Stewart 
Service,  Emmanuel  Sigurd  Larsen,  Andrew  Roth,  and  Mark  Gayn,'  and  to 
report  to  the  House  (or  to  th?  Clerk  of  the  House,  if  the  House  is  not  in 
session)  as  soon  as  practicable  during  the  present  Congress,  the  results  of 
its  investigation,  together  with  such  recommendations  as  it  deems  necessary." 

This  committee  then  confirmed  a  report  of  a  theft  of  a  vast  number  of  docu- 
ments from  the  State,  War,  and  Navy  Departments,  which  ranged  in  classifica- 
tion all  the  way  from  top  secret  to  confidential.  This  committee  report  indicates 
that  a  number  of  the  members  of  the  Grand  Jury  voted  for  the  indictment  of 
Service  and  Mitchell  on  the  espionage  charges,  but  that  the  required  number  of 
12  did  not  so  vote. 

It  will  be  noted  that  the  committee  was  not  appointed  for  the  purpose  of 
passing  upon  the  guilt  or  innocence  of  the  espionage  suspects,  but  was  appointed 
for  the  purpose  of  investigating  the  way  that  the  case  was  handled  and  to  make 
recommendations.  The  committee  did  not  in  any  way  question  the  theft  of  the 
documents.  However,  it  semed  to  place  a  great  deal  of  stress  upon  the  fact 
that  the  documents  might  not  be  admissible  in  evidence  because  of  the  method  of 
obtaining  them. 

For  example,  on  page  five,  the  report  states  as  follows : 

"4.  Many  of  the  identifiable  documents  might  have  had  their  evidential 
value  destroyed  by  reason  of  the  possibility  of  the  court's  sustaining  the  de- 
fendants' motions  attacking  the  warrants  of  arrest. 

"VI.  Judicial  decisions  require  scrupulous  care  to  see  arat  searches  and 
seizures  are  reasonable.  While  sparch  and  seizure  on  arrest  may  be  made 
without  a  search  warrant,  yet  this  is  not  so  unless  the  warrant  of  arrest 
issued  after  'probable  cause'  of  guilty  had  been  established  by  legal  evidence." 

On  page  six,  the  following  statement  is  made : 

"If  the  warrant  for  arrest  was  not  issued  on  'probable  cause'  substanti- 
ated by  facts,  the  evidence  disclosed  as  a  result  of  the  search  and  seizure 
incident  to  the  arrest  based  on  such  a  warrant  would  be  subject  to  suppres- 
sion and,  therefore,  not  usable  as  evidence  of  the  crime  for  which  arrest  was 
made." 

While  I  have  not  seen  any  testimony  of  any  of  the  Grand  Jurors,  and  do  not 
know  what  it  is  available,  this  would  seem  to  indicate  that  the  committee  felt 
that  the  Grand  Jury  was  disturbed,  not  so  much  by  the  question  of  guilt  or 
imiocence  of  the  defendants,  but  by  the  question  as  to  whether  or  not  the  guilt 
or  innocence  could  be  proven  they  apparently  feel  that  much  of  the  material 


1554  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

would  not  he  admissible  because  of  the  method  of  search  and  seizure.    The  fol- 
lowing comment  will  be  noted  on  page  seven  of  the  committee  report : 

"Most  of  the  items  seized  at  Jaffe's  office  were  typewritten  copies.  Some 
of  such  copies  were  proved  to  have  been  typed  in  one  of  the  Government 
departments.  It  may  be  fairly  inferred  that  the  originals  of  such  copies  were 
never  removed  but  that  copies  were  made  at  the  department  or  agency  where 
the  original  reposed." 

This  makes  it  very  clear  that  the  committee  felt  making  copies  of  secret  docu- 
ments and  then  delivering  the  copies  to  unauthorized  persons  placed  the  crime 
in  a  different  class  from  the  delivery  of  the  originals.  It  is  rather  difficult  to 
understand  this  reasoning  in  view  of  the  fact  that  photostats  or  copies  of  an 
important  secret  document  would  normally  be  of  as  much  value  to  an  enemy 
power  as  the  originals.  The  committee  further  pointed  out  that  additional  reason 
for  not  finding  the  Grand  Jury  at  fault  is  because  any  of  the  six  can  still  be  fur- 
ther prosecuted  on  the  charge  of  espionage.  The  Majority  Report  makes  some 
excellent  recommendations,  which  the  Secretary  of  State  might  well  read.  I 
especially  call  his  attention  to  recommendations  one,  two  and  three  on  page 
nine,  which  read  as  follows : 

"1.  That  the  head  of  every  department  and  agency  of  our  Government  see 
to  it  that  more — much  more — care  be  exercised  in  personnel  procurement. 
That  all  those  considered  for  Government  positions  in  every  echelon  be  in- 
vestigated so  thoroughly  as  to  insure  that  no  one  be  employed  unless  abso- 
lute certainty  has  been  attained  that  nothing  in  background,  present  attitude, 
or  affiliations  raises  any  reasonable  doubt  of  loyalty  and  patriotic  devotion 
to  the  United  States  of  America. 

'"2.  That  the  watchword  and  motivating  principle  of  Government  employ- 
ment must  be :  None  but  the  best.  For  the  fewer,  the  better,  unless  above 
question.  . 

"3.  That  each  and  every  present  employee  who  fails  to  measure  up  to  the 
highest  standard  should  be  discharged.     No  house  divided  against  itself 
can  stand." 
One  of  the  members  of  the  six-man  committee,  Congressman  Hancock,  was 
prevented  by  illness  from  participating  in  the  report.     Two  of  the  members  of 
the  committee  wrote  dissenting  opinions,  which  meant  that  the  decision  to  ab- 
solves the  Grand  Jury  of  responsibility  was  made  by  a  3-2  decision. 

Congressman  Fellows  in  his  dissenting  opinion  made  the  following  statement: 
"Jaffe  either  took  these  documents  himself,  or  his  confederates  took  them 
for  him.    And  two  of  the  documents  found  were  'Top  Secret'  so  marked  and 
so  designated.     I  can  see  no  point  in  arguing  that  these  papers  may  not 
have  been  of  much  value.    The  thieves  thought  they  were.    The  Government 
agencies  so  adjudged  them.    And  the  facts  show  that  the  defendants  could 
have  had  their  choice  of  any  documents  they  wishes;  they  were  given  no 
protection  so  far  as  the  State  Department  was  concerned." 
This  transaction,  or  rather  a  series  of  transactions  involved,  embraces  the 
unlawful  removal  of  "top  secret,"  "secret,"  "confidential,"  and  "restricted"  files 
from  the  Department  of  State,  in  our  National  Government.    This  is  a  very  seri- 
ous offense.     In  time  of  war,  this  is  a  most  serious  offense.     When  war  is  in 
progress,  or  even  in  time  of  peace,  it  is  of  little  or  no  concern  whether  the  files 
removed  were  "Originals"  or  "copies,"  the  fact  that  "information"  of  either  or 
any  classification  was  removed  from  the  secret  files  in  the  Department  of  State 
and  was  delivered  to  any  individual,  or  group  of  individuals,  who  had  no  lawful 
right  to  receive  the' same,  is  the  essence  of  the  offense.     When  that  very  secret 
information  was  thus  unlawfully  revealed  to  others,  no  matter  how  the  same  was 
imparted  to  Mr.  Jaffe.  whether  by  an  original,  or  by  copy,  or  by  any  other  method, 
the  real  damage  has  been  done. 

There  should  not  he  any  attempt  made  in  the  report  to  either  minimize  or 
acquit  anyone  from  the  magnitude  of  the  act  or  acts  committed.  The  report 
filed  appears  to  be  at  least  an  attempt  to  either  minimize  or  completely  justify 
some  of  the  unlawful  acts  which  were  undoubtedly  committed. 

All  those  who  participated  in  any  way  in  the  removal,  or  attempted  removal,  of 
these  documents  from  the  Department  of  State — or  who  copied  such  reports  and 
thereafter  delivered  such  copies  to  Mr.  Jaffe,  or  to  any  other  person,  not  law- 
fully entitled  to  receive  the  same,  should  be  prosecuted,  and  all  those  participat- 
ing, in  any  degree  in  the  unlawful  acts  under  investigation,  should  he  immediately 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1555 

discharged  from  their  positions  in  our  Government.  The  report  should  speak 
strongly  and  without  any  reservation  upon  that  subject. 

The  questions  here  involved  are  so  grave  and  the  offenses  so  great,  that  no 
effort  should  be  made  to  protect  or  defend  those  who  so  offended,  but  the  report 
should  be  made  both  firm  and  strong  -to  speak  the  truth— but  to  place  the  blame 
where  the  same  rightfully  belongs.  . 

This  is  but  a  small  portion  of  the  pertinent  background  of  Service,  but  cer- 
tainly, beyond  doubt,  it  forever  excludes  this  man  as  a  security  risk  by  whatever 
yardstick  it  is  measured. 

igain  we  have  a  known  associate  and  collaborator  with  (  ommumsts  and  pro- 
Communists,  a  man  high  in  the  State  Department  consorting  with  admitted 
espionage  agents,  and  I  wish  to  say  to  this  committee  what  I  said  on  the  floor  of 
the  Senate  on  February  20,  1M50.  . 

When  Chiang  Kai-shek  was  fighting  our  war.  the  State  Department  had  in 
China  a  voting  man  named  John  s.  Service.  His  task,  obviously,  was  not  to 
work  for  the  communization  of  China.  Strangely,  however,  he  sent  official  re- 
ports back  to  the  State  Department  urging  that  we  torpedo  our  ally  Chiang 
Kai-shek  and  stating,  in  effect,  that  communism  was  the  best  hope  of  China. 

Later  this  man— John  Service — was  picked  up  by  the  Federal  Bureau  of 
Investigation  for  turning  over  to  the  Communists  secret  State  Department 
information.  Strangely,  however,  he  was  never  prosecuted.  However,  Joseph 
Grew,  the  Under  Secretary  of  State,  who  insisted  on  his  prosecution,  was  forced 
to  resign.  Two  days  after  Grew's  successor.  Dean  Acheson,  took  over  as  Under 
Secretary  of  State,  this  man — John  Service— who  had  been  picked  up  by  the 
FBI  and  who  had  previously  urged  that  communism  was  the  best  hope  of  China, 
was  not  only  reinstated  in  the  State  Department  but  promoted.  And  finally,  under 
Acheson,  placed  in  charge  of  all  placements  and  promotions. 

Mr.  Chairman,  today  this  man,  John  S.  Service,  is  a  ranking  officer  in  the 
policy-making  group  of  "untouchables"  on  duty  in  Calcutta,  India,  one  of  the 
most  strategically  important  listening  posts  in  the  world  today  and  since  the 
fall  of  China  the  most  important  new  front  of  the  cold  war. 

Five  times  this  man  has  been  investigated  as  to  his  loyalty  and  his  acceptance 
as  a  security  risk  to  the  Nation. 

What  possible  reason  could  there  have  been  for  even  a  second  investigation  of 
his  record. 

He  was  not  an  acceptable  security  risk  under  Mr.  Acheson's  "yardstick  of 
loyalty"  the  day  he  entered  the  Government. 

He  is  not  a  sound  security  risk  today. 


Exhibit  No.  49 
Plot  to  "Wreck  Labor  Party  Exposed 

The  plot  to  turn  the  American  Labor  Party  into  a  "front"  for  the  Communist 
Party  has  been  exposed  by  Charles  Belous,  who  was  secretary  of  the  opposition. 
On  February  13,  1940,  Belous  resigned  from  this  group  which  calls  itself  the 
"Progressive  Committee  to  Rebuild  the  A.  L.  P." 

On  April  2nd  primary  elections  will  be  held  throughout  the  State  for  party 
positions  in  the  American  Labor  Party.  Members  of  the  State  Committee  of  the 
Labor  Party  and  delegates  to  the  Presidential  Convention  will  be  elected. 

For  the  first  time  since  the  organization  of  the  Labor  Party  there  is  an  organ- 
ized movement  which  has  named  candidates  in  opposition  to  the  candidates 
which  have  the  endorsement  and  support  of  the  leadership  and  founders  of  the 
American  Labor  Party. 

Belous  has  exposed  the  vicious  conspiracy  of  this  opposition  group.  It  is  up 
to  the  enrolled  voters  of  the  American  Labor  Party  to  do  the  rest.  Join  with 
other  members  of  the  Labor  Party  and  vote  right  on  Primary  Day — April  2nd. 

READ  THE  STATEMENTS  OF  A  MAN  WHO  KNOWS  THE  FACTS 

[From  the  New  York  Post,  Wednesday,  February  14,  1940] 

Belous  Quits  ALP  Group  Over  'Red  Tie' — Says  "Progressive  Committee"  Is 

Tool  of  Communists 

Former  Councilman  Charles  Belous  resigned  today  as  secretary  of  the  Pro- 
gressive Committee  to  Reorganize  the  American  Labor  Party,  and  charged  it  was 


1556  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

being  used  by  tbe  Communist  Party  in  an  effort  to  assure  control  of  tbe  ALP. 
"It  is  clear  that  the  Communists  are  conducting  a  knock-down  and  drag-out 
fight  to  take  over  leadership  of  the  ALP  and  make  it  a  front  organization,"  Belous 
said  at  his  home,  2S-29  Forty-first  Av.,  Long  Island  City. 

CALLED  NEW  DEAL  FOES 

The  Progressive  Committee,  headed  by  Morris  Watson  and  with  Eugene  P. 
Connolly  and  Hyman  Glickstein  as  moving  spirits,  is  attempting  to  organize  a 
State-wide  fight  against  the  present  ALP  leadership  in  the  April  primary,  when 
a  new  State  Committee  will  be  elected. 

Belous  said  it  was  the  Watson  group's  opposition  to  President  Roosevelt  and 
the  New  Deal  which  finally  convinced  him  that  its  aims  went  far  beyond  a  mere 
change  in  ALP  leadership. 

"In  the  election  of  a  successor  to  Congressman  Sirovich,"  he  said,  "I  was  amazed 
to  find  a  group  I  was  aligned  with  that  was  supposed  to  be  supporting  the  New 
Deal,  openly  fighting  the  election  of  Edelstein,  the  Democratic  candidate." 

Glickstein,  attorney  for  the  Watson  committee,  joined  with  Kenneth  F.  Simp- 
son, GOP  county  leader,  in  a  successful  court  action  to  void  the  nomination  of 
Edelstein  by  the  ALP. 

Belous  said  he  had  realized  from  the  start  that  there  were  Communists  in 
the  insurgent  ALP  movement,  but  that  he  had  been  "willing  to  work  along  with 
them"  for  the  common  immediate  objective  of  ousting  the  present  ALP  leadership. 

FINDS  KEAL  AIM 

Later  events  convinced  him,  he  said,  that  the  real  aim  of  the  Communists 
went  much  further,  being  no  less  than  to  make  the  ALP  the  tail  of  the  Commu- 
nist Party  kite. 

He  said  that  although  he  was  secretary  of  the  committee  he  .had  not  been 
consulted  in  formation  of  many  of  its  policies. 

When  the  committee  was  first  organized  last  December,  he  said,  Prof.  Herman 
Gray  of  N.  Y.  U.  and  other  recognized  liberals  were  "supposed  to  be  connected 
with  it,  but  they  pulled  away." 

Belous,  center  of  numerous  political  fights  in  Queens  where  he  once  headed 
the  City  Fusion  Party,  said  he  was  going  to  "take  a  rest  from  politics  and  try 
to  earn  a  living  as  an  honest  lawyer." 

SEES    MORE    QUITTING 

"Quite  a  few  others  in  Queens  who  were  in  the  same  position  that  I  was  are 
going  to  follow  suit  in  resigning  from  the  committee,"  he  said.  The  ALP,  it  was 
learned,  probably  will  drop  the  charges  of  disloyalty  on  which  it  has  been  seek- 
ing expulsion  of  Belous  from  the  party. 

In  a  formal  statement  announcing  his  resignation,  as  secretary  of  the  Pro- 
gressive Committee,  the  former  Councilman  said  as  a  member  of  the  group  he 
had  found  himself  forced  to  condone  and  even  justify  Nazi  atrocities  and  sup- 
press "deep-felt  sympathies  for  Poland  and  Finland." 

Even  more  significantly,  he  said,  he  was  expected  to  "join  with  the  Garners 
and  Coughlins  and  Dieses  and  O'Connors  to  criticize"  President  Roosevelt  and 
for  the  defeat  of  New  Deal  candidates  and  policies. 


[From  the  Daily  News,  Wednesday,  February  14,  1940] 

Belous   Disavows   Pko-Reds   in  A.   L.   P. 

(By  Lowell  Limpus) 

Denouncing  "the  complete  sell-out  and  abandonment  of  one  of  the  most  sympa- 
thetic Presidents  that  labor  and  the  common  man  have  had  since  Lincoln," 
former  Councilman  Charles  Belous  last  night  repudiated  the  faction  which  has 
been  opposing  the  American  Labor  Party's  purge  of  Communists. 

The  former  Queens  legislator  intimated  that  the  Reds  themselves  are  behind 
the  movement  and  declared  that  they  are  now  blasting  away  at  President 
Roosevelt  with  all  their  political  artillery. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1557 

RESIGNED     POST 

Belous,  who  was  just  squeezed  out  of  office  by  the  last  P.  R.  count,  charged 
that  the  Communists  are  not  only  demanding  opposition  to  the  New  Deal  in 
return  for  their  support  hut  that  they  also  tried  to  make  him  justify  Hitler 
and  the  Nazis.  As  a  result  he  resigned  as  secretary  of  the  "Progressive  Com- 
mittee to  Rebuild  the  American  Labor  Party." 

In  a  public  statement,  Belous  told  how  the  rebel  faction  insisted  that  "I  sup- 
press my  deep-felt  symphathies  for  Finland  and  Poland"  and  revise  his  attitude 
toward  nazism.  "Suddenly  I  must  condone  its  atrocities,  and  even  justify 
them,"  he  said.  And  the  final  straw  came  when  he  was  told  that  he  "must 
now  work  for  the  defeat  of  New  Deal  candidates  and  policies." 

Although  ho  didn't  specify  directly,  there  was  no  doubt  about  the  group  to 
which  the  former  councilman  was  pointing.  "When  I  find  my  thoughts  and  acts 
limited  by  strange  logic  and  argument,"  he  said,  "one  suspects  something  more 
than  a  mere  tolerant  attitude  toward  all  minorities,  including  Communists." 

GIVING    UP   LIBERTIES 

Belous  announced  he  was  withdrawing  from  Labor  Party  activities  although 
he  would  remain  a  member.  Political  observers  generally  believe  that  he  lost 
his  Queens  seat  at  the  last  election  because  he  was  reputed  to  be  too  close  to  the 
Communists,  although  he  specifically  denied  the  charge  during  the  campaign. 
Originally  a  Fusion  Party  candidate,  he  switched  to  the  American  Labor  Party 
but  was  nosed  out  by  Republican  John  Christensen. 


issued  by 

Liberal  and  Labor  Committee  to  Safeguard  the  American  Labor  Partt 

fight  the  communist  attempt  to  capture  the  labor  party 

State  Headquarters :  Hotel  Claridge,  44th  Street  &  Broadway,  New  York 
Paul  Blanshard,  Chairman  ;  Frederick  F.  Umhey,  Treasurer 

VICE  CHAIRMEN 

Luigi  Antonini  Adolph  Held  Dorothy  Kenyon 

George  S.  Counts  Louis  Hollander  Harry  W.  Laidler 

Morris  L.  Ernst  John  Haynes  Holmes  A.  Philip  Randolph 

Douglas  P.  Falconer  Arthur  Huggins  Alex  Rose 

Grace  Gosselin  Alexander  Kahn 


Exhibit  No.  50 


October  10,  1939. 


Mr.  Alex  Rose, 

State  Secretary,  American  Labor  Party, 

151  West  Fortieth  Street,  Neiv  York  City. 

My  Dear  Mr.  Rose  :  I  have  just  received  your  letter  dated  October  6th  which 
in  tone  suggests  a  pistol  being  put  to  my  head.  My  impulse  under  such  circum- 
stances is  to  dare  the  damn  fool  to  shoot.  Particularly  where  as  in  this  case 
my  views,  and  especially  my  loathing  of  all  dictatorships,  are  so  much  a  matter 
of  common  knowledge  that  you  certainly  cannot  claim  to  be  in  the  dark  about 
them. 

However,  I  realize  that  you  are  probably  acting  for  what  you  consider  com- 
pelling reasons  of  party  strategy  and  are  at  least  trying  to  treat  all  candidates 
alike.  That  being  the  case  let  me  be  magnanimous  and  answer  your  questions 
as  best  I  can.  But  remember,  please,  that  I  am  running  for  Judge  of  the  Municipal 
Court,  not  for  United  States  Senator,  and  so  my  opinions  on  international  affairs 
are  not  worth  the  paper  they're  written  on. 

However,  here  they  arej 

First,  I  regard  with  horror  and  loathing  the  Hitler-Stalin  pact. 


1558  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

Second,  I  agree  with  you  that  any  fusing  of  the  brown  and  red  dictatorships 
is  a  treacherous  blow  to  world  civilization. 

Third,  I  also  agree,  insofar  as  I  understand  them,  with  the  President's  pro- 
posed changes  in  our  present  neutrality  law.  But  frankly  I  have  been  far  too 
busy  lately  trying  to  be  as  good  a  Judge  as  possible  to  have  given  such  legislation 
the  careful  study  it  requires. 

Fourth,  it  is  not  easy  for  me  to  be  neutral  when  I  think  of  either  Hitler  or 
Stalin  but  I  try  not  to  lose  my  head  and  I  continue  to  believe  in  the  traditional 
American  civil  liberties.  Above  all  I  hope  that  we  may  keep  at  peace  and  still 
preserve  American  democracy. 

Fifth,  it  goes  without  saying  (or  I  should  have  thought  it  did)  that  I  am  not  a 
Communist  or  anything  even  remotely  resembling  one.  I  am  just  an  old-fashioned 
believer  in  democracy  who  gets  awfully  weary  sometimes  of  all  its  ructions  but 
would  never,  never  give  it  up. 

Sixth,  my  original  subscription  to  the  Constitution  and  platform  of  the  Ameri- 
can Labor  Party  remains  unchanged  and  requires  no  reaffirmation. 

In  conclusion  may  I  remind  you  that  I  am  running  to  succeed  myself  as  Judge 
of  the  Municipal  Court  on  a  platform  of  clean  government  and  an  independent 
nonpartisan  judiciary  and  that  the  American  Labor  Party  has  approved  this  plat- 
form by  its  indorsement  of  my  candidacy? 
Very  truly  yours, 

(Signed)  Dorothy  Kenton. 


Exhibit  No.  51 

[From  the  New  York  Times,  May  26,  1941.     Advertisement] 

An  Open  Letter  to  the  President  of  tut-:  United  States 

Mr.  President: 

We  await  your  address  on  May  27  in  the  belief  that  you  will  tell  what  we  must 
do  to  insure  the  security  of  the  United  States  by  hastening  the  defeat  of  the 
aggressors.  'We  pledge  to  you  our  loyal  support  in  the  performance  of  this 
historic  task. 

Some  of  us  have  been  your  political  adherents,  seme  your  opponents,  but  all 
of  us  are  united  on  this  firm  basis :  we  are  Americans,  you  are  our  elected  Presi- 
dent. We  acknowledge  the  eternal  truth  of  that  fine  old  American  principle  that 
pplitical  differences  end  at  the  water's  edge.  It  is  at  the  water's  edge  that  our 
people  now  stand,  facing  to  eastward  and  westward  the  frightful  reality  of 
world  war  and  world  revolution. 

We  have  prayed  that  we  might  be  spared  from  involvement  in  the  war.  But 
we  cannot  close  our  eyes  to  the  wholesale  murder  of  liberty.  Most  of  all  we  can- 
not ignore  the  threats  to  our  own  security  uttered  and  progressively  enforced  by 
those  tyrants  who  are  dedicated  to  the  proposition  that  democracy  must  die. 

The  dictators  have  extended  their  world  war  and  world  revolution  from  con- 
tinent to  continent — farther  and  farther  out  into  the  Atlantic  Ocean — nearer  and 
nearer  to  the  lifeline  of  the  Western  Hemisphere.  With  their  propagandists 
and  saboteurs  they  have  begun  their  invasion  of  this  hemisphere. 

The  challenge  is  inescapable.  We  cannot  meet  it  with  mere  words  nor  with 
mere  dollars.  We  know  that  strong  action,  even  armed  action,  entailing  greater 
sacrifices  will  be  required  of  us. 

With  firm  determination  to  carry  through  at  whatever  cost  the  policies  neces- 
sary to  defeat  tyranny,  we  await  the  facts  and  leadership  which  the  Commander- 
in-Chief  alone  can  give.  We  repeat  to  you,  Mr.  President,  the  final  words  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence :  "With  a  firm  reliance  on  the  protection  of  Divine 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1559 

Providence,  we  mutually  pledge  to  each  other  our  lives,  our  fortunes  and  our 

sacred  honor." 

Respectfully  submitted. 

Mrs.  J.  Borden  Harriman,  Washington,  D.  C. ;  Lewis  W.  Douglas, 
Phoenix,  Ariz.;  Henry  A.  Abbot,  Lexington,  Ky. ;  Louis  Adamic, 
Milford,  N.  J. ;  Allen  D.  Albert,  Paris,  111. ;  Paul  Shipman  Andrews, 
Syracuse,  N.  Y. ;  James  R.  Angell,  New  Haven,  Conn. ;  Luigi 
Antonini,  New  York,  N.  Y. ;  Frank  Aydelotte,  Princeton,  N.  J. ; 
Carl  E.  Bailey,  Little  Rock,  Ark. ;  Margaret  Culkin  Banning, 
Tryon,  N.  C. ;  Stringfellow  Barr,  Annapolis,  Md. ;  David  P.  Bar- 
rows, San  Francisco,  Calif. ;  Kemp  D.  Battle,  Rocky  Mount,  N.  C. ; 
James  Phinney  Baxter,  Williamstown,  Mass. ;  Anita  McCorrnick 
Blaine,  Chicago,  111. ;  Henry  Breckenridge,  Chevy  Chase,  Md. ;  Van 
Wyck  Brooks,  Westport  Conn. ;  Thomas  E.  Burke,  Washington, 
D.  C. ;  Henry  Seidel  Canby,  New  York,  N.  Y. ;  Oliver  C.  Carmichael, 
Nashville,  Tenn. ;  Mrs.  Carrie  Chapman  Catt,  New  Rochelle,  N.  Y. ; 
Mary  Ellen  Chase,  Northampton,  Mass. ;  Rufus  E.  Clement,  At- 
lanta, Ga. ;  Pierce  Cline,  Shreveport,  La. ;  Robert  C.  Clothier,  New 
Brunswick,  N.  J. ;  Ada  L.  Comstock,  Cambridge,  Mass. ;  Karl  T. 
Compton,  Boston,  Mass. ;  George  Creel,  San  Francisco,  Calif. ; 
Virginius  Dabny,  Richmond,  Va. ;  Russell  Davenport,  Holyoke, 
Mass.,  J.  Lionberger  Davis,  St.  Louis,  Mo. ;  Monroe  E.  Deutsch, 
Berkeley,  Calif. ;  Mark  Ethridge,  Louisville,  Ky. ;  Silas  Evans, 
Ripon,  Wis. ;  Marshall  Field,  New  York,  N.  Y. ;  Harry  M.  Fisher, 
Chicago,  111. ;  Alvan  T.  Fuller,  Boston,  Mass. ;  Harry  David  Gide- 
onse,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. ;  Mary  B.  Gilson,  Chicago,  111. ;  Virginia  C. 
Gildersleeve,  New  York,  N.  Y. ;  Frank  P.  Graham,  Chapel  Hill, 
N.  C. ;  Helen  Hayes,  Nyack,  N.  Y. ;  Arthur  Garfield  Hayes,  New 
York,  N.  Y. ;  Henry  W.  Hobson,  Cincinnati,  Ohio ;  Hamilton  Holt, 
Winter  Park,  Fla. ;  Mirian  Hopkins,  Hollywood,  Calif. ;  Rupert 
Hughes,  Los  Angeles,  Calif. ;  M.  Ashby  Jones,  Atlanta,  Ga. ;  Doro- 
thy Kenyon,  New  York,  N.  Y. ;  William  Draper  Lewis,  Philadel- 
phia, Pa. ;  Larry  S.  MacPhail,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. ;  Maury  Maverick, 
San  Antonio,  Texas;  Francis  E.  McMahon,  South  Bend,  Ind. ; 
Joseph  C.  Menendez,  New  Orleans,  La. ;  Robert  A.  Millikan,  Pasa- 
dena, Calif. ;  Christopher  Morley,  Roslyn,  N.  Y. ;  Mrs.  Dwight 
Morrow.  Englewood,  N.  J. ;  Paul  Scott  Mowrer,  Chicago,  111. ; 
Francis  P.  Murphy,  Nashua,  N.  H. ;  Mrs.  Burton  W.  Musser,  Salt 
Lake  City,  Utah ;  Joseph  Padway,  Milwaukee,  Wis. ;  Ferdinand 
Pecora,  New  York,  N.  Y. ;  William  Lyon  Phelps,  New  Haven, 
Conn. ;  H.  H.  Pike,  Jr.,  New  York,  N.  Y. ;  Gifford  Pinchot,  Wash- 
ington, D.  C. ;  Charles  Poletti,  Albany,  N.  Y. ;  Mrs.  Frances  F.  C. 
Preston,  Princeton,  N.  J. ;  Henry  F.  Pringle,  New  York,  N.  Y. ; 
A.  Philip  Randolph,  New  York,  N.  Y. ;  Mrs.  Kermit  Roosevelt, 
New  York,  N.  Y. ;  Chester  H.  Rowell,  San  Francisco,  Calif. ;  Cor- 
nelius D.  Scully,  Pittsburgh,  Pa.;  Robert  E.  Speer,  Lakeville, 
Conn. ;  Charles  P.  Taft,  Cincinnati,  Ohio ;  Henry  W.  Toll,  Denver, 
Colo. ;  William  L.  White,  New  York,  N.  Y. ;  Stephen  S.  Wise,  New 
York,  N.  Y. ;  and  more  than  3,000  others,  representative  of  a  cross 
section  of  the  nation's  life. 

You  Can  Share  in  this  Expression  of  faith  in  the  President's  leadership.    Tele- 
graph him  today  that  you  do.     Simply  Say :  Add  my  name  to  the  list  of  those 

WHO  PLEGE  yOU  THEIR  SUPPORT  IN   THE  HARRIMAN-DOUGLAS  LETTER. 
COMMITTEE  TO  DEFEND  AMERICA  BY  AIDING  THE  ALLIES 

National  Headquarters,  8  West  40th  Street,  New  York  City 


1560  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

Exhibit  No.  52 

European  Section,  USSR  Transmitters,  Overseas  &  Far  East  Service 

January  6,  1949. 

RUSSIA    HAS   "FREEST   WOMEN   ON   EARTH" 

Moscow,   Soviet  Far  Eastern  Service,   in  English  to  India,  January  5,  1949, 

6 :  30  a.  m.  EST— L. 

(Talk  by  Maria  Sharikova,  Assistant  Chairman  of  the  Moscow  Soviet  on  the 

Rights  of  Women) 

(Summary  with  quotations) 

The  author  began  by  saying  that  the  U.  S.  representative  in  the  U.  N.  Com- 
mittee on  the  Rights  of  Women,  Dorothy  Kenyon,  in  endeavoring  to  conceal  her 
reactionary  stand  has  engaged  in  slandering  the  Soviet  people,  in  particular 
Soviet  women.  In  a  radio  broadcast  over  the  Voice  of  America  she  talks  a  lot 
of  irresponsible  drivel  attempting  to  deny  the  political,  economic,  and  social 
equality  enjoyed  by  the  women  of  the  USSR,  at  the  same  time  painting  a  glowing 
picture  of  the  position  of  women  in  Britain  and  the  United  States,  when  she 
knows  full  well  what  their  position  really  is.  "I  am  shocked  at  this  shameful 
downright  lie,  completely  unsupported  by  the  tiniest  fact."  As  it  happens,  Doro- 
thy Kenyon  could  not  quote  facts  for  that  would  at  once  disprove  her  assertions. 

Sharikova  goes  on  to  claim  that  the  respect  in  which  Soviet  woman  are  held 
was  attested  by  the  welcome  given  to  the  USSR  delegation  at  the  International 
Federation  of  Democratic  Women.  She  outlines  her  own  rise  from  the  post  of 
a  village  schoolmistress  before  the  Revolution  to  that  she  holds  at  present  and 
gives  examples  of  other  women  in  public  positions.  Is  there  any  country  in  the 
world,  she  asks,  where  women  can  develop  politically  and  play  such  an  impos- 
ing role  in  the  life  of  the  State? 

In  the  USSR  whatever  jobs  women  do  they  feel  they  are  all  the  equal  masters 
of  their  country,  contributing  to  the  work  of  the  organs  of  the  Soviet  State. 
Dorothy  Kenyon  ignores  such  facts  as  these  and  tries  to  imply  that  women  in 
the  USSR  get  only  the  heavy  work,  but  in  the  USSR  women  at  work  are  pro- 
tected by  labor  laws,  unlike  in  the  United  States  "where  women  workers  and 
office  clerks  are  completely  dependent  on  the  likes  and  dislikes  of  their  em- 
ployers." Women  doing  the  same  work  as  men  get  30  to  40  percent  less  pay, 
as  is  the  case  also  in  Britain. 

Dorothy  Kenyon  keeps  quiet  about  this,  just  as  she  keeps  quiet  about  the  dis- 
graceful part  played  by  the  capitalists  of  the  United  States  and  Britain  in  ex- 
ploiting female  labor  in  the  colonial  and  dependent  countries.  The  commentator 
describes  the  woes  of  the  exploited  women  in  the  colonial  countries  of  Asia  and 
Africa  quoting  from  the  speech  of  a  United  States  progressive  delegate  to  the 
International  Federation  of  Democratic  Women  to  illustrate  the  conditions  of 
slavery  in  which  they  live. 

After  quoting  more  facts  and  figures  illustrating  the  part  played  by  women  in 
the  U.  S.  S.  R.,  Sharikova  declares  that  instead  of  defending  women  in  the  UN, 
Dorothy  Kenyon  had  engaged  in  slandering  the  "freest  women  on  earth,  the 
women  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R."  However,  as  any  of  the  thousands  of  visitors  to  the 
U.  S.  S.  R.  can  witness,  "the  slander  indulged  in  by  Dorothy  Kenyon  can  hood- 
wink no  one." 

ECONOMY  OF   SOVIET  ZONE  FLOURISHING 

Moscow,  Soviet  Overseas  Service,  in  English  to  North  America,  December  30, 
1948,  9 :  00  p.  m.,  EST— L. 

(Commentary  by  Khalamov :  "The  Economic  Situation  in  the  Soviet  Zone  of 

Germany 

[Text] 

"We  know  from  reecnt  history  that  fascist  Germany  was  a  kingdom  of  finan- 
cial and  industrial  monopolies,  and  Prussian  Junkerdom  the  bosses  that  consti- 
tuted the  backbone  of  predatory  German  imperialism.  It  was  financial  bigwigs 
and  such  commanders  of  Ruhr-Wesphalian  industry  as  Krupp  and  Thyssen  who 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1561 

summoned  Hitler  to  power.     Their  aggressive  idea  of  creating  a  peace-abiding 
and  democratic  Germany  is  unreal  and  illusory. 

"Yet  German  monopolies  and  Junker  landed  property  rights  have  been  done 
away  with  only  in  the  Soviet  Zone.  This  problem  has  been  successfully  solved 
in  the  Soviet  Zone  with  due  consideration  for  insuring  a  stable  peace  and  uni- 
versal security  and  with  the  active  participation  of  broad  democratic  sections 
of  the  population. 

SUCCESS  OF  SOVIET  LAND  REFORM 

"Only  4  months  after  the  collapse  of  the  Nazi  regime,  at  the  demand  of  the 
German  people,  primarily  the  working  peasantry,  a  democratic  land  reform  was 
successfully  carried  out  in  the  Soviet  Zone.  This  did  away  with  Junkerdom, 
that  bulwark  of  German  imperialism  and  aggression     *     *     * 


Exhibit  No.  53 

[From  the  New  York  Times,  February  16,  1946] 

Urge  Bomb-Making  Vacation — Columbia  Peofessors  Ask  Declaration  to  Aid 

UNO  Commission 

To  the  Editor  of  the  New  Yobk  Times  : 

In  view  of  the  establishment  of  the  UNO  Commission  on  the  Atomic  Bomb, 
we  would  like  to  suggest  a  declaration  of  policy  of  the  following  nature  by  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  in  order  that  the  discussions  of  the  UNO  Com- 
mission may  proceed  in  an  atmosphere  of  full  good  faith  and  of  confidence 
in  their  successful  outcome  for  international  peace : 

1.  The  United  States  will  at  once  stop  the  production  of  bombs  from  ma- 
terial currently  produced.  This  includes  the  preparation  of  sub-assemblies  and 
all  other  procedures  involved  in  the  fabrication  of  bombs. 

2.  For  one  year,  which  would  seem  to  be  a  reasonable  time  for  the  com- 
mission to  mature  its  plans  and  to  secure  action  on  them  by  the  Governments 
concerned,  we  will  stop  accumulating  purified  plutonium  and  uranium-235, 
which  are  the  essential  ingredients  of  atomic  bombs.  The  plants  which  produce 
these  materials  will  be  kept  merely  in  a  stand-by  condition.  For  this  purpose 
they  will  run  at  the  minimum  rate  compatible  with  maintaining  them  in  good 
order,  but  they  will  not  accumulate  the  resulting  purified  and  fissionable  prod- 
ucts. As  produced,  these  will  be  eliminated  by  appropriate  means,  such  as  dump- 
ing them  into  the  ocean  or  returning  them  to  their  original  mixture. 

3.  We  are  prepared  to  have  the  disposition  of  our  present  stockpile  of  bombs 
considered  as  one  of  the  items  in  an  agreement  to  be  entered  into  by  us  and  the 
other  Governments. 

L.  C.  Dunn.  Irwin  Edman,  A.  P.  Evans,  Selig  Hecht,  P.  C.  Jessup, 
R.   M.  Maclver,  Edgar  Miller,   F.  C.   Mills,  George  B.  Pegram, 
I.  I.  Rabi,  Jan  Schilt,  C.  S.  Shoup. 
New  York,  Feb.  13,  1946. 

The  signers  of  the  foregoing  letter  are,  respectively,  professors  of  zoology, 
philosophy,  history,  biophysics,  public  law,  sociology,  biochemistry,  economics, 
graduate  faculties  (dean),  physics,  astronomy  and  economics. 


Exhibit  No.  54 


Ambassador  at  Large, 

Department  of  State, 
Washington,  March  24,  1950. 
The  Honorable  Millard  E.  Tydings, 

United  States  Senate,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Dear  Senator  Tydings  :  In  connection  with  my  testimony  on  March  20,  1950, 

before  your  Committee,  I  was  asked  by  Senator  Hickenlooper  as  to  the  precise 

date  of  a  Round  Table  discussion   which  was   attended  by  Mr.   Owen  Latti- 

more  and  in  which  I  saw  Mr.  Lattimore.     I  stated  in  my  testimony  that  I 


1562  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

believed  that  this  meeting  was  in  December.     Upon  consulting  the  files  of  the 
Department,  I  find  that  the  meeting  was  on  October  6,  7,  and  8,  1949. 
I  am  enclosing  a  list  of  all  the  persons  who  attended  this  meeting. 
Sincerely  yours, 

Philip  C.  Jesstjp. 
(Enclosure.) 

List  of  Consultants 

Joseph  W.  Ballentine,  The  Brookings  Institution,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Bernard  Brodie,  Department  of  International  Relations,  Yale  University,  New 
Haven,  Connecticut. 

Claude  A.  Buss,  Director  of  Studies,  Army  War  College,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Kenneth  Colegrove,  Department  of  Political  Science,  Northwestern  University, 
Evanston,  Illinois. 

Arthur  G.  Coons,  President,  Occidental  College,  Los  Angeles,  California. 

John  W.  Decker,  International  Missionary  Council,  New  York,  New  York. 

John  K.  Fairbank,  Committee  on  International  and  Regional  Studies,  Harvard 
University,  Cambridge,  Massachusetts. 

William  R.  Herod,  President,  International  General  Electric  Company,  New  York, 
New  York. 

Arthur  N.   Holcombe,  Department  of  Government,   Harvard   University,   Cam- 
bridge, Massachusetts. 

Benjamin  H.  Kizer,  Graves,  Kizer  and  Graves,  Spokane,  Wash. 

Owen  Lattimore,  Director,  Walter  Hines  Page  School  of  International  Relations, 
Johns  Hopkins  University,  Baltimore,  Maryland. 

Ernest  B.  MacNaughton,  Chairman  of  the  Board,  First  National  Bank,  Port- 
land, Oregon. 

George  C.  Marshall,  President,  American  Red  Cross,  Washington,  D.  C. 

J.   Morden  Murphy,  Assistant  Vice  President,  Bankers  Trust   Company,   New 
York,  New  York. 

Nathaniel  Peffer,  Department  of  Public  Law  and  Government,  Columbia  Uni- 
versity, New  York,  New  York. 

Harold  S.  Quigley,  Department  of  Political  Science,  University  of  Minnesota, 
Minneapolis,  Minnesota. 

Edwin  O.  Reischauer,  Department  of  Far  Eastern  Languages,  Harvard  Univer- 
sity, Cambridge,  Massachusetts. 

William  S.  Robertson,  President,  American  and  Foreign  Power  Company,  New 
York,  New  York. 

John  D.  Rockefeller  III,  President,  Rockefeller  Brothers'  Fund.  New  York,  New 
York. 

Lawrence  K.  Rosinger,  American  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations,  New  York,  New 
York. 

Eugene  Staley,  Executive  Director,  World  Affairs  Council  of  Northern  California, 
San  Francisco,  California. 

Harold  Stassen,  President,  University  of  Pennsylvania,  Philadelphia,  Pennsyl- 
vania. 

Phillips  Talbot,  University  of  Chicago,  Chicago,  Illinois. 

George  E.  Taylor,  University  of  Washington,  Seattle,  Washington. 

Harold  M.  Vinacke,  Department  of  Political  Science,  University  of  Cincinnati, 
Ohio. 


Exhibit  No.  55 
List  of  Publications — Esther  Caukin  Bkunaueb 

Guidance  materials  for  study  groups  in  international  relations  of  the  American 
Association  of  University  Women,  including  syllabi  and  bibliographies  on 
American  foreign  policy,  European  politics.  Far  Eastern  affairs,  Germany, 
Great  Britain,  Italy.  Central  and  Eastern  Europe  ami  the  United  Nations; 
also  the  International  Problem-of-the-Month  Series  (193:1-1943),  and  the  Front 
Page  (1943-44)  brief  guides  to  the  study  of  contemporary  international  affairs. 

The  Peace  Proposals  of  Germany  and  Austria-Hungary,  1914-1918.  Ph.  D.  dis- 
sertation,  inni.  Bound  manuscripl  on  deposil  in  the  Hoover  Library  and  the 
Stanford  University  Library;  abstract  published  by  the  Stanford  University 
Press  in  1927. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1563 

Definitions  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  published  by  the  American  Association  of 
University  Women  .about  1929. 

An  outline  of  War,  written  at  the  request  of  the  National  Committee  on  the 

Cause  and  Cure  of  War,  about  1935. 
The  Peace  Proposals  of  December  1916-January  1917,  Journal  of  Modern  History, 

Vol.  IV.  No.  4.  December  1932. 
National  Defense:  Institution*.   Concepts,  Policies,  published  by  the  Women's 

Press  of  the  Young  Women's  Christian  Association,  IS'37. 
Statements  before  the  Committee  en  Foreign  Affairs,  House  of  Representatives, 

Seventy-sixth  Congress,  First  Session  on  Present  Neutrality  Law  (Public  Res. 

No.  27)  :  published  by  Hie  V.  S.  Governmenl  Printing  Office.  1939. 
Building  //"'  New  World  Order,  published  by  the  American  Association  of  Univer- 
sity Women  in  the  International  Relations  Pamphlet  Series,  December  1939. 

(This  was  used  as  the  textbook  for  the  League  of  Nations  Association  High 

School  Examination  contest  in  1940.) 
Hit*  America  Forgotten?    Myths  and  Facts  about  World  Wars  I  and  II,  with  an 

introduction  by  James  T.  Shotwell.     Published  by  the  American  Count-il  on 

Public  Affairs,  Washington,  1941.  (pamphlet) 
Facing  the  Nazi  Menace,  Vital  Issues,  June  1941. 
Power  Politics  and  Democracy.  The  Annals  of  the  American  Academy  of  Political 

and  Social  Science.  July  1941. 
The  Development  of  International  Attitudes,  in  collaboration  with  Daniel  Pres- 
ents in  International  Understanding  TJvrough  Public  School  Curriculum,  Part 

II   of  the  Thirty-sixth  Yearbook  of  the  National   Society  for  the  Study  of 

Education. 
The  United  States  in  the  Transition  to  the  New  World  Order,  a  monograph  for 

the  Second  Report  of  the  Commission  to  Study  the  Organisation  of  Peace,  April 

1941'. 
Further  Thoughts  on  Germany,  World  Affairs  (published  by  the  American  Peace 

Society).  September  1942. 
The  Tinted  Nations,  Junior  Red  Cross  Journal,  September  1942. 
Religion  and  the  Free  World,  Junior  Red  Cross  Journal,  December  1942. 
Frontiers  of  the  Future,  Junior  Red  Cross  Journal,  March  1943. 
The  Stake  of  the  United  States  in  International  Organization,  a  chapter  in  a 

textbook,  Citizens  of  a  New  World,  published  by  the  National  Council  of  the 

Social  Studies,  1944. 
UNESCO  to  Date,  United  States  National  Commission  for  UNESCO,  Report  on 

the  First  Meeting,  September  19't6;  Department  of  State  Publication  2726, 

1947. 


Exhibit  No.  56 


Kansas  State  College  of  Agriculture  and  Applied  Science, 

Manhattan,  March  22, 1950. 
The  Honorable  Millard  Ttdings, 

United  States  Senate,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Dear  Senator  Ttdings  :  I  have  known  Dr.  Esther  C.  Brunauer  since  October 
1946,  and  I  am  certain  that  she  is  loyal  to  the  Constitution,  laws  and  ideals  of 
the  L'nited  States. 

My  knowledge  of  Mrs.  Brunauer  is  based  on  an  official  relationship  that  has 
prevailed  periodically  since  November  1946,  when  I  attended  the  General  Confer- 
ence of  UNESCO  in  Paris  as  a  delegate,  and  Mrs.  Brunauer  attended  as  a  mem- 
ber of  the  staff  of  the  State  Department.  This  same  relationship  existed  at 
suhsequent  General  Conferences  of  UNESCO.  Of  course  between  the  interna- 
tional meetings,  my  work  as  chairman  of  the  United  States  National  Commission 
brought  me  in  touch  with  Dr.  Brunauer  and  her  work  in  Washington,  D.  C. 

I  would  say  that  the  present  ideological  warfare  in  the  world  is  Dr.  Brunauer's 
chief  concern,  and  in  this  she  is  constantly  working  to  uphold  United  States 
policy,  as  well  as  the  democratic  philosophy  generally,  and  to  defeat  the  devious 
and  clever  tactics  of  the  Russians  and  their  satellites.  At  the  Mexico  City 
conference  in  1947,  for  example,  she  spent  a  full  month  in  counteracting  the 
efforts  of  the  Russian-dominated  Polish  delegation  to  pin  the  tag  of  "war- 
monger" on  the  Western  democracies,  and  especially  on  the  United  States.  She 
worked  with  devotion,  precision,  and  effect.  She  was  completely  sincere  in  all 
she  did. 

68970 — 50 — pt.  2 6 


1564  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

I  could  cite  many  similar  examples  which  have  proved  to  me  that  it  is  erro- 
neous and  un-American  to  refer  to  Dr.  Brunauer  as  a  Communist  sympathizer. 
Sincerely   yours, 

Milton  S.  Eisenhower. 


Washington,  D.  C,  March  24, 1950. 
Re  Esther  and  Stephen  Brunauer. 

Hon.   Millard  E.   Tydings, 

Chairman,  Special  Senate  Foreign  Relations  Subcommittee, 
United  States  Senate,  Washington,  D.  C. 

My  Dear  Senator  Tydings  :  I  was  considerably  startled  to  read  that  Mr. 
and  Mrs.  Brunauer  had  been  accused  of  Communist  leanings  and  disloyalty 
before  your  subcommittee. 

As  you  may  perhaps  recall,  I  helped  as  a  member  of  the  Senate  Appropriations 
Committee  in  the  Eightieth  Congress  to  initiate  investigations  which  I  believe 
assisted  the  State  Department  in  eliminating  employees  who  had  demonstrated 
Communist  leanings  or  were  shown  to  be  poor  security  risks.  I  am  as  anxious  as 
anyone  to  rid  our  Government  of  any  employees  whose  loyalty  is  doubtful.  How- 
ever, erroneous  accusations,  even  though  made  in  good  faith,  hurt  that  objective 
more  than  they  help  it. 

I  am  convinced  the  accusations  against  the  Brunauers  are  completely  erro- 
neous. 

I  first  met  the  Brunauers  in  1943,  and  Mrs.  Ball  and  I  have  known  both  of 
them  intimately  since  1945.  We  live  only  a  few  blocks  apart  here  in  Washington 
and  have  spent  many  evenings  together.  Our  conversations  inevitably  have 
dealt  at  length  with  politics,  with  international  problems  and  issues  and  with 
the  so-called  cold  war. 

In  all  of  our  many  hours  of  conversation,  neither  Esther  nor  Stephen  has  ever 
revealed  the  slightest  indication  of  Communist  attitudes.  On  the  contrary,  both 
of  them  are  most  strongly  opposed  to  the  ideology  and  practices  of  communism. 
As  you  know,  Stephen  Brunauer  was  born  in  Hungary  and  spent  his  youth  there. 
Many  of  his  boyhood  friends  have  been  victims  of  Communist  dictatorship.  He 
is  perhaps  the  most  violently  anti-Communist  person  I  know. 

I  have  no  hesitation  in  vouching  for  the  complete  loyalty  of  Stephen  and 
Esther  Brunauer  to  the  United  States  and  to  our  way  of  life. 

With  best  regards, 
Yours   sincerely, 

Joseph  H.  Ball. 


American  Association  of  University  Professors, 

Washington  6,  D.  C. 
Honorable  Millard  Tydings, 

United  States  Senate,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Dear  Senator  Tydings  :  It  is  my  well-considered  opinion  that  Esther  Caukin 
Brunauer  and  her  husband,  Dr.  Stephen  Brunauer  are  loyal  Americans  and 
definitely  are  not  poor  security  risks. 

Mrs.  Brunauer  took  her  graduate  work  at  Stanford  University  under  my 
direction  and  I  have  kept  in  close  touch  with  her  ever  since.  I  have  the  highest 
regard  for  her  character,  intellectual  integrity,  and  devotion  to  all  ideals  for 
which  America  stands.  Her  brilliant  work  as  a  research  student  in  the  Hoover 
Library  is  a  matter  of  record.  For  years  she  occupied  an  important  part  in  the 
American  Association  of  University  Women  and  has  I  know  been  considered  for 
a  number  of  academic  positions. 

As  examples  may  I  cite  first  her  efforts  to  place  Hungarian  diplomats  in 
this  country  who  refused  to  accept  Communist  Hungary  and  resigned  from  the 
diplomatic  service.  Second,  the  excellent  talk  which  she  gave  on  UNESCO  at 
the  annual  meeting  of  this  association  in  Boston.  Third,  a  long  conversation 
which  I  had  with  her  in  August  1947  when  she  was  visiting  Los  Angeles. 

The  allegations  made  against  Mrs.  Brunauer  I  regard  as  baseless,  appalling, 
and  not  to  be  left  unanswered. 
Very  sincerely  yours, 

Ralph  II.  Lurz 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1565 

New  York,  N.  T.,  March  23,  1950. 
Dear  Senator  Typings:  I  am  suffering  from  such  a  sense  of  outrage  because 
of  Senator  McCarthy's  attacks  on  Esther  Brunauer's  loyalty  that  I  am  almost 
speechless — 1  can  only  recite  certain  facts.  I  have  known  Mrs.  Brunauer  since 
1942  when  she  was  interim  chairman  of  the  National  Committee  on  the  Cause 
and  Cure  of  War,  a  group  organized  by  the  great  woman  suffrage  leader  Carrie 
Chapman  Catt.  a  generation  ago.  Mrs.  Brunauer  and  I  worked  together  for 
the  Women's  Action  Committee  for  Victory  and  Lasting  Peace  when  we  supported 
the  United  Nations.  I  have  known  Mrs.  Brunauer  always  as  an  able  statesman 
and  as  an  objective,  farsighted  hate-free  thinker  and  it  goes  without  say — as  a 
most  loyal  and  useful  citizen  of  the  United  States.  If  an  inflamed  mind  with 
the  power  to  injure  her  and  limit  or  destroy  her  usefulness  can  see  in  her  calm 
and  philosophical  approach  to  great  problems  anything  evil  or  subversive,  our 
democracy  is  indeed  in  a  bad  way. 
Yours  sincerely, 

(S)     Vera  B.  Whitehome 

(Mrs.  Norman  deR.  Whitehome). 


Noank,  Conn.,  March  25,  1950. 
The  Honorable  Miixard  Tydings, 

United  States  Senate,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Dear  Senator  Tydings  :  I  am  the  Dean  of  Pembroke  College  in  Brown  Uni- 
versity on  leave  of  absence  for  this  year  and  retiring  in  June  1950.  From  1937- 
1941  I  was  National  President  of  the  American  Association  of  University  Women, 
and  during  those  years  I  worked  somewhat  closely  with  Mrs.  Esther  Caukin 
Brunauer  who  was  the  Associate  in  International  Relations  for  the  National 
AAUW. 

I  am  happy  to  testify  to  my  strong  convictions  that  Mrs.  Brunauer  is  a  loyal 
and  devoted  citizen.  She  is  also  extremely  able.  Her  programs  for  the  use 
of  International  Relations  study  groups  in  the  AAUW  were  outstandingly  good 
and  in  every  case  were  permeated  by  a  rare  understanding  of  the  problems  of  the 
United  States  in  those  difficult  years.  In  that  field  alone  Mrs.  Brunauer  did 
much  to  rally  the  loyal  support  of  the  large  membership  of  the  Association  for 
the  critical  problems  our  country  was  facing  at  that  time. 

Mrs.  Brunauer  was  also  a  representative  of  the  American  Association  of 
University  Women  at  its  international  Conferences,  several  of  which  I  also  at- 
tended, and  her  friendly  spirit  and  great  ability  did  much  to  make  those  Con- 
ferences successful.  I  believe  firmly  that  international  understanding  comes  in 
large  measure  from  personal  relationships  among  groups  of  different  nations, 
so  her  work  in  that  field  seemed  to  me  of  unusual  value.  The  U.  S.  S.  R.  never 
had  representation  at  any  of  those  Conferences. 

I  have  not  followed  Mrs.  Brunauer's  career  closely  in  recent  years,  but  I  am 
fully  convinced  from  my  own  personal  knowledge  that  she  is  not  only  a  woman 
of  unquestionable  reliability  and  loyalty  to  her  country,  but  that  she  must  be  a 
great  asset  to  any  department  which  has  had  the  good  fortune  to  enlist  her 
services. 

Sincerely  yours, 

Margaret  S.  Morriss. 


Washington,  D.  C,  March  22, 1950. 
Senator  Millard  Tydings, 

Senate  Office  Building,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Dear  Senator  Tydings  :  I  first  met  Mrs.  Esther  Brunauer  through  a  mutual 
friend  in  Baltimore,  either  in  1934  or  193."),  and  have  known  her  and  her  husband 
on  a  social  basis  since  that  time.  Never  have  I  had  occasion  to  have  any  but 
the  highest  regard  for  both  Dr.  and  Mrs.  Brunauer's  qualities  of  character  and 
intellect.  As  a  psychiatrist,  and  thus  specifically  accustomed  to  evaluating  per- 
sonalities. I  would  be  very  much  astonished  if  either  of  them  (I  know  Mrs. 
Brunauer  better  than  I  do  her  husband),  had  anything  except  entire  loyalty 
for  the  principles  of  American  democracy. 

Trusting  that  the  charges  which  have  recently  been  made  concerning  Dr.  and 
Mrs.  Brunauer  will  be  proven  conclusively  to  be  wholly  without  foundation. 

Respectfully  yours, 
^    '  Katherine  K.  Rice,  M.  D. 


1566  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

Vassar  College, 
Poughkeepsie,  N.  Y.,  March  25,  1950. 
The  Honorable  Mt.lard  E.  Tydings, 

United  States  Senate,  Washington,  D.  C. 

My  Dear  Senator  Tydings  :  I  feel  compelled  to  write  a  vigorous  protest  to  the 
statements  attributed  to  Senator  McCarthy  about  Mrs.  Esther  Caukin  Brunauer. 
I  have  known  Mrs.  Brunauer  since  the  late  twenties  when  she  accepted  a  position 
with  the  American  Association  of  University  Women.  As  a  member  of  the 
International  Relations  Committee  of  the  American  Association  of  University 
Women,  serving  under  the  chairmanship  of  the  late  President  Mary  Woolley 
of  Mount  Holyoke  College,  I  was  closely  associated  with  Mrs.  Bruuauer.  Sub- 
sequently, I  have  followed  her  work  with  the  greatest  respect  and  interest. 
Never  have  I  heard  her  express  any  sentiment  which  by  any  stretch  of  the 
imagination  could  be  regarded  as  disloyal  to  her  Government  or  as  sympathetic 
to  the  ideology  of  communism.  Quite  the  contrary  is  true.  Mrs.  Brunauer  has 
repeatedly  spoken  to  groups  of  American  college  women,  and  every  time  I  have 
heard  her  I  have  been  impressed  with  her  devotion  to  the  American  ideal. 

Mrs.  Brunauer's  position  with  the  American  Association  of  University  Women 
was  that  of  Staff  Associate  for  the  Committee  on  International  Relations.  She 
was  not  in  the  consumer  field,  nor  was  she  Executive  Secretary  of  the  Association 
as  reported  by  the  press. 

I  have  a  profound  confidence  in  Mrs.  Brunauer's  integrity  and  in  her  loyalty. 
She  is  a  citizen  of  whom  America  can  be  proud. 

I  also  have  great  regard  for  your  leadership,  and  it  is  my  hope  that  you  and 
the  members  of  your  committee  will  refute  the  unjust  and  unwarranted  charges 
made  against  this  citizen  of  our  country. 
Yours  very  truly, 

Sarah  Gibson  Blanding. 


Rochester,  N.  Y.,  March  24,  1950. 
The  Honorable  Millard  Tydings, 

United  States  Senate,  Washington,  D.  C. 

My  Dear  Senator:  In  connection  with  the  charges  leveled  by  Senator  Mc- 
Carthy against  Dr.  Esther  Caukin  Brunauer,  I  should  like  to  offer  my  testimony 
on  her  behalf. 

I  came  to  this  country  in  1937  and  was  naturalized  in  1943 ;  since  1937  I  have 
been  employed  as  a  research  chemist  by  the  Eastman  Kodak  Co.  My  entry  into 
the  United  States  was  made  possible  by  an  affidavit  given  by  Dr.  Esther  Caukin 
Brunauer  and  her  husband,  Dr.  Stephen  Brunauer.  Dr.  Esther  Caukin  Brunauer 
was  at  that  time  an  Associate  for  International  Relations  in  the  American 
Association  for  University  Women,  and  she  generously  offered  her  affidavit 
to  me  as  to  a  former  recipient  of  an  International  Fellowship  from  that 
Association. 

During  the  first  few  months  of  my  stay  in  the  United  States  I  spent  most  of 
the  time  in  Washington  and  became  closely  acquainted  with  Dr.  Esther  Brunauer, 
a  privilege  which  I  highly  esteem,  for  I  found  her  a  rare  person  with  the  highest 
code  of  personal  conduct.  Through  her,  I  became  aware  of  the  ideas  which  are 
the  foundation  of  this  country ;  her  interpretation  made  me  understand  and  love 
it.  After  I  left  Washington  we  could  only  meet  occasionally,  but  as  friends  we 
felt  the  need  to  discuss  vital  issues  even  on  these  occasions.  I  vividly  recall  Dr. 
Brunauer's  passionate  devotion  to  this  country,  her  high  hopes  when  the  United 
Nations  were  founded,  and  later  her  distress  over  the  obstructionist  policy  of 
the  Soviet  Union. 

In  the  light  of  my  personal  experience,  it  seems  more  than  absurd  that  Dr. 
Brunauer  should  hav  ebeen  made  the  target  of  such  charges  as  were  made  by 
Senator  McCarthy — indeed,  quite  unforgiveable. 
Respectfully  yours, 

Gertrude  Kornfeld. 


Washington,  D.  C,  March  24,  1950. 
The  Honorable  Millard  Tydings, 

United  States  Senate. 
Dear   Senator  Tydings.:    Shortly   after   Senator  McCarthy  had  named  Dr. 
Esther  Brunauer  as  a  poor  security  risk  I  wrote  Dr.  Brunauer  and  said  that  if  I 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  15G7 

could  be  of  any  help  in  this  matter  for  her  to  let  me  know.  Dr.  Brunauer  has 
told  me  that  a  letter  addressed  to  you  could  be  of  some  help  and  that  is  why 
I  am  writing. 

The  reason  I  offered  to  be  of  help  to  Dr.  Brunauer  is  that  I  have  known  her 
for  some  time  and  do  not  feel  that  the  charge  against  her  is  justified.  I  first 
met  her  early  in  February  1946  when  I  started  work  for  the  Department  of  State. 
I  saw  quite  a  lot  of  her  for  the  next  two  and  a  half  years  since  her  assignment 
was  connected  with  UNESCO  and  the  work  that  I  did  was  connected  with 
UNESCO  also.  For  a  few  months  we  were  in  the  same  division  in  the  Depart- 
ment of  State;  alter  that  she  transferred  to  the  newly  established  UNESCO 
relations  staff  whereas  I  remained  in  the  Office  of  International  Affairs.  My 
meetings  with  Dr.  Brunauer,  dealing  as  they  did  with  UNESCO,  covered  a  wide 
range  of  subjects.  It  was  quite  obvious  to  me  that  Dr.  Brunauer's  views  were 
entirely  orthodox.  It  is  easy  enough  in  conversations  such  as  we  had  to  spot  a 
person  who  is  a  "pink"  and  I  am  convinced  that  Dr.  Brunauer  was  neither  pink 
nor  any  other  reddish  color. 

I  never  saw  Dr.  I'.runauer  associate  with  persons  of  eytreme  leftish  or  com- 
munistic sympathies  and  I  would  doubt  very  much  that  she  had  any  such 
associations. 

It  is  true  that  a  person  can  be  a  Communist  and  even  his  best  friends  will  not 
know  it.  However,  this  is  something  that  happens  very,  very  seldom.  Ordi- 
narily, a  Communist  can  be  spotted  quite  easily  by  his  views  on  certain  key 
suhjects,  by  his  mannerisms  and  by  his  actions. 

I  can  say  without  any  doubt  whatsoever  that  there  was  nothing  that  Dr. 
Brunauer  did  or  said  during  the  time  that  I  have  known  her  professionally 
and  socially  that  gives  me  the  least  reason  to  doubt  her  loyalty  and  I  conclude 
that  she  is  loyal  and  should  be  allowed  to  continue  in  her  very  useful  Govern- 
ment career  undisturbed  by  further  accusations  which  appear  to  be  groundless. 
Sincerely  yours, 

James  P.  Hendrick. 


Arlington,  Va.,  March  2Jf,  1950. 
The  Honorable  Millard  Tydings, 

United  States  Senate,  Washington,  I).  C. 

My  Dear  Senator  Tydings  :  May  I  take  this  opportunity  to  assure  you  of  my 
absolute  faith  in  the  loyalty  and  patriotism  of  Dr.  Esther  Caukin  Brunauer. 

I  had  the  privilege  of  working  directly  under  Dr.  Brunauer  at  the  American 
Association  of  University  Women  from  September  1,  1929,  until  January  1,  1941. 
For  about  10  years  of  that  time  I  was  her  private  secretary.  During  that  time 
I  was,  of  course,  very  closely  associated  with  her.  I  cannot  imagine  anyone  less 
deserving  of  the  accusations  made  by  Senator  McCarthy. 

One  of  my  duties  as  Dr.  Brunauer's  secretary  was  the  stenciling  for  duplica- 
tion or  preparing  for  the  printer  of  all  material  which  she  wrote  during  that 
time.  I  feel  sure  that  if  you  will  check  this  material,  which  will  be  on  file  at  the 
American  Association  of  University  Women,  you  will  agree  with  me  that  it  clearly 
indicates  that  the  writer  did  not  believe  in  communism  nor  in  any  of  its  ramifica- 
tions. 

Throughout  my  association  with  Dr.  Brunauer  it  was  quite  evident  that  she 
was  working  wholeheartedly  and  tirelessly  for  the  promotion  of  an  international 
policy  which  would  benefit  the  United  States.  There  again  an  examination  of 
her  writings  at  the  AAUW  would  bear  out  my  belief.  A  check  of  the  interna- 
tional items  of  the  legislative  program  of  that  organization,  which  she  supported 
by  -written  material  and  speeches,  would  shed  further  light  on  her  loyalty  to  the 
best  interests  of  her  country. 

I  would  like  also  to  say  that  I  considered  Dr.  Brunauer  a  personal  friend  of 
mine  and  have  only  the  highest  regard  for  her  loyalty,  her  integrity,  her  honesty— 
in  fact  for  her  character  as  a  whole. 

I  would  be  more  than  happy  to  give  you  any  further  information  you  might 
wish  about  my  associations  with  Dr.  Brunauer. 
Yours  very  sincerely, 

Helen  Alley 
(Mrs.  W.  G.  Alley). 


1568  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

Washington,  D.  C,  March  23,  1950. 
Hon.  Millard  E.  Ttdings, 

United  States  Senate,  Washington,  D.  C. 

My  Dear  Senator  Tydings  :  I  understand  that  the  Senate  Foreign  Relations 
Investigating  Subcommittee  is  giving  Dr.  Esther  Brunauer  (and  her  husband 
Dr.  Stephen  Brunauer)  an  opportunity  to  appear  before  it  in  reply  to  the  charges 
made  by  Senator  McCarthy. 

I  am  sure  that  you  and  the  members  of  your  committee  can  be  relied  upon 
to  give  fair  and  thoughtful  consideration  to  the  material  which  will  be  pre- 
sented to  you  at  that  time.  It  is  a  very  serious  responsibility  which  has  been 
placed  upon  your  committee.  It  is  essential  that  persons  with  responsibility 
in  the  Government  have  complete  loyalty  to  our  Government,  but  it  is  equally 
important  that  the  Government  should  not  lose  the  services  of  able  and  loyal 
citizens. 

I  have  known  Dr.  Esther  Brunauer  personally  since  1946  and  have  known  of 
her  work  as  the  associate  in  international  relations  of  the  American  Association 
of  University  Women  prior  to  that  time.  Since  1946  we  have  worked  together 
within  the  Washington  Branch  of  the  AAUW  and  I  have  had  frequent  occasion 
for  contact  with  her.  She  is  a  thoughtful,  well-balanced  and  mature  woman. 
From  our  talks  I  know  that  she  has  a  deep  faith  in  the  democratic  process.  I  am 
convinced  that  she  has  no  sympathy  whatsoever  with  totalitarianism,  either 
of  the  right  or  the  left.  Furthermore,  she  is  sufficiently  astute  that  it  would  be 
quite  impossible  for  her  to  be  used  by  persons  with  such  sympathies. 

I  have  not  known  Dr.  Brunauer's  work  directly,  since  my  own  position  as 
Director  of  the  Statistics  Branch  in  the  Public  Housing  Administration  does  not 
bring  me  into  contact  with  the  Department  of  State.  However,  since  the  AAUW 
is  an  organization  seriously  concerned  with  education  in  its  broadest  sense, 
our  contacts  have  not  been  of  a  frivolous  nature,  but.  have  been  concerned  with 
the  development  of  the  program  and  policies  of  that  organization. 

I  trust  that  your  committee  will  take  prompt  action  to  clear  Dr.  Brunauer's 
name  so  that  she  can  continue  to  serve  in  the    Department  of  State. 

In  addition,  I  would  like  to  call  your  attention  to  the  incorrect  statements 
made  about  Dr.  Brunauer's  activities  in  the  AAUW.  Laying  aside  any  debate 
as  to  whether  activity  on  consumer  problems  should  be  considered  indicative  of 
sympathy  with  communism,  I  would  like  to  point  out  that  Dr.  Brunauer  had  no 
part  in  developing  organization  activity  in  that  area,  but  was  concerned  solely 
with  international  questions. 

I  have  made  no  reference  to  Dr.  Stephen  Brunauer  only  because  I  am  not 
personally  acquainted  with  him. 

Respectfully  yours, 

Ruth  Lois  Lyons. 


University  of  Denver, 
Social  Science  Foundation, 
Denver,  Colo.,  March  24,  195&r 

The  Honorable  Millard  Tydings, 

United  States  Senate,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Dear  Senator  Tydings  :  I  was  both  shocked  and  angered  by  Senator  McCarthy's 
attack  upon  Mrs.  Esther  Caukin  Brunauer.  I  have  known  Mrs.  Brunauer  since 
the  time  when  she  completed  her  Doctor's  degree  at  Stanford  University  and 
became  the  international  relations  specialist  for  the  American  Association  of 
University  Women.  While  she  was  serving  in  that  capacity  I  met  her  several 
times,  read  her  publications,  and  heard  her  speak  before  groups  of  university 
women.  The  impression  inevitably  formed  was  of  a  woman  devoted  to  America, 
with  a  scholarly  mind,  extraordinarily  well  informed  about  world  affairs,  and 
meticulous  in  documenting  wbat  she  said  and  wrote.  In  other  words,  here  was 
a  woman  of  the  finest  moral  and  intellectual  integrity. 

In  more  recent  years,  I  have  had  the  opportunity  to  observe  at  first  hand 
Dr.  Brunauer's  activities  in  the  Department  of  State.  I  was  appointed  by  the 
National  Commission  for  UNESCO  as  Chairman  of  its  Committee  on  Secretariat 
in  the  Department  of  State,  and  in  this  capacity  was  required  to  analyze  Dr. 
Brunauer's  activities  as  a  member  of  the  UNESCO  Relations  Staff.  The  im- 
pressions formed  in  earlier  years,  set  forth  above,  were  reinforced  by  my  study 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1569 

of  her  services  in  the  Department  of  State.    I  found  her  to  be  extremely  conscien- 
tious, a  tireless  worker,  and  utterly  loyal  to  our  Government. 

I  am  convinced  that  Senator  McCarthy  lias  done  a  grave  injury  to  Mrs. 
Brunauer,  and  I  hope  that  he  or  your  committee  will  take  appropriate  steps  to 
clear  her  name  before  the  American  public. 

Sincerely, 

Ben  M.  Cherrington. 


Carnegie  Endowment  for  International  Peace, 

New  York,  N.  7.,  March  23, 1950. 
Hon.  Millard  Tydings, 

United  States  Senate,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Dear  Str  :  I  have  recently  read  in  the  newspapers  the  accusations  made  by 
Senator  McCarthy  concerning-  Mrs.  Esther  Caukin  Brunauer  of  the  Department 
of  State.  These  accusations  seem  to  me  irresponsible  and  unjust.  As  a  loyal 
citizen  of  the  United  States  I  am  venturing  to  write  you  this  letter  in  defense 
of  a  person  whom  I  feel  is  unjustly  accused. 

I  have  known  Mrs.  Brunauer  for  quite  a  number  of  years  and  was  familiar 
with  her  work  for  the  American  Association  of  University  Women  before  she 
joined  the  staff  of  the  Department  of  State.  During  1946  I  was  closely  associated 
with  her  when  she  was  the  United  States  member  of  the  Preparatory  Commission 
for  UNESCO  and  I  was  a  Deputy  Secretary-General  on  the  staff  of  the  Prepara- 
tory Commission.  During  that  period  I  was  working  in  London  and  Paris.  Mrs. 
Brunauer  was  frequently  there  sitting  with  the  Preparatory  Commission.  I  had 
many  close  conferences  with  her  concerning  the  policy  of  the  United  States 
respecting  the  development  of  UNESCO.  In  her  work  at  the  Preparatory  Com- 
mission and  in  all  my  conversations  with  her,  I  know  that  she  was  a  staunch 
defender  of  the  American  system.  In  the  negotiations  of  the  Preparatory  Com- 
mission she  consistently  opposed  the  plans  of  Communist  sympathizers.  She  as 
much  as  any  other  single  person  is  responsible  for  the  development  of  UNESCO 
along  lines  consistent  with  American  policies. 

Since  1947  I  have  been  a  member  of  the  National  Commission  for  UNESCO 
and  its  Executive  Committee.  In  that  capacity  I  have  seen  Mrs.  Brunauer  at 
work  in  the  Department  of  State  and  have  cooperated  with  her  on  various 
matters  concerning  cultural  relations  between  nations.  I  can  testify  that  at 
no  time  has  there  ever  been  the  slightest  evidence  of  disloyalty  on  her  part. 
On  the  contrary,  she  has  been  alert  and  able  at  defending  and  advancing  the 
democratic  causes  to  which  the  United  States  and  the  western  world  are 
committed. 

The  attack  on  her  is  unjust  and  can  only  have  the  effect  of  weakening  American 
prestige  abroad  and  reducing  the  morale  of  the  American  civil  service.  I  hope 
very  much  that  an  opportunity  may  be  given  Mrs.  Brunauer  for  complete  clear- 
ance of  her  good  name. 


Sincerely  yours, 


Howard  E.  Wilson. 


Public  Administration  Clearing  House, 

Washington,  D.  C.,  March  23,  1950. 
To  Whom  It  May  Concern: 

I  have  known  Mrs.  Esther  Caukin  Brunauer  since  October  1945.  I  met  her  then 
in  connection  with  the  United  States  Delegation  to  the  London  Conference  early 
in  November  1945,  to  draft  the  charter  of  the  United  Nations  Educational, 
Scientific  and  Cultural  Organization.  I  was  one  of  the  advisers  to  the  Delega- 
tion, and  she  was  an  expert  for  the  Department  of  State.  I  saw  a  great  deal  of 
her  in  London  and  worked  with  her  there  on  the  official  work  of  the  Delegation. 
I  have  seen  her  sim-e  on  two  or  three  occasions  in  connection  with  meetings 
of  the  United  States  Commission  for  UNESCO,  of  which  I  was  formerly  a  member, 
and  on  one  occasion  I  visited  her  home. 

I  have  every  reason  to  consider  Mrs.  Brunauer  a  very  faithful,  conscientious, 
and  able  member  of  the  State  Department's  permanent  staff.  She  was  highly 
regarded  by  our  Commission  to  London  and  by  everyone  I  have  ever  spoken 
to  about  her.  No  question  of  her  loyalty  or  reliability  has  ever  been  raised  in 
my  presence,  nor  have  I  ever  had  any  reason  to  doubt  them.     I  have  always 


1570  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

considered  her  to  be  a  fine  example  of  the  American  career  woman  in  the 
Department  of  State,  and  a  person  in  whose  loyalty  and  integrity  complete 
confidence  can  be  placed. 


Sincerely  yours, 


Herbert  Emmerich. 


Washington,  D.  C,  March  23, 1950. 
The  Honorable  Millard  Tydings, 
United  States  Senate, 

Washington,  D.  C. 

Dear  Senator  Tydings  :  As  a  Maryland  voter  and  constituent  of  yours,  let  me 
first  salute  you  for  the  excellent  job  you  are  doing  as  chairman  of  the  Senate 
Foreign  Relations  Investigating  Subcommittee.  The  whole  Nation  has  confi- 
dence in  your  integrity  and  fairness. 

The  purpose  of  this  letter  is  to  tell  you  and  the  other  members  of  the  subcom- 
mittee of  my  shock  and  utter  incredulity  over  Senator  McCarthy's  charges  that 
my  friend,  Esther  Caukin  Brunauer,  was  of  questionable  loyalty  and  a  poor 
security  risk.  I  have  known  her  personally  for  many  years — since  the  middle 
thirties  at  least.  My  husband,  Raymond  Clapper,  who,  as  you  will  remember, 
was  killed  in  World  War  II  during  the  Marshall  IslancMnvasion,  was  also  a  great 
admirer  of  her  clear,  brilliant  intellect.  If  he  were  alive  today  I  am  sure  he 
would  join  me  in  vouching  for  Esther  Brunauer's  loyalty  to  the  United  States  and 
her  hatred  of  all  subversive  activities.  It  is  simply  preposterous  for  anyone  who 
has  known  her  to  believe  any  such  irresponsible  nonsense  as  Senator  McCarthy 
is  suggesting. 

Esther  Brunauer  was  associated  with  the  AAUW  for  seventeen  years,  1927  to 
1944  in  their  Department  of  international  education.  Neither  the  organization 
nor  the  subject  of  international  education  could  possibly  be  considered  question- 
able. Since  1944,  Esther  Brunauer  has  been  in  the  Department  of  State  as 
Assistant  Director  for  Policy  Liaison  UNESCO  Relations  Staff.  (Incidentally, 
jost  let  me  point  out  that  Senator  McCarthy's  staff  work  must  be  inaccurate  and 
sloppy.  He  referred  to  Mrs.  Brunauer's  work  as  concerned  with  internal 
security. ) 

In  one  of  my  regular  weekly  radio  broadcasts  over  Station  WCFM  (March  16) 
I  said : 

"It  is  nauseating  to  listen  to  Senator  McCarthy  insinuating  names  such  as 
those  of  Esther  Brunauer,  John  Carter  Vincent  and  John  Davies  into  the 
Senate  hearings.  I  can  speak  from  personal  knowledge  of  these  three  in 
particular.  They  happen  to  be  almost  lifetime  friends  of  mine,  about  whose 
patriotism  I  would  vouch  any  day.  These  attacks  smack  too  much  of  the  kind 
of  thing  Hitler  as  well  as  Stalin  did  so  well.  They  create  suspicion,  hysteria 
and  chaos— just  what  the  Commies  want." 

I  know  of  no  franker  way  to  voice  my  confidence  in  Esther  Brunauer  than  I  did 
in  that  broadcast. 
Cordially, 

Olive  Clapper, 
(Mrs.  Raymond  Clapper). 


The  University  ok  Chicago, 
'  Department  of  Philosophy, 

Chicago,  III,  March  23,  1950. 
The  Honorable  Millard  Tydings, 

United  states  Senate,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Dear  Sir:  I  have  learned  with  surprise  that  Senator  McCarthy  has  testified 
concerning  Mrs.  Esther  Caukin  Brunauer  before  your  subcommittee  alleging 
that  she  is  a  person  of  questionable  loyalty  and  a  poor  security  risk.  Since  I 
have  known  Mrs.  Brunauer  for  a  number  of  years  and  have  worked  in  close 
relations  with  her  under  circumstances  which  would  give  me  grounds  to  judge 
the  loyalty  of  her  attitude,  actions,  and  statements,  I  think  it  my  duty  to  write 
to  you  concerning  my  judgment  of  Mrs.  Brunauer's  loyalty  to  the  United  States. 
I  have  known  Mrs.  Brunauer  since  1945.  I  was  adviser  to  the  United  States 
Delegation  to  the  General  Conference  of  UNESCO  in  Paris  in  194<i.  in  Mexico 
City  in  1!)47.  and  in  Beirut  in  1!)48.  and  was  acting  counsellor  on  UNESCO  affairs 
attached  to  the  Embassy  in  Paris  in  1947.  I  had  repeated  opportunities  to  see 
Mrs.  Brunauer  at  work.     I  have  served  on  committees  with  her,  I  have  been 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY   INVESTIGATION  1571 

present  with  her  at   sessions  of  the  General  ('(inference  of  UNESCO  and   its 
subcommittees,  and  I  have  conferred  with  her  and  corresponded  with  her  on 

particular  items  of  the  UNESCO  program  and  the  United  States  policy  with 
respect  t<>  that  program.  The  members  of  a  delegation  learn  a  meat  deal  about 
each  other,  particularly  when  the  meetings  extend  to  four  or  five  weeks;  and 
five  years  of  acquaiuteiice.  a  good  part  of  them  in  close  association  of  work 
and  interest  in  an  international  agency  like  UNESCO,  would  afford  numerous 
opportunities  to  learn  about  Mrs.  Brunauer's  basic  attitudes  and  loyalty.  In 
all  the  period  of  my  acquaintance  with  Mrs.  Brunauer  I  have  never  seen  or 
heard  her  do  or  say  anything  disloyal  to  the  United  States.  She  has  been  an 
assiduous  and  an  intelligent  worker  for  the  interests  of  the  United  States  in 
the  conferences  in  which  I  have  seen  her  participate,  and  far  from  being  a  matter 
of  question,  her  insight  into  and  her  adherence  to  the  principles  of  the  American 
way  of  life  have  seemed  to  he  conspicuous  in  her  work  in  the  Department  of  State. 
Yours  sincerely, 

Richard  P.  McKeon. 


Cottey  College, 
Nevada,  Mo.,  March  23,  1950. 
The  Honorable  Millard  Tydings, 

The  United  states  Senate,  Washington,  D.  C. 
My  Dear  Senator  Tydings  :  I  have  known  Dr.  Esther  Caukin  Brunauer  over 
a  period  of  almost  twenty  years  and  have  been  well  acquainted  with  both  her 
thought  and  the  expression  of  that  thought  in  her  career  as  a  leader  in  education 
and  in  public  office. 

Dr.  Brunauer's  loyalty  to  all  which  is  constructive  and  fine  in  American  life 
and  in  the  American  tradition  is  not  to  be  questioned,  and  I  am  shocked  that 
such  an  implication  as  Senator  McCarthy  made  about  her  in  his  statement  to 
the  Subcommittee  on  Monday,  March  13,  should  ever  have  been  voiced.  I  am 
convinced  that  it  is  altogether  without  basis.  The  integrity  and  the  loyalty  of 
Dr.  Esther  Caukin  Brunauer  are  supported  by  her  long  record  of  conscientious, 
conservative,  and  intelligent  service. 

I  should  like  to  add  that  I  am  deeply  troubled  also  by  the  irreparable  harm 
which  is  done  to  persons  in  public  careers  by  such  unwarranted  expressions  as 
that  of  Senator  McCarthy. 
Very  sincerely  yours, 

Blanche  H.  Dow,  President. 

Arlington,  Va.,  March  21,  1950: 
The  Honorable  Millard  E.  Tydings, 

United  States  Senate,  Washington,  D.  C. 

My  Dear  Senator  Tydings:  I  have  learned  of  the  charges  made  about  March 
13,  1950.  that  Dr.  Stephen  Brunauer  and  his  wife,  Dr.  Esther  Brunauer,  are  be- 
lieved to  be  Communists  or  to  have  Communist  affiliations. 

I  wish  to  take  this  opportunity  to  say  that  I  have  known  Dr.  and  Mrs.  Brunauer 
for  over  ten  years  and  have  always  regarded  them  as  American  citizens  com- 
pletely loyal  to  the  United  States.  I  have  never  had  the  slightest  reason  for  be- 
lieving that  either  of  them  have  any  Communist  leanings  or  affiliations  and  on 
the  contrary  have  always  understood  that  they  are,  as  other  loyal  Americans, 
entirely  opposed  to  Communism. 

I  may  add  as  bearing  on  my  statement  that  I  have  been  connected  with  the 
Foreign  Service  and  the  State  Department  for  thirty-three  years  and  am  at 
present  Assistant  Chief  of  the  Visa  Division.  I  have  an  English  and  Scotch  family 
background  going  back  to  the  Mayflower  and  early  Colonial  days  and  would  not 
hesitate  to  divulge  any  derogatory  information  which  might  come  to  my  attention. 

I  am  glad  to  say  that  I  have  complete  confidence  in  the  loyalty  of  Dr.  Brunauer 
and  Mrs.  Brunauer. 

Sincerely  yours, 

Eliot  B.  Coulter. 

American  Council  on  Education, 

Washington,  D.  C,  March  21,  1950. 
Honorable  Millard  Tydings, 

United  States  Senate,  Washington  25,  D.  C. 
Dear  Senator  Tydings:    I  have  noted  the  statements  in  the  newspapers  ema- 
nating from  Senator  McCarthy  reflecting  upon  the  loyalty  of  Mrs.  Esther  Caukin 


1572  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

Brunauer.  I  wish  to  take  this  occasion  to  inform  you  and  other  members  of  the 
Committee  that  I  have  known  Mrs.  Brunauer  over  a  period  of  approximately  15 
years.  This  acquaintanceship  covers  the  period  when  she  was  a  member  of 
the  staff  of  the  American  Association  of  University  Women  and  the  period  of  her 
service  in  the  Department  of  State  beginning  in  March  1944. 

In  the  course  of  my  contacts  with  Mrs.  Brunauer,  I  have  had  occasion  to  be 
acquainted  with  the  nature  of  her  work  at  the  American  Association  of  Uni- 
versity Women  and  more  particularly  since  she  has  been  in  the  employ  of  the 
United  States  Department  of  State.  As  President  of  the  American  Council  on 
Education  I  have  had  many  and  frequent  contacts  with  her  particularly  in  con- 
nection with  the  work  of  the  United  Nations  Educational,  Scientific  and  Cultural 
Organization. 

During  all  of  this  time  I  have  admired  the  earnest  self-sacrificing  zeal  with 
winch  she  has  pursued  her  work  as  a  Federal  employee.  She  has  the  respect  and 
confidence  of  her  associates,  who,  so  far  as  I  know,  have  never  in  any  way  ques- 
tioned her  loyalty  and  devotion  to  the  principles  of  our  Government.  I  am  mak- 
ing this  statement  entirely  without  reservation. 

Parenthetically,  may  I  say  that  the  character  of  the  investigation  which  so  far 
has  resulted  from  Senator  McCarthy's  charges  seems  to  me  to  reflect  very  un- 
wisely upon  innocent  people  and  especially  to  injure  the  effectiveness  of  our 
diplomatic  relationships  in  this  exceedingly  critical  period  of  our  history.  It 
seems  to  me  that  we  have  thoroughly  normal  channels,  well  established,  for 
testing  the  loyalty  of  government  employees.  I  believe  the  present  hearings  have 
performed  no  useful  service  and  on  the  other  hand  have  been  injurious  to  the 
character  of  innocent  people  and  in  our  effectiveness  in  foreign  relations. 
Yours  very  sincerely, 

George  F.  Zook,  President. 


The  Chicago  Council  on  Foreign  Relations, 

Chicago,  III.,  March  21, 1950. 
The  Honorable  Millard  Tydings, 

United  States  Senate,  Washington,  D.  C. 

My  Dear  Senator  :  As  you  are  interested  in  obtaining  all  possible  information 
about  those  members  of  the  Department  of  State  who  have  been  attacked  as 
"Communists"  or  as  "poor  security  risks"  by  Senator  McCarthy,  I  should  like 
to  send  you  my  unconditional  endorsement  of  Esther  Brunauer. 

I  worked  with  Mrs.  Brunauer  when  she  was  Associate  in  International  Educa- 
tion of  the  American  Association  of  University  Women,  and  in  the  National 
Committee  on  the  Cause  and  Cure  of  War.  At  that  time  I  was  Chairman 
of  Foreign  Policy  for  the  National  League  of  Women  Voters  and  frequently 
discussed  international  relations  with  her.  Since  the  establishment  of  the  U.  S. 
National  Commission  for  UNESCO  I  have  been  associated  with  her  at  Com- 
mission meetings,  committee  meetings  and  at  the  General  Conference  in  Paris, 
Mexico  City  and  Beirut  where  I  was  a  member  of  the  U.  S.  Delegation. 

I  have  never  known  a  more  devoted  public  servant  than  Mrs.  Brunauer. 
She  is  careful,  conscientious  and  loyal. 

I  hope  that  your  Committee  will  speedily  prove   to  your  own  satisfaction 
and  that  of  the  public  that  Mrs.  Brunauer  is  a  dependable  and  valuable  mem- 
ber of  the  Department  of  State. 
Sincerely  yours, 

Louise  Leonard  Wright. 


Stanford  University, 
Department  of  Political  Science. 

Stanford,  Calif..  March  21, 1950. 
The  Honorable  Millard  Tydings, 

United  States  Senate,  Washington,  D.  C. 
My  Dear  Senator  Tydings  :  May  I  bring  to  your  attention  a  statement  in 
behalf   of   Esther   Caukin    Brunauer,   who   has   been   accused   by    Senator   Mc- 
Carthy as  one  of  the  officials  of  the  Department  of   State  whose  loyalty  is 
questionable? 

I  have  known  Mrs.  Brunauer  for  some  twenty-five  years.  I  first  became  ac- 
quainted with  her  at  Stanford  University  where  she  studied  with  me  as  a 
graduate  student.     Her  work  was  so  outstanding  that  I  recommended  her  highly 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1573 

for  a  position  as  instructor  at  Scripps  College.  Before  the  decision  was  made 
she  \vas  offered  a  position  with  the  American  Association  of  University  Women 
in  Washington.  D.  C,  which  I  felt  would  offer  her  greater  possibilities  so  I  urged 
her  to  accept  it. 

I  have  kept  in  touch  with  her  and  her  work  ever  since  that  time.  While 
working  in  the  Department  of  State  as  head  of  the  War  History  Unit,  I  had 
occasion  to  consider  her  work  and  found  that  she  was  doing  a  very  excellent 
|ob.  Later  while  I  was  writing  a  book  on  the  history  of  the  Department  of 
State — which  has  recently  been  published  by  Macmillan — I  again  studied  her 
work  and  that  of  the  division  to  winch  she  was  attached  and  found  both  most 
satisfactory.  Owing  to  the  limitations  of  space  and  the  cost  of  publication,  I 
was  compelled  to  eliminate  from  the  manuscript  the  brief  but  praiseworthy 
evaluation  which  I  gave  of  Mrs.  Brunauer  and  her  work. 

I  feel  qualified  to  state  categorically  and  unreservedly  that  I  regard  Esther 
CauMn  Brunauer  as  the  highest  type  of  public  servant,  one  who  can  be  de- 
pended upon  to  serve  her  country  to  the  best  of  her  ability  and  with  wholehearted 
loyalty  and  devotion. 
Sincerely  yours, 

Graham  H.  Stuart. 


Washington,  D.  C,  March  23,  1950. 
Hon.  Millard  Tydings, 

United  States  Senate,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Dear  Sir  :  For  nine  years  Dr.  Esther  Brunauer  has  been  known  to  me  as  the 
intelligent  and  loving  mother  of  two  little  girls. 

During  the  nine  years  I  have  been  in  the  Brunauer  home  at  irregular  hours 
of  the  day  and  night  and  have  never  seen  anything  which  would  lead  me  to 
suspect  otherwise  than  a  typical  home  life,  composed  of  Mr.  Brunauer,  Mrs. 
Brunauer,  Sr.,  and  the  children. 

I  have  been  wondering  how  there  could  be  much  else  than  a  typical  home 
life  in  the  Brunauer  house  without  my  knowing  it,  as  Mrs.  Brunauer,  Sr.,  and 
the  children  are  the  type  who  tell  all  the  family  activities  to  the  Doctor.  I 
usually  have  had  a  good  account  of  Dr.  Brunauer's  activities.  Also  the  children 
show  the  result  of  much  time  spent  upon  them  by  the  parents. 

There  has  never  been  an  accident  or  sudden  illness  during  the  nine  years,  when 
I  was  not  able  to  immediately  locate  Dr.  Brunauer.     Both  Dr.  Brunauer  and 
Mr.   Brunauer  seem  to  spend   a  lot  of  time  with  the  family,   and  appear  to 
enjoy  home  life  and  their  children. 
Sincerely, 

Margaret  Mary  Nicholson. 


Dixie  Cup  Co., 
March  21,  1950. 
Re:  Esther  Caukin  Brunauer. 

Hon.  Millard  Tydings, 

United  States  Senate,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Dear  Senator  :  I  have  been  associated  with  Esther  Brunauer  in  various  under- 
takings for  a  decade  or  more.  To  me  she  has  been  the  ideal  among  women 
consecrated  to  the  interests  of  their  country. 

I  remember  at  the  San  Francisco  Conference,  where  I  served  as  a  Consultant, 
that  she  had  her  young  children  along,  due  to  the  fact  that  she  had  no  one  to 
leave  them  with  in  Washington.  Most  women  would  have  said  it  was  impossible 
to  attend  the  Conference  because  of  the  children — but  not  Esther  Brunauer. 

She  has  worked  with  me  in  projects  of  the  League  of  Nations,  the  United 
Nations  Association,  the  Commission  to  Study  the  Organization  of  Peace,  etc.,  etc. 

My  observation  of  her  from  first  to  last  leads  me  to  conclude  that  we  need 
more — not  fewer — women  in  American  public  life  like  Esther  Brunauer. 
Very  truly  yours, 

Hugh  Moore. 


New  York,  N.  Y.,  March  21,  1950. 
Honorable  Millard  Tydixgs, 

United  States  Senate,  Washington,  D.  O. 

Dear  Senator  :  As  a  life-long  Republican,  I  have  been  deeply  shocked  by  Sen- 
ator McCarthy's  current  accusations,  particularly  against  Dorothy  Kenyon  and 
Esther  Brunauer,  both  of  whom  are  well  known  to  me  personally. 


1574  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY   INVESTIGATION 

Esther  Brunauer  I  count  as  a  friend  of  many  years'  standing.  We  served  to- 
gether for  almost  20  years,  beginning  in  1927,  on  the  Committee  on.  Selec- 
tions for  Oxford  University  of  the  American  Association  of  University  Women. 
Dr.  Brunauer  was  the  very  able  and  highly  respected  secretary  of  the  committee, 
upon  whose  sound  judgment  and  careful,  scholarly  approach  to  questions  the 
other  members  constantly  relied. 

It  is  inconceivable  that  anyone  with  her  fine  intelligence,  knowledge  of  his- 
tory, mental  and  emotional  poise  should  have  Communist  leanings  or  be  the  dupe 
of  Communist  agitators. 

Throughout  the  years  I  have  known  her,  I  have  never  heard  Esther  Brunauer 
express  any  remotely  questionable  opinions. 

If  loyal,  competent  Government  officials  are  to  be  branded  as  renegades,  with- 
out proper  redress,  no  matter  how  unfounded  the  charges,  we  shall  inevitably 
lose  the  benefit  of  their  services,  and  the  country  will  suffer  immeasurably. 
Sincerely  yours, 

Margery  B.  Loengard. 


The  Washington  Post, 
Washington,  D.  C,  March  21,  1950. 
Hon.  Millard  E.  Tydings, 

Senate  Office  Building,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Dear  Senator  Tydings  :  I  am  writing  you  in  behalf  of  Dr.  Esther  C.  Brunauer, 
of  the  State  Department,  a  valued  friend  of  mine,  who  in  my  opinion  has  been 
falsely  and  irresponsibly  accused  by  Senator  McCarthy  of  disloyaty  to  her 
Government. 

As  an  editorial-page  columnist  for  the  Washington  Post,  I  have  known  Dr. 
Brunauer  personally  and  professionally  for  nearly  5  years.  Before  that  I  was 
generally  familiar  with  her  activities  as  international  relations  secretary  for 
the  American  Association  of  University  Women. 

From  the  time  that  Dr.  Brunauer  was  appointed  a  consultant  for  the  London 
meeting  to  draft  a  constitution  for  the  United  Nations  Educational,  Scientific 
and  Cultural  Organization,  on  through  her  successive  service  with  UNESCO, 
including  her  representation  of  this  country  with  the  rank  of  Minister  at  the 
first  general  conference  of  UNESCO  in  Paris,  November  1946.  I  have  frequently 
met  with  her  to  discuss  the  aims  and  purposes  of  her  work.  I  have  always  found 
her  strongly  devoted  to  the  freedom  of  knowledge  and  free  exchange  of  ideas 
for  which  UNESCO  stands.  What  is  more,  all  her  attitudes,  utterances,  conduct 
have  always  expressed  a  devotion  to  the  ideals  on  which  the  American  Govern- 
ment rests. 

Dr.  Brunauer's  associates,  insofar  as  I  have  known  them,  have  been  definitely 
anti-Communist.     Personally  I  consider  her  reliability  and  honor  beyond  ques- 
tion.   It  is  incredible  and  inconceivable  that  she  should  be  accused  of  disloyalty. 
Yours  sincerely, 

Malvina  Lindsay. 


American   Automobile   Association, 

Washington,  D.  C,  March  22,  1950. 
The  Honorable  Millard  Tydings, 

United  States  Senate,  Washington  25,  D.  C. 

Dear  Sir  :  This  letter  is  addressed  to  you  and  your  associates  in  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  as  an  expression  of  greatest  personal  confidence  in  the 
loyalty  and  integrity  of  Dr.  Esther  Caukin  Brunauer  of  thp  Department  of  State. 

I  have  personally  known  Dr.  Brunauer  for  a  period  of  14  years.  She  is  most 
highly  respected  among  university  women,  in  both  this  country  and  others,  as  a 
woman  who,  in  her  writings,  public  addresses,  activities  in  organizations,  and  in 
hoi'  capacity  as  a  national  and  international  conference  consultant,  has  stead- 
fastly served  to  build  up  the  best  interests  of  democracy. 

Dr.  Brunauer's  leadership  activities  have  at  no  time  been  other  than  consistent 
with  the  welfare  of  this  country.  It  would  be  impossible  for  her,  by  the  very 
nature  of  her  interests  and  of  her  character,  to  be  other  than  a  person  of  highest 
reliability  and  good  faith. 

My  closest  association  with  Dr.  Brunauer  have  been  in  the  work  of  the  American 
Association  of  University  Women,  an  educational  organization  which,  in  all  its 
activities,  is  soundly  American.  From  1936  to  1944,  while  Dr.  Brunauer  was 
Associate  in  International  Relations  on  the  Headquarters  Staff  of  the  American 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1575 

Association  of  University  Women  and  while  I  was  on  the  faculty  in  psychology 
al  the  Pennsylvania  State  College,  I  served  also  as  AAUW  State  president  for 
Pennsylvania.  During  thai  period,  I  closely  followed  the  work  and  Leadership 
of  Dr.  Brunauer.  Her  loyalty  to  her  country,  then  and  now,  is  a  matter  of 
established  record  and  dependability. 

The  Government  of  the  Tinted  States  is  fortunate  to  have  on  the  Staff  of  its 
Department  of  State  a  woman  of  the  caliber  and  integrity  of  Dr.  Brunauer. 

Very  truly  yours, 

(Mrs.)    Helen  K.  Knandel, 
Educational  Consultant,  Traffic  Engineering  £  Safety  Department. 


Washington,  D.  C.  March  21,  1950. 
The  Honorable  Millard  Tyihngs, 

United  States  Senate,  Washington,  D.  C. 

.My  Dear  Senator  Tydings  :  I  want  very  much  to  express  to  you  my  deep 
conviction  as  to  the  loyalty  to  our  country  of  Esther  Caukin  Brunauer  which 
has  been  questioned  by  Senator  McCarthy  before  your  subcommittee. 

I  have  known  Mrs.  Brunauer  since  1925  when  L  was  a  freshman  at  Stanford 
University  in  California.  She  was  then  a  graduate  assistant  to  my  professor 
of  European  history.  Dr.  Ralph  Lutz.  Dr.  Lutz,  as  you  may  know,  has  been 
for  many  years  associated  with  former  President  Hoover  in  the  work  of  the 
Hoover  War  Library  at  Stanford.  I  know  that  Dr.  Brunauer  is  held  in  the 
highest  esteem  by  the  faculty  under  whom  she  worked  at  Stanford  for  her 
doctorate. 

My  friendship  with  her  continued  when  I  came  to  live  in  Washington  in  1930. 
Since  that  time  I  have  had  regular  contact  with  her,  sometimes  in  various 
organization  activities :  The  American  Association  of  University  Women ;  the 
Committee  on  the  Cause  and  Cure  of  War  headed  by  Carrie  Chapman  Catt ;  the 
Committee  on  the  Organization  of  Peace,  headed  by  Dr.  James  T.  Shotwell,  and 
sometimes  in  purely  social  gatherings. 

I  have  always  considered  her  contribution  to  popular  discussion  of  public 
affairs  of  the  highest  quality.  She  has  been  one  of  those  professionally  trained 
women  who  has  accepted  the  responsibility  of  citizenship — to  help  people  gen- 
erally become  informed  about  public  issues  in  order  that  they  may  act  on 
informed  judgments.  To  me  there  is  no  greater  contribution  to  the  democratic 
way  of  life. 

I  have  also  known  her  husband,  Stephen  Brunauer,  since  the  time  of  their 
marriage,  primarily  in  a  social  capacity.  I  have  had  no  grounds  whatsoever  to 
question  his  loyalty  to  this,  his  adopted  country.  Contrariwise,  I  have  always 
respected  his  defense  of  free  institutions  and  his  service  to  the  cause  of  free- 
dom during  the  last  war.  I  know,  too,  that  members  of  his  family  have  suffered 
in  Hungary  at  the  hands  of  both  Fascists  and  Communists. 

If  there  is  anything  else  that  you  think  I  might  do  to  help  clear  the  names 
of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Brunauer  before  your  committee,  I  would  be  most  happy  to 
be  called  upon. 

Yours  sincerely, 

Anne  Hartwell  Johnstone. 

P.  S. — I  should  identify  myself  as  a  housewife  and  mother  of  two  daughters. 
I  am  currently  a  Director  of  the  League  of  Women  Voters  of  the  United  States. 
I  am  married  to  William  C.  Johnstone,  for  20  years  associated  with  George 
Washington  University  and  now  Director  of  the  Office  of  Educational  Exchange, 
Department  of  State — A.  H.  J. 


American  Association  of  University  Professors, 

Washington,  D.  C,  March  U.  1950. 
Honorable  Millard  E.  Tydings, 

United  States  Senate,  Washington,  D.  G. 
Dear  Senator  Tydings  :  This  letter  is  in  reference  to  Esther  Caukin  Brunauer. 
I  have  known  Dr.  Brunauer  for  the  past  twelve  years.  I  have  known  her  in 
special  reference  to  her  work  in  the  State  Department.  The  American  Associa- 
tion of  University  Professors,  of  which  I  am  the  General  Secretary,  has  always 
been  interested  in  the  programs  of  the  State  Department  concerned  with  higher 
education  and  cultural  affairs,  and  representatives  of  this  Association  frequently 


1576  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION" 

confer  with  members  of  the  Professional  Staff  of  the  State  Department  in 
reference  to  higher  education  and  cultural  affairs.  I  have  participated  in  a 
number  of  conferences  with  Dr.  Brunauer  and  others  of  the  State  Department. 
I  regard  Dr.  Brunauer  as  an  able  scholarly  woman  and  as  a  loyal  American. 

At  the  Thirty-third  Annual  Meeting  of  this  Association,  which  was  held  in 
Boston,  Massachusetts,  on  February  22-23,  1947,  Dr.  Brunauer  was  a  participant 
on  the  program.  She  spoke  on  the  general  subject :  "UNESCO :  Its  Background 
and  Its  Role  in  Building  for  Peace."  Also  participating  in  this  meeting  and 
speaking  on  this  subject  was  Mr.  Charles  A.  Thomson,  Executive  Secretary  of 
the  United  States  National  Commission  for  UNESCO.  Both  Dr.  Brunauer  and 
Mr.  Thomson  contributed  immeasurably  to  the  success  of  the  meeting  and  to 
the  consideration  of  the  significant  subject  on  which  they  spoke. 

I  have  had  occasion  to  work  with  Dr.  Brunauer  in  other  connections.  When 
members  of  the  Staff  of  the  Hungarian  Embassy  resigned  from  that  Embassy 
at  the  time  the  Soviets  took  over  the  Government  of  Hungary,  Dr.  Brunauer 
sought  the  help  of  this  Association  in  finding  academic  positions  for  some  of 
these  persons  and  our  joint  efforts  resulted  in  the  placement  of  some  of  them. 
This  is  but  a  small  bit  of  evidence,  but  very  good  evidence,  that  Dr.  Brunauer  is 
not  only  not  a  communist  but  is  not  in  any  way  sympathetic  with  communist 
regimes. 

There  has  never  been  and  there  is  not  now  any  doubt  in  my  mind  concerning 
Dr.  Brunauer's  complete  loyalty  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States. 
Very  sincerely  yours, 

Ralph  E.  Himstead. 


Washington,  D.  C,  March  22,  1950. 
Hon.  Millard  Tydings, 

United  States  Senate,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Dear  Senator  Tydings:  I  recently  read  in  the  newspaper  about  my  patient 
Mrs.  Esther  C.  Brunauer  and  I  feel  it  is  my  duty  to  make  some  statements 
about  my  experiences  with  her. 

I  am  an  Obstetrician  and  I  delivered  Mrs.  Brunauer  three  times :  on  July  31, 
1934,  October  24,  193S,  and  on  May  11,  1942.  She  first  came  to  me  on  January 
10,  1934,  and  at  that  time  she  was  about  2Vs  months  pregnant.  She  came  to 
my  office  frequently  for  prenatal  care.  I  delivered  her  the  first  time  after  a 
2S-hour  labor.  I  came  in  contact  with  her  many,  many  times.  Similarly  with 
the  second  and  third  pregnancies.  I  came  in  close  contact  with  her  on  numerous 
occasions. 

As  she  is  highly  intelligent  and  quite  an  interesting  person  I  discussed  with 
her  various  topics  aside  from  our  Doctor-patient  relationship.  I  can  honestly 
and  conscientiously  say  that  she  had  never  made  any  remark  that  would  reflect 
upon  her  loyalty  to  our  form  of  government  or  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 
In  my  estimation  she  always  was  a  valuable  asset  to  the  community  and  our 
country.     If  necessary,  I  am  willing  to  state  these  facts  under  oath. 

I  never  heard  her  make  any  remark  favoring  any  subversive  movement  or 
foreign  "ism."     In  other  words,  in  my  estimation  she  is  a  good  American  citizen 
as  anyone  I  ever  met.     I  saw  her  last  in  my  office  on  September  11,  1947,  and 
at  that  time  her  conduct  was  no  different  than  at  any  time  before. 
Respectfully  yours, 

H.  Hertzberg,  M.  D. 


Santa  Monica,  Calif.,  March  21,  1950. 
The  Honorable  Millard  Tydings, 

United  States  Senate,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Dear  Senator  Tydings:  For  the  past  twenty  years,  in  various  capacities  in 
relation  to  the  American  Association  of  University  Women — as  member  of  the 
National  Board  of  Directors,  Regional  Vice  President.  Director  of  the  South 
Pacific  Section,  etc. — I  have  been  in  active  contact  with  Mrs.  Esther  Caukin 
Brunauer.  During  that  time  I  have  had  ample  opportunity  to  observe  the  char- 
acter of  her  work,  the  facets  of  her  personality,  and  the  nature  of  her  relation- 
ships witli  various  groups.  These  have  been  consistently  straightforward  and 
unimpeachably  constructive. 

Furthermore,  I  have  read  with  care  and  attention,  as  they  appeared,  a  good 
number  of  the  pamphlets  and  brochures  which  Mrs.  Brunauer  brought  out  dur- 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1577 

ing   her   distinguished    service    with    the   American    Association    of   University 
Women. 

Although  my  home  is  on  the  West  Coast,  I  have  frequently  been  in  Washing- 
ton, particularly  during  the  war,  when  I  served  on  the  seven-woman  Advisory 
Council  sol  up  by  the  Navy  Department.  During  that  period  I  was  in  fairly 
continuous  touch  with  Mrs.  Brunauer,  as  also  during  the  San  Francisco  Confer- 
ence, where  I  was  a  consultant  to  the  American  Delegation,  representing  the 
American  Association  of  University  Women. 

Throughout  these  two  decades  1  have  never  heard,  and  I  think,  until  Senator 
McCarthy  included  Mrs.  Brunauer  in  his  sweeping  challenge,  no  one  of  my  ac- 
quaintance had  ever  heard  her  integrity  or  her  deep  loyalty  to  her  country 
questioned. 

Mr.  Brunauer  I  have  known  for  a  much  shorter  period,  but  always  with  the 
sense  of  his  unfailing  integrity.  Mrs.  Brunauer  is  a  woman  who,  with  her 
husband,  has  quietly,  unostentatiously  kept  her  home,  raised  her  family,  and 
served  her  country.  Few  have  maintained  a  more  honorable  or  a  more  truly 
American   record. 

Sincerely  yours, 

(Mrs.  M.  W.)  Gladys  Murphy  Graham. 


Department  of  State, 
Washington.,  March  21,  1950. 
The  Honorable  Mit/lard  Tydings, 

United  States  Senate. 

Dear  Senator  Tydings  :  I  am  writing  to  you  because  I  should  like  to  go  on 
record  regarding  the  loyalty  of  Esther  Caukin  Brunauer.  I  am  now  serving  on 
the  Policy  Planning  Staff  and  have  been  with  the  Department  of  State  for  seven 
years.  Prior  to  that  time  I  was  instructor  in  government  and  sociology  at  Smith 
College,  Northampton,  Massachusetts. 

I  have  known  Mrs.  Brunauer  since  I  worked  with  her  in  the  Department  of 
State  in  preparation  for  the  Dumbarton  Oaks  Conference  in  1944.  I  was  closely 
associated  with  her  in  these  preparations  and  during  the  San  Francisco  Con- 
ference on  International  Organization  in  1945.  Subsequently,  I  have  worked 
with  her  in  connection  with  the  development  of  American  policy  in  the  United 
Nations  Educational  and  Scientific  Organization  (UNESCO),  and  she  and  I 
worked  closely  together  on  the  Delegation  to  the  Mexico  Conference  of  UNESCO 
in  1947.  These  associations  resulted  in  my  knowing  Mrs.  Brunauer  intimately 
and  in  having  a  very  full  insight  into  her  thinking. 

I  want  you  to  know  that  anyone  who  knows  her  as  well  as  I  do  can  have 
no  doubt  whatsoever  as  to  her  complete  integrity  and  loyalty  as  an  American.  In 
all  my  experience  with  her  I  have  never  found  her  to  depart  in  her  thinking 
from  basic  American  principles  of  democracy,  and  her  devoted  and  energetic 
action  on  behalf  of  those  principles  in  her  government  work  testify  to  her  com- 
plete sincerity.  She  is  a  person  of  great  character  and  deep  convictions,  and 
those  convictions  are  unqualifiedly  dedicated  to  promoting  our  national  interest. 

I  did  not  want  to  let  this  opportunity  pass  to  add  this  word  on  behalf  of  one 
of  our  most  useful  and  most  highly  regarded  government  servants. 
Sincerely  yours, 

Dorothy  Fosdick. 


The  University  of  Georgia, 

Department  of  History, 
Athens,  Ga.,  March  23, 1950. 
The  Honorable  Millard  Tydings. 

United  States  Senate.  Washington,  D.  C. 
My  Dear  Senator  Tydings  :  I  am  addressing  you  in  regard  to  Esther  Caukin 
Brunauer,  whose  loyalty  and  fitness  for  service  in  the  State  Department  have 
been  questioned  by  Senator  McCarthy. 

The  charges  made  against  Miss  Brunauer  seem  to  me  to  be  fantastic,  utterly 
without  basis  of  evidence,  from  the  knowledge  I  have  of  Miss  Brunauer.  She  has 
been  known  to  me  for  many  years,  earlier  in  connection  with  her  executive 
position  in  the  Association  of  University  Women,  and  more  recently  in  connection 
with  the  United  States  Delegation  to  London,  in  1945,  to  establish  the  United 
Nations  Educational,  Scientific,  and  Cultural  Organization. 


1578  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

In  April  1944,  I  was  appointed  by  Secretary  of  State  Hull  under  the  Roosevelt 
Administration  as  a  member  of  the  Commission  headed  by  Representative,  now 
Senator,  Pullbright,  to  London  for  consultation  with  the  Allied  Ministers  of  Edu- 
cation as  to  the  uses  of  education  as  an  instrument  of  peace  after  the  war.  Miss 
Brunauer  of  the  State  Department  prepared  much  of  the  material  which  gave 
helpful  information  to  the  American  Commission  during  our  labors  in  London 
during  the  month  of  April  1944. 

In  November  1945,  under  President  Truman's  Administration,  I  was  again 
appointed  as  a  Delegate  on  the  Commission  of  the  United  States  to  London  to 
the  constituent  assembly  which  set  up  the  charter  for  UNESCO.  On  this  Com- 
mission Miss  Brunauer  served  as  an  Expert  Adviser  from  the  State  Department. 

For  the  month  of  November  1945,  I  worked  in  daily  consultation  with  Miss 
Brunauer.  During  that  period,  in  thrashing  out  all  sorts  of  questions  which  our 
delegates  had  to  consider,  never  did  I  hear  a  word  from  Miss  Brunauer,  either 
in  official  or  unofficial  dealings,  which  would  reveal  even  the  slightest  Communist 
or  pro-Communist  leanings.  Nor  have  I  ever  hear  in  general  rumor  even  the 
faintest  whisper  to  suggest  that  Miss  Brunauer  might  be  a  Red,  or  even  a  Pink. 

The  strong  impression  I  bad,  and  still  have,  of  Miss  Brunauer  is  one  of  steady 
admiration  for  her  clarity  of  thinking  and  for  her  expert,  accurate  knowledge  of 
American  international  affairs.  I  had  and  have  complete  faith  in  her  high  sense 
of  patriotism  and  complete  loyalty  to  this  country.  I  shall  be  glad  if  my  word 
of  testimony  can  help  to  right  the  grievous  wrong  against  Miss  Brunauer  in  the 
charges  which  appear  to  me  false  and  entirely  without  evidence  to  support  them. 
Sincerely  yours, 

C.  Mildred  Thompson, 
Emeritus  Dean  and  Professor  of  History ,  Vassar, 
At  Present,  Professor  of  History,  University  of  Georgia. 


Department  of  State, 
Washington,  March  22, 1950. 
The  Honorable  Millard  Tydings, 

United  States  Senate. 
My  Dear  Senator  Tydings  :  Immediately  upon  learning  that  Esther  Caukin 
Brunauer's  name  had  been  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  investigation  of  the 
loyalty  of  State  Department  employees,  I  wish  to  convey  to  the  committee  in 
some  form,  any  information  which  I  may  have  which  would  be  of  use,  however 
slight,  in  the  attempt  to  arrive  at  a  true  picture  of  the  situation. 

I  have  known  Dr.  Brunauer  for  a  period  of  approximately  15  years  and  during 
much  of  that  time  I  have  worked  with  her  on  matters  of  broad  public  interest 
particularly  in  the  field  of  economics.  I  have  known  her  and  her  husband  socially 
and  have  had  many  pleasant  talks  on  matters  of  national  concern.  During  these 
years  I  have  never  had  the  slightest  reason  to  question  the  complete  loyalty  and 
patriotism  of  Dr.  Brunauer.  I  feel  I  have  a  reasonably  clear  understanding  of 
her  attitudes  and  political  views  and  have  reason  to  think  that  they  are  very  close 
to  my  own.  While  I  am  not  in  a  position  to  judge  what  information  would  be 
of  use  to  your  committee,  I  should  like  to  make  this  general  statement  and  if  you 
should  desire  it,  would  attempt  to  add  more  specific  information  if  I  had  some 
indication  of  what  would  be  useful. 
Very  sincerely  yours, 

Eleanor  Lansing  Dulles. 


Washington,  D.  C,  March  21, 1950. 
The  Honorable  Millard  Tydings, 

United  States  Senate,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Dear  Senator  Tydings  :  For  many  years  Dr.  Esther  Caukin  Brunauer  has  been 
intimately  connected  with  the  American  Association  of  University  Women.  She 
is  at  present  an  advisor  on  the  Board  of  the  Washington  Branch  of  the  American 
Association  of  University  Women. 

There  is  no  one  whose  sound  advice  and  good  judgment  I  value  more  than  Dr. 
Brunauer's.  She  is  a  person  of  excellent  ability  and  of  great  integrity.  She  is 
a  great  humanitarian  and  a  loyal  American. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1579 

I  sincerely  hope  that  your  committee  will  speedily  correct  the  misinformation 
used  by  Senator  McCarthy. 
Sincerely  yours, 

(Mrs.  A.  J.)  Ruth  S.  Brumbaugh, 
President,  Washington  Brunch,  American  Association  of  University  Women. 


Washington,  D.  C,   March  21,  WoO. 
The  Honorable  Millard  Ttdings, 

United  States  Senate,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Dear  Senator  Typings:  I  am  writing  you  about  Dr.  Esther  Brunauer,  who, 
according   to   recent  press   releases,   was   among  those   whose   loyalty   to   the 
Government  of  the  United  States  was  questioned  by  Senator  McCarthy. 

It  has  been  my  privilege  during  the  last  three  or  four  years  to  work  fairly 
closely  with  Dr.  Brunauer  on  matters  relating  to  UNESCO.  At  no  time  have  I 
known  her  to  make  a  statement  or  to  take  a  position  that  would  lead  one  to 
doubt  her  loyalty  to  our  Government.  When  questions  of  policy  have  arisen  that 
required  a  definite  position  to  be  taken  there  was  never  any  uncertainty  that 
siie  stood  solidly  for  the  American  form  of  government. 

It  is  indeed  to  be  regretted  that  any  Member  of  the  Congress  should  resort 
to  measures  resembling  those  employed  by  the  forms  of  government  of  which 
we  so  heartily  disapprove. 
Respectfully  yours, 

A.  J.  Brumbaugh. 


Arlington,  Va.,  March  27,  1950. 
The  Honorable  Millard  Ttdings, 

United  States  Senate,  Washington,  D.  G. 

Dear  Mr.  Senator  :  I  should  like  to  comment  on  the  recent  charges  that  Dr. 
Esther  Caukin  Brunauer  is  a  bad  security  risk. 

I  served  as  Dr.  Brunauer's  secretary  for  a  period  of  two  years  from  the  time 
of  my  appointment  in  the  Department  of  State  on  January  24,  1947.  I  was  not 
acquainted  with  her  prior  to  this  assignment,  and  have  not  been  officially 
associated  with  her  since  January  1949,  when  I  was  transferred  to  another 
Division  within  the  Department.  I  assure  you  that  this  letter  is  purely  volun- 
tary on  my  part. 

During  the  two  years  of  my  association  with  her  I  came  to  know  her  inti- 
mately and  to  discover  that  she  is  a  truly  great  woman  and  in  equal  measure 
a  great  American.  Patriotism,  with  Dr.  Brunauer,  is  not  something  she  tucks 
away  for  special  occasions  as  most  of  us  do.  It  is  the  essence  of  her  daily 
thinking  and  motivates  her  daily  life. 

When,  three  years  ago,  Representative  Bushey  charged  her  with  disloyalty 
to  her  country  I  assisted  in  her  prepaparation  of  a  categorical  denial  of  the 
charges.  I  therefore  am  familiar  with  the  exact  charges  and  with  the  exact 
rebuttals.  It  was  my  observation  that  the  charges  were  completely  disproved 
by  the  facts  presented.  The  denial  was  accepted  by  the  Senate  and  published 
in  the  Congressional  Record  in  July  1947.  It  is,  therefore,  difficult  to  under- 
stand how  these  disproved  charges  can  now  be  used  against  her. 

Dr.  Brunauer  prepared  herself  to  take  a  responsible  part  in  the  international 
affairs  of  her  Government  by  many  years  of  study  both  here  and  abroad.  She 
continues  to  take  a  scholarly  approach  to  every  aspect  of  her  work  of  relating 
the  policy  of  United  States  representation  in  UNESCO  to  the  total  American 
foreign  policy. 

The  esteem  and  honor  which  is  accorded  her  name  were  earned  by  twenty 
years  of  constructive  work  in  the  interests  of  her  country.  I  know  how  she 
operates.  She  is  modest.  She  seeks  no  personal  acclaim.  She  is  concerned 
only  with  the  ultimate  goal  of  mutual  understanding  and  peace  among  the  na- 
tions of  the  world.  Were  she  a  person  of  lesser  stature,  her  idealistic  approach 
might  seem  naive,  but  her  sincerity  often  leaves  others  abashed.  As  her  secre- 
tary I  realize  the  depth  of  her  sincerity  and  her  content  in  making  her  con- 
tribution. Many  join  me  in  the  opinion  that  she  is  making  a  greater  individual 
contribution  than  any  woman  in  America. 

I  was  working  daily  with  her  at  the  time  when  the  Hungarian  Government 
was  taken  over  by  the  Communists.     I  was  familiar,  through  her,  with   the 

68970 — 50— pt.  2 7 


1580  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

names  and  identities  of  the  outstanding  Hungarian  figures  in  that  event.  I 
was  a  witness  to  the  strain  Dr.  Brunauer  and  her  husband  were  under  during 
those  critical  days  in  Hungary.  I  was  a  witness  to  the  grief  they  shared  when 
the  coup  was  complete  and  many  of  their  friends  in  Hungary,  who  had  held  out 
to  the  end,  succumbed  to  the  pressure  of  communism.  And  I  was  a  witness  to 
their  sympathetic  attitude  towards  those  members  of  the  Hungarian  Embassy 
staff  in  Washington  who  resigned  their  posts.  It  was  abundantly  clear  which 
side  the  Brunauers  were  on. 

The  recent  charges  against  Dr.  Brunauer  can  very  easily  be  disproved.  No 
one  who  has  ever  been  closely  associated  with  her  gives  the  smallest  credence 
to  the  charges.  However,  the  general  public  has  no  basis  on  which  to  form  an 
opinion.  It  is  hoped  that  the  same  spotlight  can  be  turned  on  clearing  her  as 
was  turnd  on  accusing  her — in  simple  justice — and  in  recompense  for  the  unwar- 
ranted injury  done  her. 
Sincerely  yours, 

(Mrs.)    Eire  Stevens. 


Washington,  D.  C,  March  27,  1950. 
The  Honorable  Millard  E.  Tydings, 

Foreign  Relations  Committee,  United  States  Senate. 

My  Dear  Senator  Tydings  :  I  have  known  Dr.  Esther  Caukin  Brunauer,  and 
her  mother,  and  her  father  for  thirty-three  years.  Both  the  charges  which  have 
been  made  against  her  publicly  before  the  Foreign  Relations  Committee  of  the 
Senate,  and  the  circumstances  under  which  they  have  been  made  shock  me  deeply. 

Because  there  exists  in  the  Executive  Branch  of  the  Government  an  ade- 
quate procedure  for  determining  whether  any  employee  is  fit  for  and  worthy 
of  employment  by  the  Government  in  a  particular  position,  it  should  be  unneces- 
sary for  any  individual  to  speak  in  behalf  of  another  individual  who  is  employed 
by  the  Government.  I  have  confidence  in  and  respect  for  those  procedures. 
By  the  use  of  them,  it  has  been  determined  that  Dr.  Esther  Brunauer  is  worthy 
of  employment  by  the  Federal  Government  in  the  position  of  responsibility  and 
trust  which  she  now  occupies. 

Nevertheless,  and  in  spite  of  the  application  of  those  procedures,  and  the 
availability  of  other  confidential  procedures  in  the  Government  for  ascertaining 
facts,  for  making  determination  of  who  may  be  or  may  have  become  undesir- 
able, it  has  been  charged  publicly,  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  that  Dr. 
Brunauer  is  not  a  proper  person  for  such  employment.  This  is  a  very  serious 
matter  and,  yet,  mere  unsubstantiated  assertions  have  been  made  about  her. 
Resort  has  been  made  to  anonymous  allegations,  malicious  assertions,  hearsay, 
gossip,  and  innuendo.  Inaccurate  and  untrue  statements  have  been  made 
about  her.  The  attack  upon  her  is  defamatory  to  her  reputation  and 
good  name.  But  because  it  has  been  made  within  the  areas  of  privileged 
communications  to  the  Senate,  and  of  the  immunities  of  Members  of  the  Senate, 
Dr.  Esther  Brunauer  is  deprived  of  the  protection  of  fundamental  legal  proce- 
dures, of  the  right  to  defend  her  good  name  in  court,  and  of  obtaining  remedies 
for  injury  to  her  name  and  reputation. 

The  very  procedures  in  the  Executive  Branch  of  the  Government  which  exist 
to  protect  both  the  Government  and  the  individual,  procedures  involving  the 
safeguarding  of  privacy,  the  right  to  present  evidence  and  to  obtain  hearings, 
appeals  and  reviews,  all  of  these  are  set  to  naught  and  nullified  by  the  circum- 
stances under  which  attacks  have  been  made  upon  Dr.  Esther  Brunauer. 

I  deeply  deplose  those  circumstances.  But  since  they  exist,  it  becomes  neces- 
sary for  those  who  know  Dr.  Brunauer  to  state  publicly  the  facts  about  her  winch 
they  know,  and  their  opinion  of  her.  Therefore,  I  desire  to  make  the  following 
statement : 

Esther  Caukin,  now  Mrs.  Stephen  Brunauer,  is  the  daughter  of  Grace  Black- 
well  Caukin  and  Ray  Caukin,  and  was  born  in  California.  Her  ancestors  on  both 
sides  fought  in  the  American  War  for  Independence.  Her  ancestors  were  of 
English,  Irish,  French,  and  Dutch  stock.  On  her  mother's  side,  her  ancestors 
settled  in  Connecticut  in  1630.  Her  great  grandfather,  Ed.  Riley,  settled  in  San 
Francisco  in  1858.     He  was  Boston  Irish. 

Her  father,  Ray  Caukin,  served  in  the  Army,  in  the  Signal  Corps,  in  World 
War  I.  He  is  a  member  of  the  American  Legion,  a  past  commander.  He  was 
a  United  States  Post  Master  in  Sierra  Madre,  California,  and  is  now  retired. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1581 

Her  mother,  Grace  Blackwell  Caukin,  was  a  leader  in  the  Woman's  Suffrage 
movement  in  California;  was  Secretary  of  the  California  Woodrow  Wilson 
Campaign  Committee  :  and  was  executive  secretary,  at  one  time,  of  the  California 
Democratic  State  Central  Committee. 

Both  of  her  parents  are  living.  They  are  splendid  Americans,  and  solid 
citizens. 

I  attended  the  San  Francisco  Girls  High  School  with  Esther  Caukin  Brunauer, 
where  we  became  close  friends.  We  participated  together  in  certain  school 
activities,  and  attended  certain  classes  together.  I  know  her  character  and  her 
attitudes  very  well,  from  long  acquaintance.  We  have  kept  in  touch  with  each 
other  from  the  time  of  our  youth.  From  1933  to  the  present,  I  have  known  Dr. 
Brunauer  closely  in  Washington,  D.  C. 

From  the  time  I  first  knew  Esther  Brunauer  in  1917  until  now,  she  has  made 
a  record  for  which  she  deserves  the  highest  commendation  and  respect;  she  had 
the  highest  record  in  her  class  in  high  school ;  she  received  scholarships  in  Mills 
College,  California,  and  at  Stanford  University.  At  Mills  College  she  won  the 
Senior  Class  Prize  for  Scholarship,  and  there  she  founded  The  Honor  Society 
(the  equivalent  of  Phi  Beta  Kappa),  and  was  the  vice  president  of  the  Associated 
Students. 

At  Mills  College  she  attracted  the  friendship  of  the  President  of  the  College, 
the  late  Dr.  Auralia  Henry  Bernhardt.  At  Stanford  University  she  was  a 
protege  of  the  late  Dr.  David  Starr  Jordan,  Chancellor  of  Stanford.  Later,  she 
hecame  a  friend  of  the  late  Carrie  Chapman  Catt.  Throughout  her  life,  she  has 
enjoyed  the  friendship  and  high  regard  of  leaders  in  the  field  of  education,  and 
in  public  life,  and  of  good  and  reputable  people. 

A  distinguished  scholar  of  history  and  international  relations — A.  B.,  1924, 
Mills  College;  M.  A..  1925,  and  Ph.  D.,  1927.  Stanford  University — she  became 
a  member  of  the  staff  in  Washington,  D.  C,  of  the  American  Association  of 
University  Women,  in  1927,  where  she  was  director  of  its  International  Relations 
Section,  directing  research  and  study  programs  for  members  of  the  Association, 
and  acting  as  its  representative  to  the  International  Federation  of  University 
Women.  She  held  this  post  for  seventeen  years,  until  March  1944,  when  she 
received  an  appointment  in  the  State  Department,  Division  of  International 
Security  and  Organization.  She  is  still  employed  in  the  State  Department.  She 
has.  therefore,  held  only  two  jobs  in  twenty-three  years,  which  is  evidence  of  both 
competence,  trustworthiness,  and  faithfulness. 

She  married  Stephen  Brunauer  in  1931.  I  have  a  high  opinion  of  him.  She 
has  had  three  children,  two  of  which  are  living.  She  has  been  as  competent 
in  her  home  as  she  has  been  in  her  professional  work.  She  is  a  devoted  wife 
and  mother.  Her  two  daughters  are  well  reared  and  well  cared  for,  and  all 
that  parents  wish  their  children  to  be. 

Esther  Caukin  Brunauer  has  certain  traits  of  character  which  are  predomi- 
nant: She  is  loyal,  sincere,  honest,  thorough,  and  possessed  of  good  judgment. 
She  has  devoted  herself  to  her  family  and  to  her  professional  work  all  of  her 
life.  She  has  concentrated  upon  her  professional  work  to  the  exclusion  of  varied 
and  miscellaneous  pursuits;  and  she  has  not  been  a  joiner  of  organizations.  Be- 
cause her  professional  work  took  her  into  the  study  of  international  problems,  in 
which  she  acquired  a  high  professional  reputation,  she  was  chosen  to  serve  on 
the  National  Committee  of  the  Cause  and  Cure  of  War.  That  national  com- 
mittee was  made  up  of  representatives  of  about  eleven  national  women's  organi- 
zations, and  she  was  one  of  the  representatives  of  the  American  Association  of 
University  Women.  She  was  chairman  of  a  very  important  committee  of  the 
Committee  of  the  Cause  and  Cure  of  War,  a  committee  appointed  in  1936  to 
make  a  study  of  our  national  defense.  This  committee  reported  its  findings  in 
a  printed  pamphlet,  and  its  findings  created  substantial  public  support  of  the 
program  of  the  Army  for  strengthening  the  United  States  military  organization. 
Dr.  Esther  Brunauer  has  belonged  to  very  few  organizations,  most  of  them 
professional ;  and  none  of  the  few  she  joined  have  ever  been  pub  on  any  list  of 
subversive  or  Communist  "front"  organizations. 

People  sometimes  are  judged  by  their  associates.  In  my  long  acquaintance 
and  friendship  with  Esther  Brunauer,  I  have  observed  that  her  associations, 
contacts,  and  friendships  have  always  been  with  persons  who  are  respected  and 
honored. 

What  people  think,  say,  and  write  is  often  an  index  of  their  points  of  view.  I 
can  say  unequivocally  that  Esther  Brunauer  thinks,  talks  and  acts  in  accordance 
with  the  highest  concepts  of  a  loyal,  American  citizen,  and  a  Christian.  She  is 
not  and  never  has  been  a  faddist,  a  soft-headed  or  a  soft-hearted  "sympathizer,"' 


1582  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

a  believer  in  any  of  the  ideologies  of  advocates  of  un-  or  non-democratic  political 
or  social  systems.  She  is  not  a  Communist  'sympathizer"  or  "fellow-traveler." 
She  is  not  and  never  has  been  a  Communist,  or  a  Fascist,  or  anything  other  than 
a  real  American  and  democratic  citizen. 

I  know  of  nothing  in  the  record  of  Esther  Brunauer  which  would  provide  a 
basis  for  questioning  her  loyalty  to  her  country,  or  her  fitness  for  any  position 
of  confidence  and  trust  in  any  department  of  the  Government,  or  anywhere  else. 
I  have  complete  faith  in  her.    I  respect  and  admire  her. 

My  opinion  of  Dr.  Esther  Brunauer  is  as  follows :  She  is  a  loyal  citizen  of  the 
United  States.  She  is  a  real  American.  She  is  an  honorable  woman,  possessed 
of  the  highest  character  and  integrity  in  every  respect — intellectually,  morally, 
and  spiritually.  She  is  possessed  of  keen  intellect,  sound  judgment,  strength  of 
character,  and  outstanding  ability. 

A  great  many  women  in  the  State  of  California,  and  throughout  the  United 
States,  are  very  proud  of  Esther  Brunauer.  Her  story,  her  life,  and  her  achieve- 
ments have  been  what  we  consider  the  best  of  womanhood  that  can  be  produced 
in  our  country.  I  resent  deeply  (and  I  know  that  I  speak  for  many  women)  the 
irresponsible  charges  and  insinuations  which  have  been  lodged  against  her. 
They  are  preposterous,  scurrilous,  and  outrageous. 

Esther  Brunauer.  an  honorable  and  distinguished  woman,  a  leader  among 
women,  and  a  competent  and  loyal  public  servant,  has  been  unjustly  humiliated 
before  a  committee  of  the  United  States  Senate,  and  before  the  public.  I  am 
•confident  that  the  Foreign  Relations  Committee  of  the  Senate  will  find  no  merit 
whatsoever  in  the  allegations  which  have  been  made  against  here.  And  when  that 
conclusion  becomes  evident,  I  sincerely  hope,  Senator  Tydings,  that  your  Coni- 
mitte  will  publicly  absolve  Esther  Brunauer  from  the  charges  which  have  been 
made,  so  that  in  that  way,  there  may  be  restored  to  her,  as  far  as  possible,  the 
full  confidence  and  eminent  status  which  she  enjoyed  before  this  extremely  un- 
fortunate incident  occurred,  and  so  that  she  may  be  completely  vindicated. 
Respectfully  yours, 

Marion  J.  Harron. 
(Judge)   Marion  J.  Harron. 


Exhibit  No.  57 

American  Association  of  University  Women 

National  Headquarters,  1634  Eye  Street,  N.  W. 

washington,  d.  c. 

Statement  Regarding  the  Work  of  Mrs.  Esther  Caukin  Brunauer  as  a  Mem- 
ber of  the  Staff  of  the  American  Association  of  University  Women,  1927-44, 
Annexed  to  the  Letter  of  March  22,  1950,  Addressed  to  Senator  Millard  E. 
Tydings,  Chairman  of  the  Subcommittee  of  the  Senate  Foreign  Relations 
Committee  Assigned  to  Investigate  Charges  of  Disloyalty  Among  Employees 
of  the  Department  of  State 

(Prepared  by  the  General  Director  of  the  American  Association  of  University 

Women) 

Senator  Joseph  R.  McCarthy  is  reported  to  have  said  that  Mrs.  Esther  Caukin 
Brunauer  was  for  many  years  executive  secretary  of  the  American  Association 
of  University  Women  ;  and  further,  that  she  was  instrumental  in  "committing  this 
organization  to  the  support  of  various  front  enterprises,  particularly  in  the  so- 
called  consumer  field."     Both  these  statements  will  be  shown  to  be  untrue. 

"THE  AMERICAN  ASSOCIATION  OF  UNIVERSITY  WOMEN 

Organization  and  purpose. — The  American  Association  of  University  Women 
was  organized  in  Boston  in  18S2  for  the  purpose  of  uniting  the  alumnae  of  dif- 
ferent colleges  and  universities  for  "practical  educational  work."  It  is  an  edu- 
cational organization,  composed  of  women  graduates  of  approved  institutions; 
at  the  present  time  its  membership  numbers  approximately  110,000  women, 
graduates  of  271  colleges  and  universities.  The  purpose  and  policies  of  the 
Association  are  promoted  through  the  joint  efforts  of  its  members,  organized 
into  local  branches  in  every  state.     At  present  there  are  1,157  branches,  rep  re- 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1583 

senting  a  cross  section  of  women  graduates  of  colleges  and  universities  of  the 
highest  standing.  The  policies  of  the  Association  arc  voted  hy  delegates  repre- 
sent ins;  the  membership  in  the  biennial  convention  of  the  Association,  and  are 
carried  out  by  appropriate  committees. 

A  major  activity  of  the  Association  in  its  various  branches  is  an  extensive 
program  of  adult  education.  This  program  represents  a  sense  of  responsibility 
on  the  part  of  the  women  college  graduates  who  make  up  the  Association  to  be 
informed  themselves,  to  cultivate  intelligent  public  opinion  on  major  issues,  and 
to  take  action  on  the  basis  of  a  study  of  the  facts. 

Professional  staff.—  For  each  of  the  Association's  committees  there  is  a  profes- 
sional staff  member  at  the  national  Headquarters,  who  carries  on  research  and 
study  and  directs  and  counsels  the  membership  in  cooperating  toward  the 
Association's  objectives  in  the  field  which  she  represents.  The  staff  associates 
carry  out  the  policies  voted  by  the  convention  and  developed  by  the  national 
committees  and  the  national  Board  of  Directors.  Staff  members  do  not  make 
policy. 

In  1927  Mrs.  Brunauer  was  appointed  as  a  staff  associate  at  national  Head- 
quarters for  the  Committee  on  International  Relations,  a  position  which  she  oc- 
cupied continuously  until  March  7, 1944.  During  that  time  her  work  was  confined 
solely  to  international  education  and  international  relations. 

AAUW   CONSUMER  ACTIVITIES 

The  statement  of  Senator  McCarthy  that  Mrs.  Brunauer  was  "instrumental 
in  committing  this  organization  to  the  support  of  various  front  enterprises,  par- 
ticularly in  the  so-called  consumer  field,"  is  completely  at  variance  with  the 
facts.  Mrs.  Brunauer  had  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  the  Association's  con- 
sumer program.  While  the  consumer  activities  of  the  Association  are  therefore 
not  involved  in  this  investigation,  since  this  program  has  been  attacked  by 
Senator  McCarthy,  I  wish  to  state  emphatically  that  the  consumer  program  of 
the  American  Association  of  University  Women  could  not  by  any  stretch  of  the 
imagination  nor  in  any  particular  be  considered  a  "communist  front"  activity. 

Senator  McCarthy  has  referred  specifically  to  an  instance  reported  in  the 
New  York  Times  for  April  27,  1943.  We  find  no  reference  to  the  American 
Association  of  University  Women  in  the  New  York  Times  of  that  date ;  we  do 
find  an  intern  in  the  Times  of  April  26  to  which  Senator  McCarthy  probably 
refers.  This  item  states  that  a  request,  signed  by  15  organizations,  was  pre- 
sented to  Price  Administrator  Prentiss  M.  Brown,  urging  that  grade  labeling  of 
canned  fruits  and  vegetables  be  required  as  a  feature  of  price  control,  in  order 
that  price  maintenance  should  not  be  defeated  by  a  lowering  of  quality.  In  this 
suggestion  the  Association  was  joined  by  the  American  Home  Economics  Asso- 
ciation, the  Young  Women's  Christian  Association,  the  National  Council  of 
Jewish  Women,  aud  other  reputable  organizations.  To  imply  that  a  request 
for  information  to  enable  housewives  to  know  what  they  are  buying  is  a  "front 
enterprise"  is  manifestly  absurd. 

MRS.  BRUNAUER'S  RECORD 

But  as  I  have  stated.  Mrs.  Brunauer  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  above  or  any 
other  consumer  activity  of  the  Association.  Her  responsibility  was  to  help  in 
carrying  out  the  objectives  of  the  Association's  Committee  on  International 
Relations,  which  were:  (1)  "to  foster  closer  international  relationships  among 
university  women  throughout  the  world,"  and  (2)  "to  assist  in  building  up  an 
informed,  vigorous  American  foregin  policy." 

Mrs.  Brunauer  srave  wholehearted  cooperation  and  leadership  in  the  carrying 
out  of  both  these  vurposps — and  both  are  completely  alien  to  the  communist 
philosophy.  As  international  relations  associate,  she  devoted  much  time  and 
effort  to  the  International  Federation  of  University  Women,  an  organization 
which  the  university  women  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  never  joined,  although  the  way  was 
open. 

To  the  second  purpose,  the  "building  of  an  informed,  vigorous  opinion  on 
American  foreign  policy,"  Mrs.  Brunauer  contributed  continuously  and  effectively. 
She  prepared,  or  arranged  to  have  prepared,  materials  to  assist  local  groups  in 
studying  international  issues  objectively — a  purpose  entirely  at  variance  with 
the  propaganda  tactics  of  communism.  By  her  honest,  objective,  and  scholarly 
approach  to  controversial  questions,  she  did  much  to  develop  the  techniques  and 
standards  which  have  given  the  Association  a  place  of  leadership  in  the  adult 


1584  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

education  field.     The  Association  benefited  greatly  by  her  knowledge,  integrity, 
good  sense,  intelligence,  and  logical  thinking. 

While  Mrs.  Brunauer's  whole  record  as  an  AAUW  staff  member  exemplified 
the  best  traditions  of  American  democracy,  I  wish  to  call  the  attention  of 
your  Committee  particularly  to  the  part  she  played  in  the  Association's  inter- 
national activities  in  the  critical  period  of  1939-41.  This  was  the  period  of  the 
Nazi-U.  S.  S.  R.  friendship  pact,  when  communists  in  the  United  States  were 
violently  isolationists  and  anti-British.  At  this  time,  the  American  Association 
of  University  Women  was  following  the  opposite  line.  Some  instances  of  the 
Association's  activities  which  were  in  direct  contradiction  to  the  policies  advo- 
cated by  communists  may  be  cited  : 

(1)  In  the  summer  of  1940,  the  Association  appealed  to  its  members  for  homes 
for  British  children  who  might  be  sent  to  the  United  States  for  safety ;  more 
than  3,000  members  offered  their  homes. 

(2)  In  September  1940,  the  Association  cabled  £1,000  to  the  British  Association 
of  University  Women  for  war  relief. 

(3)  In  September  1940,  the  Association  cabled  $2,000  to  the  University  Women 
of  Finland,  a  country  then  suffering  from  the  effects  of  Russian  aggression. 

(4)  On  January  1,  1941,  a  letter  which  Dr.  Brunauer  helped  to  draft,  which 
was  signed  by  the  Headquarters  staff,  was  sent  to  all  AAUW  branches  and  State 
divisions,  urging  them  to  promote  public  discussion  of  aid  to  Britain,  and  asking 
that  branches  and  members  individually  communicate  their  opinions  on  this 
issue  to  their  Congressmen. 

(5)  As  a  preliminary  to  the  1941  convention,  an  inquiry  was  sent  to  all 
branches  asking  their  opinions  as  to  the  extent  of  aid  this  government  should 
give  to  those  resisting  the  Axis  powers,  and  encouraging  study  of  the  question. 

(6)  On  May  8,  1941  (while  the  Stalin-Hitler  pact  was  still  in  effect  and  com- 
munists were  demanding,  "Keep  us  out  of  war!")  the  American  Association  of 
University  Women  in  its  biennial  convention  voted: 

(a)  Recognition  of  a  common  cause  with  all  nations  resisting  totalitarian 
aggression  and  the  furnishing  of  whatever  aid  we  can  give  to  make  this 
resistance  effective. 

(6)  Development  of  a  closer  international  collaboration  to  be  begun  now 
among  the  people  resisting  the  Axis  powers,  and  expanded  as  rapidly  as 
possible  into  suitable  international  institutions. 

(The  Association  was,  as  far  as  I  know,  the  first  of  the  large  women's 
organizations  to  advocate  such  a  step,  and  the  convention  delegates  voted  in 
full  understanding  that  military  aid  might  he  involved.) 

(7)  Immediately  after  this  convention  action,  Mrs.  Brunauer  quickly  fur- 
nished AAUW  branch  and  state  international  relations  chairman  with  study 
materials  on  how  to  make  U.  S.  aid  effective,  urged  continuous  study  of  the 
crisis  in  American  foreign  policy,  and  transmitted  the  convention  request  that 
members  communicate  their  opinions  to  members  of  Congress. 

In  these  activities — all  in  direct  opposition  to  the  "party  line"  of  that  time — 
Mrs.  Brunauer  was  not  a  passive  or  reluctant  participant;  she  was  a  leading 
spirit  in  promoting  all  of  them.  Indeed,  some  members  criticized  her  for  too 
openly  favoring  aid  to  Britain  before  this  country  entered  the  war. 

Senator  McCarthy  is  reported  to  have  accused  Mrs.  Brunauer  of  being  "instru- 
mental in  committing  this  organization  [the  American  Association  of  University 
Women]  to  the  support  of  various  'front'  enterprises."  As  I  have  stated,  Mrs. 
Brunauer  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  particular  enterprise  which  Senator  Mc- 
Carty  cited.  But  it  is  true  that  she  was  instrumental  in  carrying  out  other 
enterprises,  outlined  above — enterprises  undertaken  for  the  preservation  of 
democracy  and  directly  in  opposition  to  the  policies  advocated  by  communists 
and  communist  sympathizers. 

Mabch  22,  1950. 


Exhibit  No.  H8 


Statement  of  Duties  of  Haldohe  Hanson  With  Department  or  State  1942  to 

Date 

i.  february  1  942-decembkr  1944:  divisional  assistant,  division  of  cri/rural 

cooperation 

This  was  principally  a  recruiting  job,  arising  out  of  the  program  of  wartime 
aid  to  China,  and  involving  the  recruiting  of  American  civilian  technicians  for 
service  in  China,  including  engineers,  agricultural  experts,  and  health  specialists. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1585 

ii.  December  1944— September  1047:  executive  assistant  to  the  assistant 

secretary  for  public  affairs 

I  served  as  Executive  Assistant  under  two  Assistant  Secretaries,  covering  a 
period  of  two  and  one-half  years.  I  was  responsible  for  their  correspondence 
and  visitors,  and  the  management  of  their  office. 

During  this  period,  I  had  the  special  assignment  of  drafting  the  legislation 
authorizing  the  United  States  Information  and  Educational  Exchange  Program. 
I  worked  with  congressional  committees  for  three  years  on  this  legislation  which 
is  now  known  as  the  Smith-Mundt  Act  (or  Public  Law  402,  80th  Congress). 
Incidental  to  this  legislative  work,  I  represented  the  Department  of  State  in 
hearings  on  Senator  Mundt's  resolution  for  an  International  Office  of  Education, 
the  bill  authorizing  United  States  participation  in  UNESCO,  and  Senator 
Fulbright's  legislation  establishing  scholarship  funds  from  surplus  property 
proceeds. 

III.    SEPTEMBER   1947-NOVEMBER    1948:    ACTING  CHIEF,  FAE  EAST  BRANCH,  PUBLIC 

AFFAIRS  OVERSEAS  PROGRAM   STAFF 

The  Program  Staff  was  an  organization  under  the  Assistant  Secretary  for 
Public  Affairs.  The  Far  East  Branch  was  responsible  for  recruiting  the  overseas 
staff  for  five  countries  in  the  Far  East,  and  for  advising  the  Media  Divisions 
(such  as  the  Divisions  for  Broadcasting,  Press,  Libraries)  regarding  public 
attitudes  of  the  various  peoples  in  the  Far  East.  During  this  period  I  made  an 
inspection  trip  to  all  of  our  information  posts  in  the  Far  East. 

IV.    NOVEMBER    1948    TO   DATE:    EXECUTIVE    DIRECTOR,    INTERDEPARTMENTAL    COMMITTEE 
ON   SCIENTIFIC  AND  CULTURAL  COOPERATION 

This  Committee  has  for  ten  years  conducted  a  program  of  technical  coopera- 
tion with  Latin  America,  providing  technical  training  and  technical  advisors 
to  foreign  governments  in  such  fields  as  agriculture,  health,  education,  and 
engineering.  Recently,  under  authority  of  the  Smith-Mundt  Act,  the  Committee 
has  expanded  its  activities  on  a  small  scale  to  Asia  and  Africa. 

I  spent  much  of  the  year  1949  in  travelling  away  from  Washington.  During 
the  months  of  January  through  March,  I  was  on  an  inspection  trip  of  our  present 
technical  activities  in  Latin  America.  During  July  and  August  I  served  as 
advisor  to  Assistant  Secretary  Thorp  at  the  meeting  of  the  United  Nations 
Economic  and  Social  Council  in  Geneva,  Switzerland.  This  Council  was  drafting 
the  United  Nations  resolution  on  technical  assistance.  During  September  and 
October,  I  was  an  advisor  on  the  American  delegation  to  the  United  States 
General  Assembly  which  was  reviewing  the  same  resolution.  In  November,  I 
was  an  advisor  to  the  American  delegation  at  the  United  Nations  Food  and 
Agriculture  Organization  which  met  in  Washington.  Again  my  assignment  con- 
cerned a  resolution  on  technical  assistance. 

In  December  1949,  my  office  and  staff  here  transferred  from  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  Assistant  Secretary  for  Public  Affairs  to  the  Assistant  Secretary  for  Economic 
Affairs,  in  preparation  for  the  Point  IV  Program.  My  stall'  is  part  of  a  new 
office  in  the  Department  entitled  the  "Interim  Office  of  Technical  Cooperation 
and  Development."  The  duties  of  the  Interim  Office  and  the  responsibilities  of 
the  other  offices  of  the  Department  in  relation  to  this  Program  are  set  forth  in 
Departmental  Announcement  41,  a  copy  of  which  is  attached. 

Department  of  State  Departmental  Announcement  41 

Establishment  of  the  Interim  Office  for  Technical  Cooperation  and 
Development  (Point  Four  Program) 

1.  Effective  immediately  there  is  established  under  the  direction  of  the  As- 
sistant Secretary  for  Economic  Affairs  the  Interim  Office  for  Technical  Coopera- 
tion and  Development  (TCD). 

2.  The  Interim  Office  is  assigned  general  responsibility  within  the  Department 
for  (a)  securing  effective  administration  of  programs  involving  technical  as- 
sistance to  economically  underdeveloped  areas  and  (b)  directing  the  planning 
in  preparation  for  the  Technical  Cooperation  and  Economic  Development  (Point 
Four)  Program.  In  carrying  out  its  responsibilities  the  Interim  Office  will  rely 
upon  the  regional  bureaus,  Bureau  of  United  Nations  Affairs,  and  other  com- 
ponents of  Economic  Affairs  area  for  participation  in  the  technical  assistance 


1586  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

programs  as  specified  below,  and  upon  the  central  administrative  offices  of  the 
Administrative  area  for  the  performance  of  service  functions. 

3.  The  Interim  Office  has  specific  action  responsibility  for : 

(a)  Developing  over-all  policies  for  the  program. 

( b )  Formulating  general  program  plans  and  issuing  planning  directives. 

(c)  Coordinating  specific  program  plans  developed  by  the  regional  bureaus 
and  making  necessary  adjustments. 

(d)  Approving  projects,  determining  action  agencies,  and  allocating  funds 
for  U.  S.  bilateral  programs. 

(e)  Directing  negotiations  and  relationships  with  intergovernmental  agencies 
and  with  other  U.  S.  agencies  participating  in  the  coordinated  program  or  other- 
wise carrying  on  technical  assistance  activities. 

(/)   Reviewing  instructions  to  the  field. 

4.  The  Interim  Office  will  coordinate  the  development  of  operating  policies 
governing  administrative  problems  generally  applicable  to  technical  assistance 
programs  such  as  utilization  of  available  specialized  personnel,  conditions  of 
employment,  and  utilization  of  training  facilities. 

5.  The  regional  bureaus  have  responsibility  with  respect  to  technical  assistance 
programs  for : 

(a)  Initiating  and  developing  plans  for  technical  assistance  programs  for 
individual  countries  or  groups  of  countries  within  their  respective  regions. 

(&)  Reviewing  program  proposals  affecting  their  regions  which  originate  from 
any  other  source. 

( c)  Negotiating  and  communicating  with  foreign  governments. 

(d)  Directing  State  Department  personnel  assigned  abroad  to  coordinate,  and 
give  administrative  and  program  support  to,  bilateral  programs. 

( e)  Continuously  evaluating  programs  and  projects  within  regions. 
(/)  Proposing  program  changes. 

(g)  Initiating  instructions  to  the  field  carrying  out  their  responsibilities,  and 
reviewing  all  other  instructions  concerned  with  technical  assistance  programs. 

Responsibilities  previously  assigned  to  the  regional  bureaus  in  connection  with 
the  Philippine  Rehabilitation  Program,  Economic  Cooperation  Administration 
Aid  programs,  and  existing  programs  in  Germany  and  Japan  are  not  affected  by 
this  announcement  except  for  paragraph  4  above  which  will  apply  where  circum- 
stances require. 

6.  The  Bureau  of  United  Nations  Affairs  has- 
te) Action  responsibility  for — 

1.  Developing  the  U.  S.  position  concerning  the  international  organiza- 
tional machinery  to  be  used  in  connection  with  technical  assistance  activities ; 

2.  Developing  the  U.  S.  position  concerning  the  relative  proportions  of 
contributions  to  be  made  by  the  U.  S.  and  by  other  countries  to  the  special 
technical  assistance  accounts  of  international  organizations ; 

3.  Coordinating  negotiations  involving  such  accounts, 
(ft)   Advisory  responsibility  concerning: 

1.  The  character  and  scope  of  technical  cooperation  programs  undertaken 
by  international  organizations ; 

2.  The  amounts  of  U.  S.  contributions  to  the  special  technical  assistance 
accounts  of  international  organizations ; 

3.  U.  S.  positions  on  program  allocations  from  such  accounts  by  interna- 
tional organizations. 

The  Bureau  of  United  Nations  Affairs  maintains  general  contact  with  interna- 
tional organizations  in  line  with  its  over-all  responsibilities  and  arranges  for 
direct  contact  between  the  United  Nations  and  the  participating  specialized 
agencies  and  the  Interim  Office  of  Technical  Cooperation  and  Development  or 
U.  S.  agencies  on  operating  program  matters  as  requested  by  the  Interim  Office. 
The  Bureau  for  Inter-American  Affairs  makes  corresponding  arrangements  with 
respect  to  intergovernmental  arrangements  of  the  American  states. 

7.  The  following  have  such  responsibilities  in  connection  with  technical 
assistance  programs  as  are  in  accord  with  their  general  responsibilities  set 
forth  in  the  Organizat  ion  Manual  of  the  Department. 

(a)  The  Office  of  Financial  and  Development  Policy  with  respect  to  the  Inter- 
national Bank  and  Monetary  Fund. 

(b)  The  Office  of  Transport  and  Communications  Policy  with  respect  to  the 
International  Telecommunication  Union  and  the  International  Civil  Aviation 
Organization. 

(c)  The  UNESCO  Relations  Staff  with  respect  to  UNESCO. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1587 

S.  Responsibility  for  the  administration  of  the  Department's  scientific  and 
technical  exchange  activities  under  the  U.  S.  Informal  ion  and  Educational 
Exchange  Act  of  1948,  and  under  the  Act  of  August  9,  1939,  authorizing  the 
President  to  render  closer  and  more  effective  the  relationship  between  the 
American  republics,  insofar  as  these  activities  are  directly  related  to  specific 
economic  development  projects,  is  transferred  from  the  office  of  Educational 
Exchange  to  the  Interim  Office  for  Technical  Cooperation  and  Development. 
Activities  which  are  not  so  related  remain  the  responsibility  of  the  Office  of  Edu- 
cational Exchange.  The  functions,  personnel,  and  records  of  the  Secretariat 
of  the  Inter-departmental  Committee  on  Scientific  and  Cultural  Cooperation  are 
transferred  from  the  Office  of  Educational  Exchange  to  the  Interim  Office  for 
Technical  Cooperation  and  Development,  except  for  the  editorial  functions  con- 
nected with  the  publication  of  "The  Record"  and  the  corresponding  personnel 
and  records,  which  remain  in  the  Office  of  Educational  Exchange. 

9.  The  Assistant  Secretary  for  Economic  Affairs  will  become  the  Department's 
representative  on,  and  the  Chairman  of,  the  Inter-departmental  Committee  on 
Scientific  and  Cultural  Cooperation,  in  place  of  the  Assistant  Secretary  for 
Public  Affairs.  He  will  also  serve  as  Chairman  of  the  Advisory  Committee  on 
Technical  Assistance.  The  Director  of  the  Interim  Office  for  Technical  Coopera- 
tion and  Development  will  serve  as  Vice  Chairman  of  both  committees. 

10.  The  other  offices  under  the  Assistant  Secretary  of  Economic  Affairs  advise 
the  Interim  Office  for  Technical  Cooperation  and  Development  on  the  economic 
feasibility  and  desirability  of  projects  and  programs,  from  the  standpoint  of 
their  respective  specialized  interests ;  make  or  arrange  for  such  economic  studies 
and  analyses  as  the  Interim  Office  for  Technical  Cooperation  and  Development 
may  require ;  and  maintain  liaison  with  U.  S.  and  international  agencies  and 
with  private  organizations  on  matters  within  their  respective  fields  of  interest 
as  necessary  in  the  planning  and  operation  of  the  technical  assistance  programs. 

11.  The  Director  will  become  a  member  of  the  Board  of  Directors  of  the 
Institute  of  Inter-American  Affairs.  The  Interim  Office  for  Technical  Coopera- 
tion and  Development  responsibilities  enumerated  under  3  and  other  paragraphs 
above  apply  in  full  to  technical  assistance  activities,  present  and  future,  carried 
on  by  the  Institute.  The  Bureau  of  Inter-American  Affairs  exercises  all  responsi- 
bilities listed  under  paragraph  5  above  with  respect  to  the  Institute's  program. 

The  Interim  Office  for  Technical  Cooperation  and  Development  and  the  Bureau 
of  Inter-American  Affairs  are  jointly  responsible  for  developing  such  working 
arrangements  as  are  necessary  to  insure  the  administration  of  the  Institute 
of  Inter-American  Affairs  as  a  constituent  part  of  a  coordinated  technical 
assistance  program. 

12.  The  Interim  Office  for  Technical  Cooperation  and  Development  consists 
of  the  following  organizational  units  under  the  supervision  of  the  designated 
officers : 

Director  :  Leslie  A.  Wheeler,  Ext.  3871. 

Technical  Cooperation  Projects   Staff,  Chief :   Haldore  Hanson,  Ext.  3011, 

5012. 
Technical  Cooperation  Policy  Staff,  Chief :  Samuel  P.  Hayes,  Jr.,  Ext.  4571, 

4572. 
Technical  Cooperation  Management  Staff :  Richard  R.  Brown,  Director  of 

Executive  Staff,  E.     Ext.  2155. 
(2-21-50.) 


Exhibit  No.  59 
Text  of  Hanson  Letter  to  Senator  Tydings 

What  happens  to  a  man's  standing  in  his  community  when  charged  with  pro- 
Communist  leanings  was  told  yesterday  by  Haldore  Hanson,  chief  of  a  techni- 
cal staff  working  in  the  State  Department  on  the  Point  4  program  for  aiding 
backward  areas  of  the  world. 

Mr.  Hanson  wrote  of  his  experience  to  Chairman  Tydings  of  a  Senate  Foreign 
Relations  subcommittee  investigating  charges  by  Senator  McCarthy,  Repuhli- 
can,  of  Wisconsin.     Senator  Tydings  released  the  letter  to  reporters  last  night. 

Mr.  Hanson  lives  here  at  1233  Thirty-seventh  Street  NW.,  during  the  winter 
and  at  his  farm  in  Loudoun  County,  12  miles  south  of  Leesburg,  the  remainder 
of  the  year. 

Text  of  his  letter  follows : 


1588  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

March  24,  1950. 

Dear  Senator  Tydings  :  On  March  13  Senator  McCarthy  in  sworn  testimony 
before  your  subcommittee  accused  me  of  haying  pro-Communist  proclivities 
and  of  being  a  man  with  a  mission  to  Communize  tbe  world. 

Immediately  afterward,  both  at  a  press  conference  and  in  two  radio  broadcasts, 
I  flatly  denied  these  irresponsible  charges.  I  pointed  out  that  Senator  Mc- 
Carthy's charges  were  based  solely  on  my  public  writings  in  China  twelve 
years  ago  and  that  he  had  withheld  from  your  committee  and  the  American 
public  the  following  facts  which  are  public  knowledge:  First,  that  my  assignment 
to  cover  the  Chinese  Communists  was  as  a  correspondent  for  the  Associated 
Press  in  1938:  second,  that  the  Chinese  Communist  armies  were  then  under 
Chiang  Kai-Shek's  Supreme  Command  and  were  resisting  the  Japanese  invasion; 
third,  that  the  work  of  the  Chinese  guerrillas  was  one  of  the  great  news  stories 
of  1938.  and  I  wrote  the  story  as  I  saw  it.  There  is  no  mystery  about  any  of 
my  writings  and  I  shall  be  glad  to  discuss  them. 

On  the  day  that  Senator  McCarthy  mentioned  my  name,  I  made  known  to 
my  superiors  in  the  Department  of  State  that  I  desired  the  opportunity  to 
appear  before  your  committee  and  publicly  defend  myself  against  these  charges 
and  to  answer  any  questions  that  members  of  the  committee  might  have  con- 
cerning me. 

I  knew  that  an  examination  of  my  record  by  your  committee  could  quickly 
establish  the  complete  falsity  of  Senator  McCarthy's  accusations.  For  the  rec- 
ord. I  submit  that  I  was  the  subject  of  a  favorable  investigation  by  the  Depart- 
ment of  State  at  the  time  of  my  appointment  in  1942.  In  1947  as  a  result  of  ir- 
responsible statements  by  Representative  Busbey  of  Illinois,  I  was  investigated 
by  the  Department  with  favorable  results.  After  the  inception  of  the  President's 
loyalty  Program  I  was  processed  under  the  government-wide  investigation  by 
the  FBI  which  was  completed  in  1948.  In  these  investigations  my  activities  in 
China,  as  well  as  in  the  United  States,  were  covered  and  my  writings  were  re- 
viewed. On  the  basis  of  this  investigation  I  was  again  given  a  complete  loyalty 
and  security  clearance  by  the  Department  of  State. 

In  view  of  these  circumstances  I  expected  that  I  would  be  quickly  vindicated 
by  your  committee,  and  that  the  slurs  upon  my  devotion  to  the  United  States 
would  be  removed  by  your  official  action. 

However,  during  the  short  time  which  has  since  elapsed,  I  am  shocked  to  find 
that,  as  a  direct  result  of  Senator  McCarthy's  untrue  accusations  and  insinua- 
tions, my  family  and  I  have  been  subjected  to  a  series  of  humiliating  incidents. 
Each  of  these  incidents  is  probably  trivial  in  itself,  but  shows  what  a  chain 
reaction  such  irresponsible  charges  can  have  and,  I  fear,  will  continue  to  have. 

For  example,  a  man  who  feeds  cattle  on  my  farm  in  Virginia  has  been  asked 
why  he  continues  to  work  with  "that  Communist."  One  neighboring  farmer 
began  last  week  to  refer  to  me  as  "that  Russian  spy."  A  man  near  my  farm 
made  public  remarks  which  could  reflect  on  my  credit  standing,  an  indispensable 
asset  in  the  cattle  business. 

A  petition  calling  my  family  undesirable  and  urging  that  we  get  out  of  the 
community  was  circulated  in  a  village  near  my  farm.  Most  people  approached 
refused  to  sign  it.  Several  of  them  were  good  enough  to  report  the  story  to  me. 
I  understand  a  lawyer  has  now  advised  the  drafter  of  the  petition  not  to 
continue  his  activities. 

If  these  incidents  were  the  work  of  an  occasional  gossip,  I  would  not  dignify 
them  in  a  letter  to  a  Senate  committee.  Rut  these  cumulative  actions  occurred  in 
a  decent,  educated,  church-going  community  where  I  have  owned  a  farm  for  five 
years,  helped  others,  l'>een  helped  by  them,  and  enjoyed  a  reciprocal  friendship 
and  respect  with  many  of  my  neighbors.  I  hold  no  resentment  against  those 
involved  in  these  incidents,  but  I  deeply  resent  tbe  false  accusations  of  a  United 
States  Senator,  speaking  irresponsibly  and  protected  by  senatorial  immunity 
which  can  start  such  whisperings  of  suspicion  and  hate. 

Therefore,  I  feel  that  it  is  of  urgency  for  me  to  be  granted  a  formal  hearing 
before  your  committee  at  its  earliest  convenience,  not  only  for  the  purpose  of 
refuting  Senator  McCarthy's  charges,  but  also  in  order  that  T  may  personally 
tell  you  and  the  other  members  of  the  committee  what  damaging  effects  such 
false  accusations  as  Senator  McCarthy  makes  can  have  upon  an  innocent  Amer- 
ican in  Ins  relationships  with  his  neighbors  and  his  community.  I  would  like 
to  do  anything  within  my  power  to  prevent  others  who  are  innocent  from  going 
through  such  experiences. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1589 

Exhibit  No.  (ii) 


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1590  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

Exhibit  No.  61 


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STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1591 

Exhibit  No.  62 


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1592  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

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STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1593 

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1594  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

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STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1595 

Exhibit  No.  66 


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1596  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

Exhibit  No.  67 

Name :  Conrad  E.  Snow 

Date  and  Place  of  Birth :  August  6, 1889,  New  Hampshire. 

Son  of  Leslie  P.  Snow,  president  of  New  Hampshire  Senate,  1919-20;  Jus- 
tice, New  Hampshire  Supreme  Court,  1920-1931 
Education : 

Dartmouth  College— A.  P».,  1912. 
Majored  in  Economics. 
Magna  Cum  Laude  and  Phi  Beta  Kappa. 
Oxford  University— B.  A.,  1915 ;  M.  A.,  1929. 
Honor  School  of  Modern  History. 
Rhodes  Scholar. 
Harvard  Law  School— LL.  B.,  1917. 
Editor,  Harvard  Law  Review. 
Ames  Prize. 
Experience : 

Professional  Attainments : 

General  practice  of  law,  21  years  in  New  Hampshire.     Active   trial 
attorney  in  State  and  Federal  Courts.     Senior  partner  or  sole  attor- 
ney— 19  years.     Martindale-Hubbell  rating- — AVIG. 
New  Hampshire  Bar  Association:   Secretary-Treasurer    (10  years). 
American  Bar  Association : 

Member  House  of  Delegates  (5  years). 
Section  of  International  and  Comparative  Law. 
American  Law  Institute :   Compiled  "New  Hampshire  Annotations  of 

Restatement  of  Law  of  Contracts." 
American  Judicature  Society;  Director  (5  years). 
Federal  Bar  Association 
American  Society  of  International  Law 
Rochester  Trust  Company:  Director  (12  years). 
Public  Offices : 

New  Hampshire  Legislature.  1929-30;  Chairman,  Judiciary  Committee. 
New  Hampshire  Constitutional  Convention,  1930;  Chairman,  Judiciary 

Committee. 
Department  of  State,  1940  (August  22) — Date;  Assistant  Legal  Adviser 
for  Political  Affairs,  P-8. 
Military : 

First  Lieutenant  to  Captain,  1917-19 ; 

Personnel  Adjutant,  Fourth  Field  Artillery  Brigade,  AEF. 

Lieutenant  Colonel  to  Brigadier  General,  1940—16 

Director,  Legal  Division,  office  of  Chief  Signal  Officer,  1941-45. 

Officer  in  Charge  of  Clemency,  OUSW. 

Legion  of  Merit,  1945. 

Name  :  Theodore  Carter  Achilles. 

Place  and  Date  of  Birth  :  Rochester,  New  York,  December  29,  1905    (straight 

American  descent  on  both  sides  for  several  generations). 
Education : 

Hill  School,  Pottstown,  Pennsylvania. 

San  Jose  High  School,  San  Jose,  California. 

Leland  Stanford  University,  A.  B.,  1925. 

Yale  University,  1926-28,  graduate  study. 
Member   of:    Metropolitan   and    Chevy    Chase   Clubs,    Washington;    Yale   Club, 

New  York. 
Experience : 

Engaged  in  newspaper  work  in  California  and  Japan,  192S-30. 

Married  in  1933  to  Marion  Field. 

Appointed,    alter   examination,    Foreign    Service   Officer,   January  8,    1932. 

Stationed  as  Vice  Consul  at  Havana.  l!i.">2.  in  Rome,  1933. 

Assigned  to  the  Department  of  State.  V.(35-39. 

Third  Secretary  at  the  Embassy  in  London,  1939-41. 

Charge  d'Affaires  ad  interim  near  governments  of  Belgium,  Netherlands, 
Norway  and  Poland,  in  London  in  1940-41. 

To  the  Department  in  1941. 

Assistant    Chief,   Division   of  British   Commonwealth  Affairs,   1944,   Chief, 
1944. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1597 

Experience  -Continued 

First  Secretary  of  Embassy  in  London,  1045,  and  in  Brussels,  1046. 
Assigned  to  Department  of  State,  1947,  as  Chief  of  the  Division  of  Western 

European  Affairs. 
Member  of  U.  S.  Delegations  at  the  International  Labor  Conference,  New 

York.  1941. 
UX  Conference  on   Food  and  Agriculture,  Hot   Springs,   Virginia,  1043. 
IX  Conference  on  International  Organization,  Sau  Francisco,  1945. 
Council  of  Foreign  Ministers,  London,  1945. 
Paris  Conference,  19-Ki. 
First  Session,  UN  Assembly,  London,  194G. 
Second  Session,  UN  Assembly,  New  York,  1047. 
Present  position :  Director,  Office  of  Western  European  Affairs. 

Name  :  Willard  F.  Barber. 

Date  and  Place  of  Birth:  March  21,  1009,  Mitchell,  South  Dakota. 

Education: 

Public  Schools  of  California,  Iowa,  South  Dakota,  and  New  Mexico. 

Stanford  University,  A.  B.,  1028;  M.  A.  1029. 

Columbia  University,  Postgraduate  work,  1030-1033. 

Awarded  Einstein  Prize  for  Excellence  in  American  Diplomacy,  Columbia 
University,  1933. 

Graduated  from  the  National  War  College,  1048. 
Membership  in  Societies: 

University  Club,  Washington,  D.  C. 

American  Foreign  Service  Association  (Associate  Member). 

Pi  Sigma  Alpha. 

National  Honorary  Political  Science  Fraternity. 

American  Society  of  International  Law. 

Association  of  American  University  Professors. 

American  Political  Science  Association. 

American  Society  for  Public  Administraiton. 

Member  of  Latin  American  Committee  of  American  Political  Science  Asso- 
ciation, 1046,  and  reappointed  in  1047,  1048,  and  1040. 

Foreign  Policy  Association. 
Publications : 

In  collaboration  with  W.  B.  Guthrie:  American  Government,  a  textbook, 
published  by  Globe  Book  Company. 

Contributor  to  :  Foreign  Service  Journal,  American  Political  Science  Review, 
American  Journal  of  International  Law,  Hispanic  American  Historical 
Review,  The  Journal  of  Politics,  International  Journal  (Canadian),  The 
Western  Political  Science  Review,  The  New  Mexico  Quarterly  Review, 
American  Political  Science  Quarterly,  The  Western  Political  Science 
Quarterly,  etc.,  etc. 
Professional  Activities : 

1031-1038,  Tutor,  then  Instructor,  in  Government  in  Diplomacy,  College  of 
the  City  of  New  York. 

1938-1943,  Officer  of  the  Division  of  American  Republics,  Department  of 
State,  working  on  problems  of  Panama,  Haiti,  Dominican  Republic  and 
<  uba. 

In  1942  on  temporary  assignment  for  U.  S.  Embassies  at  Port-au-Prince  and 
Ciudad  Trujillo. 

1944-1945,  Assistant  Chief,  Division  of  Financial  and  Monetary  Affairs, 
Department  of  State. 

1943-1946,  Assistant  Chief  and  Acting  Chief,  Division  of  Central  American 
and  Caribbean  Affairs,  Department  of  State,  including  countries  of  Panama, 
Costa  Rica,  El  Salvador,  Nicaragua,  Guatemala,  Honduras,  Cuba,  Haiti, 
Dominican  Republic. 

In  1944,  Secretary  to  Interdepartmental  Committee  on  Inter-American  Eco- 
nomic Development. 

During  1945,  on  detail  to  U.  S.  diplomatic  missions  in  Cuba,  Dominican 
Republic,  and  Haiti. 

February  1946,  Adviser  to  U.  S.  Delegate  at  Second  West  Indian  Conference, 
St.  Thomas,  Virgin  Islands. 

May  1946,  Representative  of  the  Department  of  State  at  inauguration  of 
Governor  of  American  Virgin  Islands. 

In  1946  appointed  Chief  of  Division  of  Caribbean  Affairs. 


1598  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

Professional  Activities — Continued 

1946  and  1947,  Lecturer  at  Institute  conducted  by  the  School  of  Advanced 
International  Studies  (Washington,  D.  C.)  on  Political  Problems  of  the 
Caribbean  Area. 
1947,  Lecturer,  American  University,  Washington,  D.  C,  on  "Problems  in 
Inter-American  Relations." 

1947,  Participant  in  Brookings  Institution  Seminar  on  International  Rela- 
tions, held  at  University  of  Virginia  and  Dartmouth  College. 

September  1947,  assigned  to  the  National  War  College. 

June  1948,  graduated  from  National  War  College. 

August  1948,  Chief,  Division  of  Central  American  and  Panama  Affairs,  State 

Department. 
In  1948  on  temporary  assignment  to  U.  S.  Embassies  at  Panama,  San  Jose, 

Managua,  Tegucigalpa,  San  Salvador,  and  Guatemala  City. 
Appointed  Alternate  Member  of  State  Department  Loyalty  and  Security 

Board,  1948. 

1948,  Appointed  to  State  Department  Advisory  Committee  on  Information 
Policy. 

July  1949,  appointed  Deputy  Assistant  Secretary  of  State  for  American 
Republic  Affairs. 
Travel :  United  States,  Mexico,  Canada,  Caribbean  Area,  Europe  and  Iberian 

Peninsula,  Central  America. 
Marital  Status :  Married,  one  daughter. 
Residence : 

1522  Red  Oak  Drive,  Silver  Spring,  Maryland. 
Telephone :  SLigo  8275. 

Name:  John  O.  Bell. 

Date  and  Place  of  Birth:  Manila,  P.  I.,  October  4,  1912  (parents  U.  S.  citizens). 

Son  of  John  Oscar  and  Fiances  Earle  (Cooley). 
Education : 

George  Washington  University,  B.  S.,  1934;  J.  D.,  1939  National  War  Col- 
lege, graduated  1948. 
Admitted  to  D.  C.  bar,  1938. 
Experience :  With  U.  S.  Department  of  State  since  1931. 

Officer  in  Fraud  Section,  Passport  Division,  1937-39.    Assisted  U.  S.  District 
Attorney  (S.  D.  N.  Y.)  in  preparation  and  prosecution  ppt.  fraud  case  vs. 
Earl  Browder,  chief  government  witness  in  connection  therewith. 
Executive  Officer,  Passport  Division,  1939^1. 
Chief,  Air  Priorities  Section,  1943-46. 
Chief,  Air  Transport  Section,  1946. 
Assistant  Chief,  1946. 
Associate  Chief,   1947-48. 
Chief,  1948. 

Assistant  Chief,  Division  of  Northern  European  Affairs  since  1948. 
January  1949  assigned  as  Political  Adviser  to  Chairman,  Foreign  Military 

Assistance  Correlation  Committee. 
Assistant  Director,  Mutual  Defense  Assistance  Program  since  1949. 
Secretary  for  documentation,  International  Civil  Aviation  Conference,  Chi- 
cago, 1944. 
Conference  Registration  Officer,  United  Nations  Conference,  San  Francisco, 

1945. 
Special  Representative  of  U.  S.  State  Department  Aviation  negotiations  in 

Peru,  Ecuador,  Chile,  Argentina,  Uruguay  1946-1947. 
Alternate  member  U.  S.  Department  of  State  Loyalty  and  Security  Board 
since  1948. 
Member  of: 

D.  C.  American  Foreign  Service  Association. 
George  Washington  University  Law  Association. 
Alpha  Chi  Sigma. 
Name :  G.  Hayden  Raynor. 

Date  and  Place  of  Birth :  August  28, 1906,  Brooklyn,  New  York. 
Education : 

Sidney  Lanier  High  School,  Montgomery,  Alabama,  1923 ; 

University  of  Alabama,  Tuscaloosa,  Alabama,  A.B.  1927;   (Held  fellowship 

in  English  teaching  courses  in  Freshman  English  during  senior  year.) 
Harvard,  Graduate  School  of  Business  Administration,  MBA  1929.  . 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1599 

Experience : 

Summer,  1928 :  Wall  Street  Journal ; 

1929-30:  Irving  Trust  Company,  New  York  City,  general  hanking  training; 

1931-37:   Guaranty  Trust  Company  of  New  York,  Personal  trust  admin- 
istration ; 

1937--10:  E.  It.  Stettinius,  Jr.,  Estate  of  Judith  C.  Stettinius,  Financial  and 
investment  work; 

1939-40  :  U.  S.  Steel  Corporation,  Office  of  the  Chairman  of  the  Board,  General 
Assistant,  studies  special  problems; 

1939:  Served  on  Staff  War  Resources  Board  while  Mr.  Stettinius  was  chair- 
man thereof ; 
*1940:  Assistant  to  the  Commissioner  in  charge  of  Industrial  Materials  (E.  R. 
Stettinius,  Jr.)    of  the  Advisory  Commission  to  the  Council  of  National 

*1941:  Assistant  to  the  Director  of  Priorities  (E.  R.  Stettinius,  Jr.)  of  the 

Office  of  Production  Management ; 
*1941-3:  Special  Assistant  to  the  Administrator  (E.  R.  Stettinius,  Jr.)  of  the 
Lend-Lease  Administration ;  Served  as  Executive  Secretary  of  the  Policy 
Committee  of  the  Lend-Lease  Administration ; 
*Dec.  1944-45:    Special  Assistant  to  the  Under  Secretary  of  State   (E.  R. 

Stettinius,  Jr.)  ; 
♦Dec.  1944—45 :  Special  Assistant  to  the  Secretary  of  State  (E.  R.  Stettinius, 

Jr.)  ; 
1945:  Special  Assistant  to  the  Director  of  the  Office  of  European  Affairs 

of  Department  of  State  (title  now  is  Adviser  to  the  Assistant  Secretary  for 

and  the  Bureau  of  European  Affairs).     For  first  six  months  handled 

Economic  Affairs  for  EUR  and  since  early  1946  have  handled  United 

Nations  Affairs. 
Publication :  An  article  on  the  United  Nations  Charter  in  the  University  of  Vir- 
ginia Law  Review  (late  1945  or  early  1946). 
Clubs :  Harvard  Club  of  New  York  City. 

Conferences:  Have  attended  following  conferences  as  Assistant  to  Chairman 
United  States  Delegation :  Dumbarton  Oaks,  Chapultepec,  Mexico  City,  San 
Francisco. 

Have  attended  following  conferences  as  Adviser  to  the  United  States  Dele- 
gation :  Last  half  1st,  2nd,  3rd,  4th  and  the  two  Special  Sessions  of  the  Gen- 
eral Assembly  (both  parts),  of  the  United  Nations. 

On  occasion  have  served  as  Adviser  to  Senator  Austin  in  his  capacity  as 
United  States  Representative  on  the  Security  Council  of  the  United  Nations. 

Have  also  served  in  1946-47  as  United  States  representative  on  the  Mem- 
bership Committee  of  the  Security  Council  and  occasionally  on  other  com- 
mittees during  meetings  of  the  General  Assembly. 

Name :   David  A.  Robertson. 

Date  and  Place  of  Birth  :  July  2,  1910,  Birmingham,  Alabama. 

Education : 

Grade  School,  High  School  graduate,  Birmingham,  Alabama. 
University  of  Alabama,  B.  S.,  1931 ;  LL.B.,  1933. 
Experience : 

Land  Department,  Shell  Petroleum  Corporation,  Box  2099,  Houston,  Texas, 
1933-1940,  curing  titles,  buying  liens,  royalties,  pipeline  rights-of-way, 
settling  estates. 
State  Department,  Division  of  Controls,  1940-1941,  by  Executive  Order 
transferred  to  Board  of  Economic  Warfare  handling  export  control  policy 
and  action  on  various  commodities  including  oil,  machinery,  copper,  brass, 
and  bronze. 
Naval  Officer  (Lt.  (j.  g.)  to  Lt.  Com.)  in  Bureau  of  Supplies  and  Accounts, 
Navy  Department,  1942-1945,  administering  petroleum  supply  programs 
for  Army,  Navy,  Air  Force,  and  Lend-Lease  programs.  Commended  by 
Forrestal  in  1942  for  avoiding  stoppage  in  war  industry  manufacture. 
Also  served  as  Naval  witness  before  Truman  Committee  on  oil  transport. 


•Served  with  the  late  E.  R.  Stettinius  in  these  several  jobs  in  a  confidential  capacity. 
Duties  involved  handling  important  correspondence,  reviewing  reports,  and  advising  on 
policy  questions  which  arose. 


1600  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

Experience — Continued 

State  Department,  1945-1950:  Petroleum  Division,  1945-1947  Chairman, 
Petroleum  Facilities  Coordinating  Committee,  interdepartmental,  han- 
dling disposal  surplus  oil  facilities  abroad.  1947-1950,  Special  Assistant 
for  Politics-Military  matters  coordinating  and  preparing  positions  for 
National  Security  Council,  cabinet  and  subcabinet  discussions  and  matters 
involving  relations  with  Department  of  Defense  in  Near  East,  Africa,  and 
South  Asia. 

Alternate  Member.  Department  of  State  Loyalty  Board,  194S-50. 

Name:  John  William  Sipes. 

Place  and  Date  of  Birth :  Washington,  D.  C,  October  29,  1919. 

Marital  Status  :  Married — Two  Children. 

Education : 

Lee-Jackson  High  School  (Fairfax  County,  Virginia). 
George  Washington  University,  A.  A.  and  A.  B.  degrees. 
George  Washington  Law  School. 
Georgetown  Law  School,  L.  L.  B. 
Memberships  : 

George  Washington  University  Alumni  Association. 
Georgetown  University  Alumni  Association. 
Phi  Delta  Phi  Legal  Fraternity. . 
Pi  Gamma  Nu  (Honorary  Social  Science) 
U.  S.  Naval  Reserves. 

Kemper  Lodge  No.  64,  A.  F.  &  A.  ML,  Falls  Church,  Virginia. 
First  Baptist  Church,  Alexandria,  Virginia. 
Military  Experience  : 

Lieutenant.  USNR,  1942-1945,  assigned  as  follows: 

Communications  Watch  Officer — Vice  Chief  Naval  Operations. 
Communications  Watch  Officer — Commander,  North  Pacific  Forces. 
Communications  Officer — XAS,  Moffatt  Field,  California. 
Experience : 

Executive  Office  of  the  President,  Office  of  Government  Reports — Personnel 

Officer,  1940-42. 
Department  of  State,  Division  of  Departmental  Personnel,  Recruiting  and 

Placement  Officer,  1945-46. 
Office  of  the  Secretary,  Executive  Secretariat,  1946-48. 

Office  of  Assistant  Secretary  for  Congressional  Relations,  Legislative  As- 
sistant,  1919  to  date. 

Name :  William  Pennell  Snow. 

Place  and  Date  of  Birth  :  Bangor,  Maine,  July  23,  1907. 

Education :  Phillips  Exeter  Acad. ;  Bowdoin  College  and  Tufts  College  1925-30. 

Experience: 

Employed  by  insurance  company  11)31-32. 

Appointed  clerk  in  dist.  accounting  and  disbursing  office  at  Paris  June  2, 

1934. 
Vice  Consul  at  Paris  October  17,  1934. 

Also  Asst.  Dist.  Accounting  and  Disbursing  Officer  at  Paris  October  2">,  1934. 
Foreign  Service  Officer,  unclassified,  Vice  Consul  of  Career  and  Sec.  in  the 

Diplomatic  Service,  and  Vice  Consul  at  Paris  October  1.  1935,  in  addition 

to  duties  as  Asst.   Dist.  Accounting  and  Disbursing  Officer. 
Foreign  Service  School  September  21,  1936. 
Vice   Consul   at    Stockholm   April   7,   1937;    also   Third    Sec.   at    Stockholm 

November  27,  1940. 
Vice  Consul  at  Callao-Lima  December  23,  1940;  also  Third  Sec.  at  Lima 

April  26,  1941. 
Second  Sec.  at  Lima  in  addition  tc  duties  as  Vice  Consul  August  23,  194.",; 

at  San  Jose  February  5,  1945. 
Consul  at  St.  Johns.  E.  F. 

Detailed  to  the  National  War  College  September  1947-June  194S. 
Assistant  Chief,  Division  of  British  Commonwealth  Affairs,  August  23,  1948. 
Officer  in  Charge,  British-Dominion  Affairs,  since  August  1949. 

Name:  Arthur  G.  Stevens. 

Date  and  Place  of  Birth  :  -May  23,  1912— Greenwood,  Miss. 

Education  :  Greenwood  High  School,  and  University  of  Mississippi,  Duke  Univer- 
sity, B.  A. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1601 

Experience: 

Assistant    Secretary    to    Congressman    Will    M.    Whittington,    Mississippi, 

1!  134-35. 
Asst.  to  Executive  Secretary,  Central  Statistical  Board,  1985-38. 
Assistant  to  Commissioner,  Bureau  <>f  Labor  Statistics,  1938-41. 
Asst.  to  Economic  Advisor  for  the  White  House,  1941-42. 
Chief  of  Transportation  Division,  Munitions  Assignment  Board,  Combined 

Chiefs  of  Staff,  1942-45. 
Budget  Examiner,  Bureau  of  Budget,  1945—46. 
Asst.  to  Asst.  Secretary  of  State  for  Economic  Affairs,  1946. 
Special  Assistant,  Office  of  Under  Secretary  of  State  for  Economic  Affairs, 

1947. 
Executive  Director,  Bureau  of  European  Affairs,  Department  of  State. 
Member : 

Phi  Delta  Theta  Fraternity. 
Westmoreland  Congregational  Church. 

Name  :  Alien  B.  Moreland. 

Date  and  Place  of  Birth  :  November  7,  1911 — Dawson,  Georgia.     Legal  Resi- 
dence— Jacksonville,  Florida. 
Education  : 

University  of  Florida,  B.  B.  S.  in  Business  Administration. 
Majored  in  Economics  and  Business  Administration. 
Phi  Kappa  Phi  Honorary  Society. 
Georgetown  Law  School,  LL.  B. 

Member  Staff,  Georgetown  Law  Journal. 
Harvard  University,  M.  A.  in  Government. 

Majored  in  Government  and  Political  Science. 
Columbia  University,  M.  A.  in  International  Administration. 

Majored  in  International  Law  and  Administration. 
George  Washington  Law  School,  LLM. 

Majored  in  International  Law  and  Administrative  Law. 
Experience : 

Member  of  Bars  of  State  of  Florida  and  District  of  Columbia ;  American 
Society  of  International  Law ;  American  Political  Science  Association ; 
American  Legion  and  Veterans  of  Foreign  Wars.  State  and  County 
Deputy  Assessor  of  Taxes  (Florida)  ;  Advisor  on  economic  affairs  to 
Assistant  Secretary  of  State  for  Occupied  Areas  (General  Hilldring)  ; 
Legislative  Assistant  to  Assistant- Secretary  of  State  for  Congressional 
Relations  (Asst.  Secretaries  Cross  and  McFall). 
Military  Experience : 

Commander,  USNR.  Head  of  Counter  Intelligence  Section,  District  In- 
telligence Office,  Seventh  Naval  District;  Senior  Naval  Civil  Affairs 
Officer,  Cherbourg,  France ;  Head,  Government  Section,  Office  of  Island 
Governments,  Navy  Department. 

Name  :  Berry,  James  Lampton. 

Date  and  Place  of  Birth :  Columbia,  Mississippi — May  10,  1908. 

Education :  Webb  Sch.  grad. ;  University  of  Mississippi,  B.  A.  1929,  M.  A.  1931 ;. 
Yale  University  graduate  work  1932-34. 

Experience : 

Instructor  in  Political  Science,  University  of  Mississippi,  1930-31 ;  Teaching 
Assistant  in  Political  Science,  University  of  Illinois,  1931-32:  appointed 
Clerk  in  American  Consulate  at  Durban,  March  16,  1934 ;  Vice  Consul  at 
Durban,  August  11,  1934;  at  Johannesburg,  temporarily,  July  7,  1936;  at 
Lourenco  Marquez,  temporary,  September  1,  1936;  at  Durban,  February  13, 
1937 ;  at  Johannesburg,  temporary,  March  20,  1937 :  at  Durban  August  6, 
1937  ;  at  Lourenco  Marquez,  temporary,  January  3,  1938  ;  at  Capetown,  tem- 
porary. January  22,  1938;  at  Durban,  May  2,  1939;  Foreign  Service  Officer 
unclassified,  Vice  Consul  of  career,  sec.  in  the  Diplomatic  Service,  and 
Vice  Consul  at  Durban,  July  15,  1939 ;  at  Port  Elizabeth,  temporary,  July 
18,  1939 ;  at  Durban,  September  3,  1939 :  at  Calcutta,  June  1,  1940 ;  also  sec. 
to  Commissioner  of  United  States  to  India  at  New  Delhi,  September  16, 
1941 :  sec.  to  personal  representative  of  the  President  at  New  Delhi,  March 
21.  1942 :  sec.  at  New  Delhi,  May  16,  1942 ;  class  eight,  July  16,  1943 :  Army 
and  Navy  Staff  College,  grad.  1945;  country  specialist  in  State  Department, 
February  1.  1945:  Acting  Assistant  Chief.  Division  of  Middle  Extern 
Affairs,  April  12,  1945 ;  July  1,  1945 ;  Assistant  Chief,  Division  of  Middle 


1602  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

Experience — Continued 

Eastern  Affairs,  September  25, 1945,  Division  of  Middle  Eastern  and  Indian 
Affairs,  August  16,  1946 ;  Special  Assistant  to  the  Director ;  Office  of  Near 
Eastern  and  African  Affairs,  September  7,  1947 ;  Member  Policy  Planning 
Staff,  November  22,  1948. 

Name :  Belton  O'Neal  Bryan. 

Date  and  Place  of  Birth:  September  8,  1910 — Georgetown,  South  Carolina   (of 

parents  born  in  South  Carolina). 
Education : 

Duncan  High  School,  Duncan,  South  Carolina. 
Duke  University,  Durham,  North  Carolina,  B.  A.  1934. 
The  Georgetown  University,  Washington,  D.  C,  LL.  B. 
Admitted  to  District  of  Columbia  Bar  1938. 
Member  of  Pi  Kappa  Phi  Social  Fraternity. 
Member  of  Delta  Theta  Phi  Legal  Fraternity. 
Experience : 

Employed  by  Federal  Government  since  November  1933,  in  Coast  and  Geodetic 

Survey,  General  Accounting  Office,  and  Department  of  State ; 
Commissioned  in  the  United  States  Army  Reserve  in  1939  and  entered  on 

active  duty  in  October  1941  as  Second  Lt. 
Obtained  rank  of  Lt.  Col.  and  subsequently  reverted  to  Reserve  Status  in 

June  1946. 
Served  in  Ordnance  Department  and  the  Inspector  General's  Office. 
Qualified  as  Pistol  Expert. 

Awarded  Defense,  Campaign  and  Victory  Medals  and  two  Army  Commenda- 
tion Ribbons. 
Since  leaving  Military  Service  entei'ed  Department  of  State  as  Executive 
Officer  to  the  Legal  Adviser  ;  Assistant  Legal  Adviser ;  and  Special  Assistant 
to  the  Deputy  Under  Secretary  of  State. 

Name  :  Robert  F.  Woodward. 

Date  and  Place  of  Birth  :  October  1, 1908,  at  Minneapolis,  Minn. 

Education  :  University  of  Minnesota — B.  A.  1930. 

Experience 

Manager  of  Printing  Plant  and  Editor,  1927-1930. 

Foreign  Service  Officer   (unclass.),  Vice  Consul  of  career,  and  secretary  in 
the  Diplomatic  Service,  1931. 

Vice  Consul  at  Winnipeg,  1932. 

Foreign  Service  School,  April  1933. 

Vice  Consul  at  Buenos  Aires,  August  1933. 

Vice  Consul  at  Asuncion,  temp.,  September  1935. 

Vice  Consul  at  Buenos  Aires,  November  1935. 

Third  Secretary  at  Bogota,  June  1936 ;  Vice  Consul,  June  1936. 

Vice  Consul  at  Rio  de  Janeiro,  1937. 

To  the  Department,  April  1939. 

Acting  Asst.  Chief,  Division  of  the  American  Republics,  Nov.  1941 ;  Asst. 
Chief,  July  1942. 

Second  Secretary  and  Consul  at  La  Pas,  Bolivia,  Sept.  1942. 

To  the  Department,  June  1944. 

Acting  Asst.  Chief,  Division  of  North  and  West  Coast  Affairs,  July  1944. 

Second  Secretary  at  Guatemala,  August  1944. 

First  Secretary  at  Guatemala,  June  1945. 

Counsel  of  Embassy  at  Habana,  December  1945. 

To  the  Department.  March  1947. 

Deputy  Director,  Office  of  American  Republic  Affairs,  March  1947. 

Assigned  to  Army  War  College  during  1949. 


Exhibit  No.   68 


Headquarters  of  the  Generalissimo,  China, 

Chungking,  Szechvan,  12  January,  19',2. 
President  Franklin  D.  Roosevelt. 

The  ^Yhite  House,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Dear  Mr.  President  :  I  am  happy  to  have  the  opportunity  afforded  by  Mr. 
Lattimore's  return  to  America  on  a  short  visit,  to  send  you  a  word  of  greeting, 
and  to  thank  you  for  recommending  him  as  my  political  advisor. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1603 

Mr.  Lattimore  lias  fully  measured  up  to  our  expectations  and  has  entirely 
justified  your  choice.  You  unerringly  detected  the  right  man  to  select  to  act 
as  a  Counsellor  at  a  time  When  decisions  which  will  affect  the  whole  world  for 
generations  to  come  are  in  the  balance.  He  has  not  only  a  wide  knowledge  of  our 
language,  history,  and  geography,  lie  lias  in  addition  an  invaluable  understanding 
of  our  contemporary  political  affairs.  His  absolute  integrity  is  manifest  in 
everything  that  ho  does  or  says,  and  I  never  have  the  slightest  doubt  that  any 
suggestion  that  he  may  make  is  based  upon  a  genuine  desire  to  assist  China 
to  the  utmost  of  his  power. 

The  various  Missions  that  you  have  sent  to  China  are  doing  valuable  work. 
They,  and  the  visits  of  various  members  of  your  Government,  have  greatly 
helped  to  bring  America  closer  to  us.  Personal  contacts  necessarily  tend  to 
promote  closer  and  more  understanding  relationship  and  friendship.  You  may 
be  assured  that  all  the  American  Missions  are  going  about  their  duties  with  a 
zeal  that  promises  permanently  useful  results. 

Since  the  Japanese  attacks  on  Pearl  Harbor,  the  Philippines  and  Hongkong,  the 
Pacific  problem  has  become  more  acute.  It  is  fortunate  that  under  your  wise 
and  steadfast  leadership,  the  future  outcome  of  our  concerted  struggle  against 
treachery  and  barbarity  is  assured.  I  assure  you  that  I  shall  do  my  utmost  to 
help  bring  about  a  world  order  based  upon  justice  tempered  with  mercy. 

Mr.  Lattimore  will  personally  convey  to  you  my  views  on  some  important 
matters  upon  which  I  have  not  touched  above.  If  there  are  messages  you  wish 
to  send  me.  I  should  appreciate  you  entrusting  them  to  Mr.  Lattimore  to  be 
conveyed  to  me  upon  his  return  to  China. 

Madam  ChiaDg  joins  me  in  sending  best  wishes  to  you  and  Mrs.  Roosevelt 
"Vnnrs  sincerely, 

Chang  Kai-e  iiek. 


Exhibit  No.  69 
ARCTIC  RESEARCH  LABORATORY  ADVISORY  BOARD 

Minutes  of  the  Fourth  Meeting,  May  17,  18,  19,  1949 
Arctic  Research  Laboratory,  Point  Barrow,  Alaska 

attendance 

Members : 

Commo.  W.  G.  Greenman,  Director,  Naval  Petroleum  Reserves. 

Dr.  John  C.  Reed,  Staff  Geologist,  U.  S.  Geological  Survey,  Chairman. 

Dr.  M.  C.  Shelesnyak,  Head,  Ecology  Branch,  ONR,  Executive  Secretary. 

Dr.  Laurence  Irving,  Scientific  Director,  Arctic  Research  Laboratory. 

Dr.  John  E.  Graf,  Asst.  Sec'y,  Smithsonian  Institution,  vice  for  Dr.  Alex- 
ander Wetmore. 

Prof.  Owen  Lattimore,  Director,  Walter  Hines  Page  School  of  International 
Relations,  vice  for  Dr.  Detlev  Bronk  (Johns  Hopkins). 

Dr.  Walter  H.  Munk,  Oceanographer,  Scripps  Institution  of  Oceanography, 
vice  for  Dr.  Roger  Revelle. 

Dr.  J.  Frank  Schairer,  Carnegie  Institution  of  Washington. 

Mrs.  Yvonne  Reamy,  Adm.  Asst.  to  Exec.  Sec'y. 
Consultants : 

Prof.  George  Carter,  Head,  School  of  Geography,  Johns  Hopkins. 

Dr.  John  Field,  Physiology  Department,  Stanford  University. 

Dr.  S.  R.  Galler,  Head,  Biophysics  Branch.  ONR. 

LTCDR  E.  P.  Huey,  Office  of  Naval  Research. 

Dr.  T.  J.  Killian,  Science  Director,  Office  of  Naval  Research. 

Prof.  G.  E.  MacGinitie,  Director.  William  G.  Kerckhoff  Marine  Laboratory. 

Mr.  Graham  Rowley,  Chief,  Arctic  Div.,  Defense  Research  Board,  Canada. 

Dr.  D.  Y.  Solandt,  Arctic  Research  Advisory  Board,  Defense  Research  Board, 
Canada. 

Dr.  A.  Lincoln  Washburn,  Exec.  Dir.,  Arctic  Institute  of  North  America. 
Absent : 

Dr.  Detlev  Bronk,  President,  Johns  Hopkins  University. 

Dr.  Ellis  A.  Johnson,  General  Research  Office,  Johns  Hopkins. 

Dr.  Roger  Revelle,  Co-Director,  Scripps  Institution  of  Oceanography. 

Dr.  Alexander  Wetmore,  Secretary,  Smithsonian  Institution. 


1604  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

The  meeting  was  called  to  order  by  the  Chairman  at  8:  00  p.  m.,  17  May  1949. 
Before  the  reading  of  the  minutes  of  the  previous  meeting,  it  was  moved  by 
Dr.  Sehairer  that  the  Board  express  its  appreciation  to  the  women  of  the  Arctic 
Contractors  camp  and  the  Arctic  Research  Laboratory  for  their  hospitable 
reception  during  the  afternoon  preceding  the  meeting.  The  motion  was  sec- 
onded by  D.  Graf  and  passed  unanimously. 

The  Chairman  indicated  that  in  order  to  facilitate  the  proper  consideration 
of  the  agenda,  tbose  attending  the  meeting  would  be  divided  into  working  groups 
to  consider  various  phases  of  the  agenda.  The  teams,  or  working  groups,  were 
assigned  as  follows : 

Committee  on  Oceanography :  Committee  on  Geophysics  and  Geology : 
Dr.  Walter  Munk,  Chairman  Dr.  T.  J.  Killian,  Chairman 

Prof.  G.  E.  MacGinitie  Dr.  J.  Frank  Sehairer 

Dr.  John  C.  Reed  Dr.  A.  L.  Washburn 

Committee  on  Medical  Research  :  Committee  on  Anthropology  and  Socia 
Dr.  John  Field,  Chairman  Sciences  : 

Dr.  M.  C.  Shelesnyak  Prof.  Owen  Lattimore,  Chairman 

Dr.  D.  Y.  Solandt  Dr.  George  Carter 

Committee  on  Biology :  Mr.  Graham  Rowley 

Dr.  John  Graf,  Chairman 
Dr.  S.  R.  Galler 
Dr.  Laurence  Irving 

Minutes  of  the  Third  Meeting 

Dr.  Graf  raised  the  question  of  disposition  of  specimens.  The  Chairman 
recommended  that  a  paragraph  be  inserted  in  the  minutes  to  the  effect  that  type 
collections  would  be  given  to  the  Smithsonian  Institution  but  that  the  privile^p 
would  be  retained  of  keeping  compared  specimens.     Dr.  Graf  moved — 

"That  the  minutes  of  the  third  meeting  be  approved  as  amended." 

Vote:  The  motion  was  seconded  by  Dr.  Sehairer  and  passed  unanimously. 

Minutes  of  the  ARLAB  meeting  8  February  19Jt9 

Dr.  Irving  stated  that  he  did  not  wish  to  be  included  in  the  list  of  those  at- 
tending this  meeting,  inasmuch  as  he  did  not  arrive  until  the  conclusion  of  the 
meeting.  The  Chairman  suggested  that  an  asterisk  be  placed  after  the  name  of 
the  Scientific  Director  and  a  note  be  made  to  the  effect  that  the  Scientific 
Director  did  not  arrive  until  the  conclusion  of  the  meeting. 

There  was  a  brief  discussion  of  whether  this  meeting  should  lie  called  the 
"Fourth"  meeting  of  the  ARLAB,  as  indicated  in  the  minutes.  Dr.  Sehairer  said 
that  the  meeting  was  merely  a  discussion  on  policy  and  planning  of  the  ARLAB. 
Dr.  Graf  moved — 

"That  a  paragraph  be  inserted  in  the  minutes  to  the  effect  that  no  formal  action 
was  taken  by  the  Board  at  this  meeting  and  that  it  consisted  merely  of  a  discus- 
sion, by  the  Board  members,  consequently  it  was  not  to  be  called  the  'Fourth' 
meeting." 

Vote:  The  motion  was  seconded  by  Dr.  Sehairer  and  passed  unanimously. 

Report  of  the  Executive  Secretary 

This  report  consisted  of  a  number  of  items  which  the  Executive  Secretary 
wished  to  bring  to  the  attention  of  the  Board  for  discussion  and  suggestion. 

(1)  Contractor's  Manual:  a  draft  of  this  manual  was  made  and  submitted 
to  the  Board  with  the  agenda  for  final  consideration  and  comment. 

(2)  Internal  Administration  of  ARL  Manual:  A  draft  of  this  was  submitted 
to  the  Board  for  final  consideration  and  comment. 

(3)  Report  of  Action  based  on  recommendations  that  ONR  seek  out  and  at- 
tempt to  stimulate  a  university  of  proper  stature  and  graduate  interest  which 
would  find  itself  in  a  position  to  support  the  laboratory  on  an  operational  basis. 

In  February  at  the  invitation  of  Dr.  Bronk,  President  of  The  Johns  Hopkins 
University,  a  meeting  was  held  with  Dr.  Shelesnyak,  Dr.  Irving,  Dr.  Prof.  Cloos, 
Carter,  Lattimore.  Lee,  Wilber,  President  Emeritus  Bowman  and  others.  Several 
weeks  later  the  University  submitted  to  ONR  a  proposal  for  the  operation  of  the 
laboratory.     This  was  included  in  the  agenda  submitted  to  the  Board. 

(4)  Statement  to  the  effect  that  a  renewal  of  the  contract  with  the  Smith- 
sonian Institution  for  the  ARLAB  is  being  processed  and  will  be  effected  on  the 
first  of  July,  the  beginning  of  the  fiscal  year. 

(5)  Item  5  consisted  of  a  proposal  which  the  Executive  Secretary  wished  to 
submit  to  the  Board.    In  view  of  the  unique  characteristics  of  medical  research 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1605 

and  need  for  active  medical  research  programs  in  the  Arctic,  and  because  of  the 
integrated  activities  with  the  planned  Arctic  Health  program  at  College,  Alaska, 
the  U.  S.  Public  Health  Service  and  Territorial  Health  interests,  the  Secretary 
wished  the  Board  to  consider  establishing  a  medical  advisory  group. 

(0)  Policy  and  program  on  library  facilities,  promotion  of  interests  among 
the  other  libraries  and  universities  for  forwarding  material  to  the  AJEtL  in  the 
form  of  an  association.  It  was  the  opinion  of  the  Executive  Secretary  that 
such  an  association  would  be  in  a  better  position  to  build  up  the  ARL  library  than 
individuals. 

(7)  Request  from  the  Executive  Secretary  for  a  statement  of  policy  on  publi- 
cations of  research  reports  carried  out  at  ARL,  bulletins  of  activities  and  other 
tvpes  of  publications. 

(S)  Request  by  Executive  Secretary  for  statement  on  planning  an  educational 
program  for  the  laboratory  relative  to  the  matter  of  exhibits  (periodic  and  pro- 
gram exhibits)  and  local  publications. 

The  Chairman  stated  that  items  (1)  and  (2)  would  be  designated  to  a  work- 
ins  group  to  consider  and  to  report  at  the  Thursday  session  of  the  meeting.  The 
group  designated  consisted  of  Dr.  John  Graf,  Chairman,  Prof.  G.  E.  MacGinitie, 
Dr.  Laurence  Irving,  Mrs.  Yvonne  Reamy. 

Commodore  Greenman  informed  the  appointed  committee  that  the  office  of  the 
Director  of  Naval  Petroleum  Reserves  and  the  Officer  in  Charge  of  Construction 
have  reviewed  these  two  items  insofar  as  administrative  procedure  is  concerned 
and  that  the  committee  need  not  consider  that  factor. 

Dr.  Shelesnyak  said  that  the  proposal  for  operation  of  the  ARL  as  submitted 
by  Johns  Hopkins  was  under  negotiation.  It  would  have  to  be  renewed  on  a 
fiscal  year  basis. 

The  Chairman  stated  that  this  was  the  first  time  there  had  been  a  contract 
proposed  specifically  for  operating  the  laboratory. 

Dr.  Shelesnyak  said  that,  the  laboratory  was  initiated  under  the  leadership  of 
Dr.  Irving,  from  Swarthmore  College.  Its  operation  and  existence  would  be 
completely  impossible  without  Pet.  4,  as  all  activities  which  are  called  "logistics 
support"  are  provided  by  Pet.  4.  Money  for  this  support  is  made  available  from 
ONR  to  the  Bureau  of  Yards  and  Docks.  Certain  activities  of  the  laboratory  of 
an  operations  and  "housekeeping"  nature  (clerical  work,  plant  management,  shop 
facilities,  etc.)  were  of  a  research  nature  and  the  Arctic  Contractors  which 
provides  these  general  services  for  Pet.  4,  felt  this  type  of  activity  was  not 
within  their  realm  and  did  not  wish  to  carry  it.  In  August  of  last  year,  addi- 
tional funds  were  made  available  to  the  Swarthmore  contract  for  operational 
support.     However,  no  specific  additions  were  outlined  in  the  contract. 

Dr.  Irving  indicated  interest  in  the  terms  under  which  Johns  Hopkins  wishes 
to  undertake  direction  of  the  laboratory.  He  asked  the  Chairman  for  additional 
time  in  which  to  study  the  proposal  before  discussion.  The  Chairman  suggested 
that  this  proposal  be  postponed  until  a  later  session  of  the  meeting. 

Regarding  renewal  of  the  contract  with  the  Smithsonian  Institution,  Dr. 
Shelesnyak  stated  that  it  is  the  policy  of  ONR  to  have  advisory  panels  composed 
of  specialists  in  those  particular  fields.  These  panels  are  appointed  to  advise 
the  CNR  regarding  research  and  policy  in  these  fields.  This  Board  is  an  advisory 
panel  to  advise  the  CNR  regarding  operation,  policy  and  planning  of  the  ARL. 
The  contract  for  the  Board  is  renewed  on  an  annual  basis  at  the  beginning  of 
the  fiscal  year.    No  action  on  this  is  required  by  the  Board. 

In  relation  to  the  medical  advisory  group  suggested  by  Dr.  Shelesnyak,  the 
Board  was  asked  its  opinion  of  such  a  group.  He  explained  the  function  of 
advisory  panels.  This  particular  panel  would  be  composed  of  specialists  in  Medi- 
cine who  would  report  through  the  Board  but  would  not  necessarily  be  members 
of  the  Board.  He  felt  that  perhaps  the  Chairman  of  such  a  group  could  be 
a  member  of  the  ARLAB. 

Dr.  Killian  explained  the  types  of  panels  instituted  by  ONR.  He  did  not  feel 
that  paid  consultants  were  necessarily  the  best  consultants.  Dr.  Graf  felt  that 
the  Board  might  be  limited  to  non-paid  consultants.  There  followed  a  discussion 
as  to  what  type  of  panel  constituted  the  best  and  most  desirable  type. 

Dr.  Washburn  asked  if  a  medical  advisory  group  were  any  more  necessary 
than  any  other  group  and  if  such  problems  could  not  be  handled  when  they 
arose. 

Dr.  Shelesnyak  replied  that  there  is  perhaps  less  information  and  less  organ- 
ized activity  relative  to  medical  geography  in  the  Arctic  than  any  other  field.  At 
the  same  time  there  are  whole  series  of  groups  with  responsibilities  for  health 
and  medical  research  in  the  Arctic.    In  view  of  the  fact  that  one  of  the  functions 


1606  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

of  the  Board  is  in  nurturing  research  in  the  Arctic,  he  believed  the  advice  could 
be  gotten  by  having  one  member  of  the  Board  who  would  seek  such  advice  from 
colleagues  but  that  this  type  of  arrangement  would  not  have  the  effect  that 
the  appointment  of  a  regular  group  would  have. 

The  Chairman  stated  that  if  the  need  arose  in  any  of  the  other  disciplines  the 
establishment  of  such  groups  would  not  be  out  of  line. 

Dr.  Lattimore  said  that  one  point  worth  considering  is  that  if  Johns  Hopkins 
takes  over  the  operation  of  the  ARL.  it  would  be  wise  to  avoid  any  appearance 
of  monopoly  on  their  part  and  that  proposing  a  group  to  consider  medical  problems 
would  be  better  than  appointing  or  designating  one  person. 

Dr.  Graf  said  that  the  Navy  had  organized  the  laboratory  ostensibly  for  de- 
fense and  from  that  point  of  view,  medical  research  assumes  an  important 
position. 

The  Chairman  said  that  there  had  been  some  emphasis  in  some  fields  and  not 
others  simply  because  there  was  no  adequate  representation  in  those  fields,  but 
he  did  not  favor  any  special  emphasis  given  to  any  discipline  beyond  what  was 
appropriate. 

Mr.  Rowley  asked  if  the  proposed  medical  group  was  supposed  to  advise  on 
all  medical  problems  or  just  those  affecting  ARL? 

Dr.  Shelesnyak  replied  that  it  was  primarily  concerned  with  medical  research 
in  the  Arctic  as  focused  around  the  activity  of  the  ARL.  He  felt  the  NPR  camp 
represented  a  highly  industrialized  scene  where  the  impact  of  a  high  degree  of 
technology  on  a  native  population  exists.  Not  too  far  away  there  are  native 
groups  not  under  this  impact  and  therefore  he  felt  it  rather  unique  and  gives 
somewhat  of  an  accent  to  the  problem. 

After  considerable  discussion  Dr.  Graf  moved — 

"That  a  member  of  the  ARLAB  be  designated  to  consider  problems  of  medical 
research  appropriate  to  the  ARL." 

Vote :   The  motion  was  seconded  by  Dr.  Schairer  and  passed  unanimously. 

A  committee  to  consider  library  facilities  of  the  ARL  was  appointed  by  the 
Chairman.  This  committee  was  for  the  duration  of  the  meeting  only  and  was  in- 
structed to  report  at  a  later  session.  Members  were  Dr.  Killian,  Chairman, 
Dr.  Schairer,  Dr.  Washburn. 

In  regard  to  the  educational  program,  Dr.  Field  stated  that  (a)  he  was  par- 
ticularly interested  in  seminars  as  he  felt  under  such  isolated  conditions  the 
need  was  more  acute.  He  felt  they  gave  opportunity  for  criticism  of  work  and 
for  suggestions,  (b)  Talks  on  less  technical  levels  for  the  entire  Arctic  Con- 
tractor's camp  were  also  desirable.    Both  types  of  discussions  were  needed. 

Dr.  Munk  said  he  had  noticed  a  strong  tendency  of  people  working  on  research 
problems  not  to  bother  about  what  has  happened  in  the  past.  He  suggested  any 
educational  program  should  include  an  attempt  to  familiarize  people  with  past 
work.  Secondly,  he  felt  the  library  should  purchase  accounts  of  classic  expedi- 
tions for  reference  as  they  contained  much  of  value  to  current  researchers. 

Dr.  Irving  believed  there  was  the  question  of  just  how  far  the  library  should 
go  in  expansion.  The  task  of  building  up  a  true  research  library  would  have  to 
be  near  university  magnitude.  He  felt  it  might  be  more  expedient  to  work 
toward  a  university  library  at  Fairbanks  to  which  the  researchers  could  turn, 
or  to  work  toward  enlarging  the  University  of  Alaska  library.  He  did  not  believe 
the  educational  program  harmonized  with  field  research. 

Dr.  Shelesnyak  said  the  laboratory  should  have  every  aspect  of  continuity  and 
as  much  of  its  own  substance  as  possible  in  order  to  acquire  a  group  of  people 
who  will  work  in  the  field. 

The  Chairman  appointed  a  group  to  consider  an  education  program  for  the 
laboratory,  as  follows:  Prof.  MacGinitie,  chairman.  Dr.  Carter,  Dr.  Field. 

The  Board  recessed  at  10 :  30  p.  m. 

SECOND  SESSION 

The  meeting  was  called  to  order  by  the  Chairman  at  7 :  15  p.  m.,  May  18.  This 
portion  of  the  agenda  was  designated  to  acquaint  the  Board  members  and  con- 
sultants who  were  not  acquainted  with  the  organizational  background  in  Arctic 
Alaska  with  that  background.  Attendant  at  this  session  were  employees  of  the 
Arctic  Contractors  and  local  residents  of  Barrow  Village. 

Dr.  Shelesnyak  explained  the  organization  of  the  Office  of  Naval  Research  and 
its  interrelationships  with  the  Arctic  Research  Laboratory.  He  explained  the 
situation  as  one  where  the  laboratory  is  far  removed  from  the  campus  and  from 
ONR.    ONR  is  engaged  in  basic  research  although  not  necessarily  immediately 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1607 

pertinent  to  the  Navy.  Illustrative  remarks  were  accompanied  by  an  organiza- 
tional chart  as  the  explanation  progressed. 

Commodore  Greettman  gave  the  administrative  and  organizational  background 
of  Pet.  4  and  how  it  is  integrated  with  other  branches  of  the  Navy.  He  stated 
that  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  has  supervision  of  all  operations  of  Naval  Petro- 
leum Reserves.  The  Secretary  established  an  operating  committee  to  advise 
NPK.  NPR  serves  only  as  an  administrative  office  as  the  Bureau  of  Yards  and 
Docks  is  the  actual  directing  agency.  The  actual  project  manager  is  a  group  with 
whom  the  Bureau  of  Yards  and  Docks  has  a  contract  to  carry  on  the  work. 

Dr.  Reed  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  Commodore  Greenman  has  done  a 
great  deal  to  aid  in  the  development  of  programs  of  other  organizations  such  as 
the  Geological  Survey,  ARL,  Army.  Air  Forces,  and  a  number  of  others. 

The  Scientific  Director  of  the  ARL  reported  on  the  scientific  and  general 
progress  of  the  laboratory  since  the  previous  meeting.  He  reported  that,  after  a 
year's  use,  the  design  and  construction  have  proved  satisfactory  and  well  suited 
to  its  purposes.  The  local  operating  system  of  the  laboratory  was  given  credit 
for  the  effective  work  of  the  staff.  A  more  complete  report  was  reserved  for  a 
later  session  of  the  meeting. 

THIRD  SESSION 

The  third  session  of  the  meeting  convened  at  4 :  15  p.  m.  on  19  May  1949.  Dr. 
Graf  moved — 

"That  the  Chairman  of  the  Board  prepare  a  letter  ot  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy  telling  of  the  trip  and  giving  credit  to  such  people  as  desired:' 

Vote:  Dr.  Schairer  seconded  the  motion  and  it  pass  unanimously.  Dr.  Graf 
further  moved — 

"That  the  Chairman  of  the  Board  send  a  letter  to  personnel  at  various  points 
who  were  instrumental  in  making  the  trip  a  success." 

Vote :  The  motion  was  seconded  by  Dr.  Schairer  and  passed  unanimously. 

The  Scientific  Director  gave  the  second  half  of  his  report  to  the  ARLAB.  He 
felt  that  the  work  done  by  the  Naval  Ordnance  Laboratory  over  the  course  of 
a  year  revealed  that  the  periods  assigned  researchers  for  work  have  been  too 
brief  to  be  entirely  effective,  and  recommended  that  more  economical  and  pur- 
posive procedures  be  evolved  if  the  work  is  to  lead  to  justifiable  research. 

He  felt  that  the  practice  of  urging  researchers  to  spend  more  time  at  Point 
Barrow  has  discouraged  them  from  viewing  arctic  research  as  part  of  a  longer 
career. 

He  was  of  the  opinion  that  the  examination  of  the  research  programs  shows 
the  necessity  for  a  senior  scientist  experienced  in  field  and  arctic  research  to 
attend  to  the  development  of  arctic  research  programs. 

In  regard  to  the  building  program,  he  stated  to  the  Board  that  construction  for 
married  people  was  postponed  until  the  winter  of  1949.  Dr.  Shelesnyak  advised 
the  Board  that  materials  have  been  ordered  and  all  arrangements  completed 
and  construction  would  be  initiated  in  the  summer  of  1949  and  completed  before 
winter  1949. 

Dr.  Irving  stated  that  he  did  not  think  direction  of  research,  critical  stimula- 
tion of  interest  in  arctic  research  and  routine  direction  of  the  laboratory  were 
too  much  for  one  man,  although  they  could  better  be  performed  in  a  scheme  of 
rotation  among  a  group  of  investigators  within  a  university.  He  felt  difficulties 
resulted  from  incomplete  information  as  to  funds,  construction,  and  research 
projects. 

He  expressed  dissatisfaction  with  the  routine  flow  of  information  and  stated 
that  in  his  opinion  this  deficiency  has  greatly  retarded  preparations  for  research. 

Improvement,  he  added,  appears  to  depend  upon  better  use  of  the  experience 
of  the  operational  staff  of  the  laboratory  and  more  appreciative  attention  to 
their  proposals. 

Regardless  of  such  difficulties,  he  stated  that  he  believed  the  operating  system 
of  the  laboratory  is  well  established.  For  the  support  of  the  ONR  and  for  the 
advice  of  the  Board  he  expressed  sincere  appreciation  on  behalf  of  his  colleagues 
and  himself. 

Dr.  Schairer  moved — 

"That  the  report  of  the  Scientific  Director  be  received  by  the  Board  and 
filed." 

Vote :  Dr.  Graf  seconded  the  motion  and  it  passed  unanimously. 

A  discussion  followed  on  the  Johns  Hopkins  proposal  for  operation  of  the 
laboratory.     The  proposal  contained  the  position  of  administrative  assistant. 


1608  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE   LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

Dr.  Shelesnyak  explained  that  this  person  would  be  employed  by  the  home  base 
to  expedite  travel,  administrative  matters,  etc.  He  added  that  the  need  for  this 
type  of  position  had  been  pointed  out  by  the  SDARL  and  inasmuch  as  ONR  is 
now  doing  part  of  the  work  that  should  be  handled  by  such  a  person,  his  employ- 
ment was  felt  necessary. 

Both  Johns  Hopkins  and  ONR  feel  that  the  proposed  project  is  in  one  sense  a 
research  project.  It  is  research  in  how  to  maintain  a  distant  laboratory  in  co- 
operation between  a  university  and  government.  The  Board  has  continued  to 
point  out  the  need  for  a  graduate  school  for  a  home  base. 

Dr.  Schairer  said  that  if  a  stateside  base  existed,  there  would  be  a  need  for  a 
responsible  person  to  accomplish  a  successful  relation  between  the  laboratory 
and  ONR. 

Dr.  Graf  said  that  if  Johns  Hopkins  was  willing  to  take  on  the  contract,  the 
Board  should  be  willing  to  approve  the  university  conditions,  including  what- 
ever personnel  they  considered  necessary. 

Dr.  Washburn  said  that  as  a  consultant  he  was  in  favor  of  having  a  university 
assume  administration  and  specifically,  the  Johns  Hopkins  University. 

Dr.  Field  stated  that  he  would  like  to  comment  on  the  general  policy  of  having 
a  university  contract.  He  felt  one  of  the  greatest  needs  was  to  have  a  university 
base  where  researchers  can  go  with  data  and  get  adequate  criticism  and  have 
adequate  facilities  for  research.  He  thought  Johns  Hopkins  very  well  adapted 
for  this  type  of  program. 

After  considerable  discussion  it  was  moved  by  Dr.  Schairer: 

"That  the  ARLAB  advise  the  CNR  that  the  Board  approves  the  proposal  of 
Johns  Hopkins  University  and  recommends  its  acceptance." 

Vote :  The  motion  was  seconded  by  Dr.  Munk  and  passed  unanimously. 

The  Board  recessed  for  dinner  at  6  :  20  p.  m. 

FOURTH  SESSION 

The  Board  reconvened  at  7 :  30  with  the  Chairman  calling  for  committee 
reports  from  the  Board  as  assigned  in  previous  sessions. 

Committee  on  Oceanography. —  (1)  The  committee  supported  one  phase  in  the 
Archeological  and  Dendrochronological  Research  proposal,  that  dealing  with 
study  of  ocean  currents  from  driftwood. 

(2)  The  oceanographic  program  of  the  Hydrographic  Office  was  reviewed  and 
the  committee  was  in  accord  with  the  previously  expressed  view  of  the  Scientific 
Director  that  short  periods  of  research  were  expensive  and  relatively  unproduc- 
tive. Whereas  the  committee  considers  present  oceanographic  research  problems 
of  general  interest,  especially  the  collection  of  aerial  photographs  taken  on 
Ptarmigan  of  arctic  ice  conditions,  the  committee  thinks  the  time  has  come  to 
make  definite  recommendations  of  long  range  goals. 

There  are  essentially  two  oceanographic  programs  which  might  be  carried  out 
from  the  ARL : 

(a)    Support  of  biological  work  at  ARL. 

(2)  The  oceangraphy  of  the  Arctic  basin. 

It  is  regrettable  that  present  oceanographic  work  has  largely  been  confined 
to  studies  of  the  shelf,  when  so  little  is  known  about  the  Arctic  Ocean.  The 
fundamental  oceanographic  work  in  little  known  regions  has  been  to  measure 
the  distribution  of  temperature  and  salinity  with  depth,  and  from  it  to  compute 
circulation.  The  measurement  of  temperature  and  salinity  from  ice  drifts  has 
the  disadvantage  of  leading  to  oceanographic  section  parallel  to  the  currents, 
whereas  the  most  meaningful  sections  are  perpendicular  to  currents.  To  obtain 
controlled  sections  perpendicular  to  currents  one  might,  in  winter,  be  able  to 
establish  airborne  oceanograph  sections  covering  perhaps  the  region  from  Bar- 
row  to  the  Pole.  This  is  largely  a  problem  of  logistics  and  furthermore  one 
that  is  not  peculiar  to  oceanographers,  but  will  have  to  be  considered  for  any 
type  of  studies  in  the  Arctic  Basin.  The  committee  recommended  that  this 
Board  energetically  pursue  this  problem  on  the  appropriate  level,  and  to  help 
designate  the  most  suitable  agency  for  organizing  an  airborne  Arctic  expedition. 

The  oceanographers  should  consider  drawing  up  rather  definite  plans  for  such 
an  expedition,  and  to  list  the  instruments  and  the  modifications  necessary,  that 
would  be  required.  Such  a  program  might  include  a  limited  amount  of  meteoro- 
logical observations,  plankton  collections,  and  some  bottom  samples.  The  com- 
mittee suggests  that  with  concerted  effort  it  might  be  possible  to  occupy  an  experi- 
mental station  in  the  winter  of  1950. 

Dr.  Schairer  moved — 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE   LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1609 

"That  the  report  as  outlined  should  be  submitted  to  the  CNR  and  that  the 
Hoard  accept  and  concur  with  the  report  of  the  committee." 

Vote:  Seconded  by  l>r.  Graf  and  passed  unanimously. 

Committee  on  Medical  Research. — Dr.  Field  as  Chairman  recommended  that 
(1)  the  work  on  lipid  metabolism  by  Dr.  Wilber  be  continued.  (2)  The  work 
of  Dr.  Wennesland  and  party  on  thermal  adaption  on  tissue  should  be  ap- 
proved. (3)  In  regard  to  the  proposal  submitted  by  Dr.  Levine,  the  committee 
felt  it  would  properly  involve  a  large  number  of  persons  for  a  good  many  years. 
The  program  properly  should  take  about  ten  years.  The  proposal  was  not 
focused  enough  for  the  Board  to  consider  it  and  the  committee  suggested  that 
Dr.  Levine  be  requested  to  confine  activities  to  one  held  where  results  could  more 
efficiently  be  achieved. 

Dr.  Schairer  moved — 

-That  the  Hoard  accept  and  concur  with  the  report  of  the  committee." 

Vote  :  Dr.  Graf  seconded  and  the  motion  passed  unanimously. 

Committee  on  Biology. — Dr.  Graf  as  chairman  said  the  committee  felt  that  the 
projects  submitted  by  Prof.  MacGinitie  and  Mr.  Spetznian  were  very  meritorious 
and  although  no  request  for  continuation  of  the  Swarthmore  program  had  been 
submitted  by  Dr.  Irving,  he  felt  it  should  be  continued. 

The  Biological  Survey  of  Anaktuvik  Pass  was  recommended  for  acceptance. 
The  committee  felt  that  in  all  surveys  there  should  be  specified  the  simple  collec- 
tion of  forms.  Such  things  as  behavior,  distribution,  ecology,  etc.,  should  be 
considered.  This  is  useful  to  other  workers  in  other  projects  and  assures  publica- 
tion within  reasonable  time  limits.  This  additional  information  will  aid  in 
building  the  reputation  of  the  laboratory. 

The  Ecological  Studies  of  Marine  Fauna  proposal,  with  Prof.  MacGinitie  as 
principal  investigator,  was  considered  excellent.  The  committee  felt  in  connec- 
tion with  this  it  might  be  important  to  encourage  projects  in  limnology.  The 
work  might  have  very  important  applied  aspects.  The  committee  said  that 
projects  where  additional  research  will  result  in  completion  of  well-run  investi- 
gations should  be  continued,  and  secondly  that  the  Board  should  give  study  to 
the  possibility  of  working  out  two  and  three  year  projects.  This  would  have  a 
very  great  effect  on  the  planning  of  a  project  and  would  have  the  added  advan- 
tage of  assigning  funds  in  one  year,  removing  that  project  from  future  competi- 
tion for  funds. 

Dr.  Galler  added  that  the  committee  recommends  that  the  attention  be  invited 
of  inland  water  specialists  to  determine  some  specific  problems  unique  in  Arctic 
environments. 

Dr.  Shelesnyak  moved — 

"That  the  Board  accept  and  concur  with  the  report  of  the  Committee  on 
Biology" 

Vote :  Seconded  by  Dr.  Schairer  and  passed  unanimously. 

Committee  on  Geophysics  and  Geology. — Dr.  Killian  reported  for  the  com- 
mittee, giving  a  review  and  evaluation  of  the  work  in  progress,  and  made  rec- 
ommendations on  proposals  as  follows: 

(a)  Measurement  and  Study  of  Arctic  Phenomena:  This  work  divided  itself 
into  two  parts  (1)  a  study  of  infra-red  phenomenon!  in  the  Arctic  and  (2)  a 
study  of  chemical  and  physical  properties  of  sea  ice.  The  first  has  been  explora- 
tory to  date.  The  second  could  be  made  more  valuable  by  the  addition  of 
petrographic  studies  to  reveal  past  history  of  the  ice.  In  regard  to  Permafrost 
studies,  the  work  has  just  begun  and  good  progress  has  been  made  by  Dr.  Mac- 
Carthy  in  familiarizing  himself  with  the  area.  This  program  will  be  enlarged  in 
the  fall  when  additional  investigators  will  attempt  to  study  the  nature  and 
distribution  of  permafrost.  The  committee  believed  that  strong  support  should 
be  given  to  this  program. 

(b)  Paleontological  Studies:  The  committee  recommended  that  this  project 
be  made  part  of  the  planned  program  of  ARL. 

(c)  Determination  of  Beach  Conditions  Relating  to  Photo-Analysis  and  Traf- 
ficability  Studies  in  the  American  Arctic:  The  program  called  for  a  widely  varied 
series  of  undertakings  which  the  committee  did  not  feel  such  a  small  group 
could  undertake  in  the  three  to  four  weeks  proposed.  They  recommended  that  no 
action  be  taken  by  <  >NR  until  a  clearer  and  more  definitive  proposal  was  sub- 
mitted. The  committee  recommended  that  the  work  be  encouraged  in  the  study 
of  geomorphic  influence  by  the  Arctic. 

Dr.  Munk  moved — 


1610  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

"That  the  Hoard  accept  and  concur  with  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Geo- 
physics and  Geology" 

Vote :  Motion  seconded  by  Dr.  Graf  and  passed  unanimously. 

Committee  on  Anthropology  and  Social  Sciences. — Dr.  Lattimore  reported  on 
the  following  projects  for  the  committee : 

(a)  Archeological  and  Dendrochronological  Research :  The  committee  felt  this 
proposal  was  thoroughly  justified  and  was  the  type  of  project  that  should  be 
used  as  a  pilot  project.    Its  acceptance  was  recommended. 

(b)  Regional  Geography  and  Climatic  Research:  This  proposal  was  con- 
sidered inadequate  and  it  was  noted  by  the  committee  that  a  rather  negative 
report  had  been  submitted  by  the  Branch  Office.  The  committee  concurs  with 
this  report. 

(c)  Geographic  Research  Study  of  Point  Barrow  Area:  There  was  no  indica- 
tion of  the  stature  of  the  researcher  and  the  committee  felt  such  a  project  should 
be  undertaken  by  a  more  mature  investigator  with  an  adequate  geographic  back- 
ground. The  committee  stated  that  in  not  encouraging  this  particular  proposal 
it  did  not  wish  to  discourage  the  idea  of  undertaking  both  studies  of  adaptation 
and  social  impact  of  the  Eskimos  at  Barrow  who  are  affected  by  the  NPR 
project. 

(d)  Medical  and  Biological  Study  of  the  Eskimo:  This  committee  concurred 
with  previously  expressed  opinions  of  the  Medical  Committee  that  this  project 
was  too  ambitious  for  the  personnel  proposed. 

The  committee  raised  the  question  as  to  whether  the  Board  should  consider 
the  fact  that  social  sciences  are  thus  far  on  a  lower  level  than  natural  or 
physical  sciences.  From  the  point  of  view  of  a  number  of  interests,  it  is  not 
too  early  to  make  an  attempt  to  raise  the  social  sciences  somewhere  nearer  the 
level  of  the  natural  and  physical  sciences. 

The  committee  suggested  that  the  Board  recommend  appointment  of  a  com- 
mittee with  power  to  decide  what  should  be  classified  as  fundamental  research 
in  the  social  sciences  appropriate  to  the  Arctic  environment  as  a  whole  and 
appropriate  to  research  conditions  available  at  the  ARL  and  not  only  to  set 
up  standards  but  to  indicate  priorities.  Social  sciences  should  not  neglect 
economics  as  the  committee  feels  it  is  within  the  proper  framework  of  social 
sciences.  The  committee  also  felt  that  this  proposed  committee  should  include 
Canadian  representatives. 

Dr.  Schairer  moved — 

''That  the  Board  accept  and  concur  with  the  report  of  the  Committee  on 
Anthropology  and  Social  Sciences.,, 

Vote :  Seconded  by  Dr.  Irving  and  passed  unanimously. 

Committee  to  Consider  Manuals  for  Contractors  and  Internal  Administration. — 
Dr.  Graf  reported  the  committee  was  well  satisfied  with  these  proposed  manuals 
and  agreement  was  also  expressed  by  Dr.  Irving.  P'-of.  MacGinitie  also  agreed, 
adding  that  cooperation  would  be  needed  for  their  effective  administration. 

Dr.  Schairer  moved — 

''That  the  Board  accept  and  concur  with   the  report  of  the  Committee" 

Vote :  Seconded  by  Dr.  Lattimore  and  passed  una  nimously. 

Committee  on  Library  and  Publications. — Dr.  Killian  reported  that  the  com- 
mittee assumed  that  the  primary  functions  of  a  research  library  at  ARL  is  to 
assist  the  research  workers  of  a  frontier  field  establishment  to  the  fullest  possible 
extent.    Among  means  by  which  this  may  be  accomplished  are — 

(1)  Act  as  repository  of  general  scientific  handbooks,  guide  books,  basic 
texts,  and  references. 

(2)  Through  cooperation  of  other  libraries  to  arrange  for  the  long  and 
short  term  loan  of  books  and  publications. 

(3)  Subscriptions  to  a  limited  number  of  technical  journals  so  that  they 
can  be  made  immediately  available. 

(4)  In  cases  where  loan  is  not  practicable,  to  secure  photostats  or  reprints. 

(5)  To  provide  other  visual  presentation  material,  including  moving  pic- 
tures, slides  and  micro-film. 

The  library  problem  should  be  continually  studied.  This  can  be  done  by  a 
anjall  staff  library  committee  to  advise  the  SDARL.  This  committee  should  be 
appointed  by  the  SDARL  and  report  to  the  ARLAB  annually.  A  recommended 
budget  of  $2,000  yearly  was  considered  necessary  by  the  committee.  Close 
coordination  of  the  library  with  the  ONR  library  in  Washington,  which  will  act 
as  representative  for  the  ARL  library,  was  recommended. 

In  regard  to  publications  the  Board  was  informed  that  there  were  no  new 
publications  from  ARL  at  this  time.    The  committee  felt  that  mailing  lists  should 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE   LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1611 

be  established  as  well  .-is  exchange  lists.  Monographs  may  be  indicated  later. 
Dr.  Killian  reported  that  Dr.  Washburn  had  indicated  that  a  section  of  the 
publication  Arctic  would  be  reserved  for  news  notes  from  the  ARL. 

I  >r.  Lattimore  moved — 

"That  the  Board  accept  and  concur  with  the  report  of  the  committee." 

Vote:  The  motion  was  seconded  by  Dr.  Graf  and  passed  unanimously. 

Committee  to  consider  Education  Program. — Dr.  Field  reporting  for  the  com- 
mittee said  it  recommended  a  system  of  scheduled  and  professional  seminars  be 
set  up  at  ARL.  primarily  for  the  common  benefit  of  the  staff.  These  seminars 
Should  afford  opportunity  for  discussion  of  work  in  progress  or  in  contemplation. 
All  interested,  competent  persons  in  the  area  should  be  invited  to  attend. 

The  committee  also  recommended  a  series  of  lectures  on  a  less  technical  level 
designed  for  the  benefit  of  the  intellectual  life  of  the  community.  Navy  and 
Arctic  Contractor  personnel  should  be  cordially  invited  to  attend  these  lectures 
and  to  participate  in  the  program. 

Dr.  MacGinitie  added  that  a  program  should  be  formulated  for  the  ensuing 
year  and  should  be  flexible  enough  to  allow  for  visitors  to  be  included. 

Dr.  Lattimore  moved— 

"That  the  Board  accept  and  concur  with  the  report  of  the  committee." 

Vote :  The  motion  was  seconded  by  Dr.  Irving  and  passed  unanimously. 

Following  the  report  of  committee  chairmen,  The  Chairman  announced  that 
Dr.  G.  E.  MacGinitie  would  take  over  as  Scientific  Director  of  the  ARL  upon  the 
expiration  of  Dr.  Irving's  appointment  on  30  June  1949. 

The  Chairman  stated  that  he  had  been  requested  to  raise  the  question  of  hous- 
ing and  construction.  There  have  been  complaints  about  the  adequacy  of  the 
present  BOQ,  principally  because  of  lack  of  privacy. 

Members  of  the  Board  expressed  the  opinion  that  scientific  workers  have  a 
real  need  for  privacy  in  their  quarters,  but  Dr.  Shelesnyak  pointed  out  that 
the  facilities  of  Barrow  are  those  of  an  advanced  exploratory  camp  and  not  a 
community.  He  stated  that  BuDocks  and  DNPR  feel  it  would  be  desirable  to 
establish  good  living  quarters  but  there  is  a  temporary  aspect  to  the  entire  pro- 
gram of  NPR.  There  are  legal  as  well  as  financial  limitations  on  the  amount  of 
housing  that  may  be  constructed.  The  cordial  relation  of  the  ARL  and  Arctic 
Contractors  must  be  maintained.  The  long  range  position  is  jeopardized  by 
making  special  demands  in  housing.  Housing  occupied  by  ARL  personnel  is 
identical  with  that  of  employees  of  Arctic  Contractors  in  comparable  positions. 

A  request  for  special  housing  was  made  by  Dr.  Irving  through  channels  and 
was  forwarded  without  approval  at  each  endorsement.  An  attempt  is  being 
made  to  recruit  more  married  couples.  Two  additional  MOQs  are  to  be  con- 
structed.   A  shop  is  to  connect  Buildings  #250  and  #251. 

The  Chairman  said  that  as  long  as  the  matter  of  housing  is  a  subject  of  dis- 
cussion among  the  working  personnel,  it  is  up  to  the  Board  to  note  the  fact  and 
to  move  toward  recommending  remedial  measures  for  the  situation.  It  is  in- 
cumbent upon  the  Board  to  push  the  need  for  improved  quarters  just  as  far  as 
it  is  expedient. 

Dr.  Graf  felt  that  trying  to  make  a  special  elite  corps  of  the  researchers  would 
result  eventually  in  a  loss  to  the  laboratory- 

Dr.  Irving  said  that  he  wished  to  emphasize  there  was  no  suggestion  that  there 
has  been  any  discrimination  against  the  laboratory  personnel  in  the  matter 
of  quarters.  He  added  when  the  proposals  for  better  quarters  were  returned 
marked  with  disapproval,  Dr.  Shelesnyak  wrote  to  the  Chief  of  Naval  Research 
requesting  consideration.  The  CNR  answered  that  the  matter  should  be  referred 
to  the  Board. 

The  Chairman  said  the  Board  would  write  to  the  CNR  advising  him  of  the 
opinion  of  the  Board. 

Dr.  Shelesnyak  made  a  statement  to  the  Board  regarding  the  role  of  ONR  in 
arctic  research.  He  said  that  from  the  earliest  days  of  ONR  it  has  been  the 
conviction  of  many  in  that  office  that  the  only  method  by  which  the  vitality  of 
a  government  agency  engaged  in  research  administration  by  contractual  rela- 
tions with  universities  may  be  maintained  is  for  that  organization  to  sustain 
a  continuing  influx  of  new  professional  personnel  with  an  opportunity  for  those 
associated  with  the  ONR  to  return  to  academic  centers.  In  Navy  parlance,  we 
speak  of  the  need  for  "sea  duty"  in  order  to  keep  able  officers  abreast  of  develop- 
ments and  better  qualify  personnel.  To  this  end  ONR  has  been  attempting  to 
induce  qualified  scientists  to  join  the  staff  of  ONR  on  a  lea ve-from-uni versify 
basis  and  afford  opportunity  for  others  at  ONR  to  re-associate  themselves  with 
universities  and  laboratories  outside  of  the  government. 

68970 — 50 — pt.  2 9 


1612  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

This  original  conviction  has  with  time  become  increasingly  firm  and  within 
the  past  several  months  planning  has  been  under  way  for  the  association  of  Dr. 
John  Field  with  ONR  in  the  billet  now  occupied  by  Dr.  Shelesnyak.  Dr.  Sheles- 
nyak  in  turn  is  to  be  associated  with  a  nongovernmental  group.  The  Board 
of  governors  of  the  Arctic  Institute  of  North  America  feels  it  propitious  to 
establish  a  Washington-Baltimore  office  to  be  primarily  concerned  with  arctic 
research.  The  office  will  be  housed  on  the  campus  of  Johns  Hopkins  Univer- 
sity and  will  be  associated  with  that  university.  Dr.  Shelesnyak  has  been  in- 
vited to  be  Director  of  that  office  and  is  planning  to  join  the  group  on  or  about 
1  September  1949. 

Dr.  Shelesnyak  said  that  he  felt  the  change  in  geographic  location  would 
be  a  step  toward  the  achievement  of  the  goal  of  stimulating  nurturing  and 
encouraging  arctic  research.  The  furtherance  of  this  program  demands  the 
cultivation  of  a  university  center  with  strong  academic  and  professional  guid- 
ance. Such  a  center  must,  of  course,  work  closely  and  constantly  with  the 
federal  agencies  interested  in  research  in  the  north  regions.  Without  such 
close  collaboration  it  is  certain  that  neither  the  university  center  nor  the  federal 
agencies  can  achieve  fullest  effectiveness.  Dr.  Shelesnyak  added  that  it  was 
his  hope  and  definite  intention  to  continue  in  as  close  a  relationship  as  possible 
with  the  research  and  activity  of  ARL  and  other  research  in  the  arctic,  and 
that  he  would  be  most  unhappy  if  continuing  demands  were  not  made  on  his 
time  and  energy  for  such  counsel  as  he  might  be  able  to  give  in  reference  to 
the  ARL  at  Barrow  specifically,  and  arctic  problems  of  the  Navy  in  general. 

Dr.  Washburn  stated  that  lie  would  like  to  express  the  continuing  interest 
of  the  Arctic  Institute  of  North  America  in  the  Arctic  Research  Laboratory. 

Mr.  Rowley  expressed  his  appreciation  at  being  invited  to  the  meeting  and 
added  that  he  had  learned  quite  a  lot  as  a  result  of  the  trip. 

Prof.  Lattimore  said  that  Johns  Hopkins  University  feels  very  much  that  it 
hopes  to  be  in  the  fore-front  of  those  institutions  which  have  been  stimulated 
by  the  Office  of  Naval  Research  and  that  if  the  contract  between  the  university 
and  that  office  is  activated,  the  university  will  he  on  its  toes  because  of  what 
has  been  said  at  the  meeting,  because  of  the  stimulus  of  Dr.  Irving's  leadership 
at  ARL,  and  because  of  the  AINA  establishing  its  Baltimore-Washington  quarters 
with  the  university. 

The  meeting  adjourned  at  11 :  50  p.  m. 


Exhibit  No.  70 


AN   ANALYSIS    OF   MR.    ALFRED    E.    KOHLBERGS    CHARGES   AGAINST 
THE  INSTITUTE  OF  PACIFIC  RELATIONS 

(American  Council,  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations,  1  East  54th  Street,  New  York 

22,  N.  Y.) 

FOREWORD 

The  following  pages  contain  a  somewhat  detailed  analysis,  made  early  in 
1945,  of  an  88-page  photostatic  document  prepared  and  widely  circulated  by 
Alfred  Kohlberg  in  November  19-14  which  purports  to  show  that  the  publications 
of  the  American  and  Pacific  Council  of  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations  follow 
the  Communist  Party  ""line."  In  a  court  action  brought  by  Mr.  Kohlberg  to 
compel  the  American  Council  to  make  available  to  him  the  names  and  addresses 
of  its  members,  so  that  he  might  circulate  this  and  other  documents,  he  further 
chai-ged  the  staff  writers  of  the  IPR  with  being  "unpatriotic,  biased,  uninformed, 
and  incompetent." 

While  a  superficial  examination  of  Mr.  Kohlberg's  document  reveals  it  to 
be  unscholarly  and  unscientific  in  its  approach,  the  Executive  Committee  of 
the  American  Council  of  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations  felt  that  a  careful 
analysis  of  his  charges  should  he  prepared  out  of  justice  to  the  members  and 
friends  who  might  be  disturbed  by  an  attack  on  the  IPR's  integrity.  Although 
this  was  prepared  in  February  11)4.1.  it  was  not  widely  circulated  at  the  time 
because  (a)  it  was  a  long  document  and  might  unduly  burden  the  Trustees 
and  members  at  the  expense  of  more  important  matters  on  the  IPR  program 
agenda  and  (b)  the  officers  of  the  Council  did  not  desire  at  that  time  to  broad- 
cast voluminous  documents  about  Mr.  Kohlberg  and  incur  the  heavy  expense 
involved. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1613 

Inasmuch  as  Mr.  Kohlberg  has  thus  far  fell  unable  to  accept  any  of  the 
IPR's  efforts  to  moot  his  wishes  hut  apparently  is  determined  to  continue  court 
action,  it  has  seemed  wise  to  send  this  lengthy  analysis  to  the  Board  and  to 
those  members  who  wish  it  so  that  they  might  have  the  background  in  the  event 
of  Court  action  leading  to  wholesome  and  unwholesome  press  publicity. 

The  manner  in  which  materials  have  been  selected  from  IPR  publications  to 
buttress  these  accusations  indicates  little  understanding  of  the  aims  and  methods 
of  scholarship  as  exemplified  by  the  publications  program  of  the  IPR.  The 
Institute,  as  a:i  international,  nonprofit,  educational  organization,  does  not 
express  opinions  on  public  affairs;  and  it  has  consistently  adhered  to  "the 
principles  of  complete  freedom  of  scientific  inquiry,  broad  hospitality  to  all 
points  of  view  hut  subservience  to  none."  The  analysis  in  the  following  pages 
shows  that  principles  of  objectivity  and  fairness  in  the  presentation  of  contro- 
versial materials  have  been  faithfully  observed.  The  alleged  parallel  between 
statements  in  IPR  publications  and  the  Communist  "line"  breaks  down  com- 
pletely when  the  IPR  publications  of  each  period  are  viewed  as  a  whole.  While 
it  is  natural  that  over  a  period  of  years  a  critic  should  be  able  to  rind  selections 
which  thoroughly  parallel  Communist  views  on  some  issues,  there  is  also  much 
material  that  is  highly  critical  of  the  Communist  position.  The  same  could  be 
said  of  reputable  newspapers  like  the  New  York  Times  or  the  Christian  Science 
Monitor. 

The  small  proportion  of  IPR  publications  which  Mr.  Kohlberg  finds  suitable 
for  quotation  is  perhaps  the  best  indication  of  the  weakness  of  his  case.  His 
charges  are  based  on  selections  from  33  articles  and  hook  reviews,  3  pamphlets, 
and  one  book,  covering  a  seven-year  period  in  which  the  organization  published 
1,961  articles  and  book  reviews  and  384  books  and  pamphlets.  Fragmentary 
excerpt  from  these  articles  and  pamphlets  are  quoted  in  the  SS-page  document 
on  which  he  has  hased  his  court  case.  These  appear  out  of  context  and  without 
explanation.  In  the  following  pages  these  same  excerpts  are  shown  in  context 
and.  where,  as  in  some  cases,  they  appeared  as  part  of  a  symposium  in  which 
opposing  viewpoints  were  presented,  that  fact  is  set  forth.  Attention  is  also  called 
to  many  articles  in  IPR  publications  and  to  other  quotations  from  the  very 
articles  cited  by  Mr.  Kohlberg,  which  express  views  directly  opposite  to  those 
which  he  seeks  to  attribute  to  the  Institute.  The  fact  is  also  brought  out  that 
several  of  the  publications  criticized  by  Mr.  Kohlberg,  notably  ^Yartime  China, 
were  highly  praised  by  Government  officials  and  extensively  used  in  Army  and 
Navy  orientation  courses.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  so  useful  were  the  publications 
of  the  Institute  to  the  war  effort  that  the  American  Council  was  awarded  the 
Navy  E  in  1945. 

Further  evidence  of  the  reckless  nature  of  Mr.  Kohlberg's  charges  is  found 
in  his  attempt  to  impugn  the  integrity,  competence,  and  patriotism  of  the  IPR 
staff  writers.  In  his  petition  for  court  action  against  the  IPR  he  declares  that 
many  IPR  staff  .writers  had  an  extensive  background  of  Communist  activity 
and  that  their  articles  presented  untrue,  false,  and  misleading  facts.  No  evidence 
is  presented  to  support  the  charge  of  Communist  activity  because  none  exists. 

Further  proof  of  the  irresponsibility  of  this  charge  is  shown  by  the  fact  that 
Mr.  Kohlberg  obviously  has  never  taken  the  trouble  to  find  out  who  the  staff 
members  of  the  American  Council  are.  Of  a  total  of  25  authors  and  contributors 
to  IPR  publications  cited  in  his  document,  the  following  pages  show  that  13  had 
never  been  on  the  staff  of  the  IPR  and  only  four  were  on  the  staff  at  the  time 
of  his  charges.  Of  these,  only  one  was  employed  by  the  American  Council. 
Among  the  distinguished  authors  not  on  the  staff  of  the  IPR  whose  writings 
were  cited  as  incompetent  or  subversive  by  Mr.  Kohlberg  were :  Nathan  M. 
Becker,  formerly  professor  of  economics  at  a  midwestern  university ;  Brig.  Gen. 
Evans  Carlson,  leader  of  the  famous  Carlson's  Raiders ;  Tyler  Dennett,  former 
president  of  Williams  College ;  Foster  Rhea  Dulles,  professor  at  Ohio  State 
University:  Edgar  Snow,  associate  editor  of  the  Saturday  Evening  Post;  Owen 
Lattimore,  formerly  political  adviser  to  Chiang  Kai-shek,  Deputy  Director  for  the 
Far  East,  Office  of  War  Information,  and  Director  of  the  Walter  Hines  Page 
School  of  International  Relations  of  Johns  Hopkins  University ;  and  George  E. 
Taylor,  head  of  the  Far  East  Department  of  the  University  of  Washington  who, 
during  the  war,  was  Deputy  Director  for  the  Far  East,  Office  of  War  Information, 
and  until  recently  was  connected  with  the  State  Department. 

Of  the  four  persons  on  the  IPR  staff  whose  work  was  criticized  by  Mr.  Kohlberg, 
two — T.  A.  Bisson  of  the  International  Secretariat  and  Miriam  Farley  of  the 
American  Council  staff — now  hold  responsible  positions  on  General  MacArthur's 
staff. 


1614  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

Another  interesting  sidelight  on  Mr.  Kohlberg's  criticism  of  the  handling  of 
China  by  Pacific  Affairs  in  the  period  before  Pearl  Harbor  may  be  found  in  the 
fact  that  the  magazine  was  edited  at  that  time  by  Owen  Lattimore,  noted  Far 
Eastern  expert.  If  Mr.  Lattimore  was  as  unfair  to  China  as  alleged  by  Mr. 
Kohlberg,  he  scarcely  would  have  been  called  directly  from  this  post  to  become 
confidential  adviser  of  Generalissimo  Chiang  Kai-shek  upon  the  recommendation 
of  the  President  of  the  United  States.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  Mr.  Lattimore's  ap- 
pointment was  hailed  by  T.  V.  Soong,  the  present  Premier  of  China,  as  "a  major 
token  of  increasing  understanding  between  China  and  the  United  States." 

Further  evidence  of  the  general  competence  of  the  Institute  in  handling 
controversial  issues  with  respect  to  China  is  demonstrated  by  the  harmonious 
cooperation  between  the  China  Council  of  the  IPR  and  the  Pacific  and  American 
Councils.  The  Chinese  delegation  to  the  Hot  Springs  Conference  of  the  IPR  in 
January  1945  contained  many  of  the  country's  leading  educators  and  political 
figures,  and  a  notable  Chinese  delegation  headed  by  former  Ambassador  Hu  Shih 
cooperated  with  the  Americans  on  the  most  friendly  terms  in  the  subsequent 
meeting  of  the  Pacific  Council  at  Atlantic  City  later  that  year. 

The  first  twenty  pages  of  the  analysis  which  follows  document  in  detail  these 
and  other  facts  which  demonstrate  the  irresponsibility  and  inaccuracy  of  Mr. 
Kohlberg's  charges. 

The  rest  is  devoted  to  a  detailed  review  of  the  publications  from  which  por- 
tions are  quoted  out  of  context  in  his  S8-page  document.  In  an  effort  to  reconcile 
the  fact  that  IPR  materials  include  various  points  of  view,  particularly  on 
controversial  issues,  he  adopts  the  strange  device  of  dividing  the  years  from 
1937  to  1944  into  four  periods  during  which  he  endeavors  to  prove  that  Institute 
publications  indulged  in  "severe  criticism  of  the  Chinese  Government,  alternat- 
ing with  praise,  closely  following  the  alterations  of  the  Soviet  Union's  foreign 
policy  and  that  of  the  Communist  press." 

Needless  to  say,  this  claim  collapses  under  careful  scrutiny  as  shown  from 
pages  21-52,  which  follow.  Even  a  hasty  review  of  the  books  and  magazine 
articles  published  by  the  IPR,  if  read  in  toto  and  not  out  of  context,  reveals 
the  absurd  inaccuracy  erf  such  a  charge. 

In  selecting  materials  for  publication,  the  organization  is  guided  by  various 
considerations,  including  the  scholarly  merit  of  the  material,  the  importance  of 
the  subject,  and  its  public  interest.  So  far  as  is  humanly  possible,  it  endeavors 
to  assure  the  accuracy  of  all  facts  appearing  in  its  publications.  Most  of  its 
books  and  pamphlets  are  sent  out  in  manuscript  form  to  a  number  of  competent 
critics.  It  does  not  attempt  to  impose  censorship  on  opinions,  neither  does  it 
solicit  manuscripts  exclusively  from  persons  of  a  single  viewpoint.  On  the  con- 
trary, believing  that  truth  is  arrived  at  only  in  an  atmosphere  of  free  discus- 
sion, it  aims  to  present  information  reflecting  different  and  often  conflicting 
opinions. 

It  is  hoped  that  anyone  who  is  inclined  to  give  credence  to  Mr.  Kohlberg's 
accusations  will  take  the  time  to  study  the  following  pages  and  read  the  recent 
biennial  report  of  the  American  Council.  Windows  on  the  Pacific,  before  passing 
final  judgment  on  his  charges. 

September  1946. 

a.  introduction 

On  February  1?..  1945,  Alfred  Kohlberg,  Inc.,  through  its  president,  Alfred 
E.  Kohlberg,  submitted  a  petition  before  the  Supreme  Court  of  New  York  County, 
requesting  a  judgment  (1)  enjoining  the  American  Council  of  the  Institute  of 
Pacific  Relations  from  holding  its  regular  animal  membership  meeting  scheduled 
for  February  20,  1945,  and  (2)  compelling  it  to  make  available  to  Alfred  Kohl- 
berg, Inc.,  the  names  and  addresses  of  its  members.1 

The  petitioner  based  his  reasons  for  this  demand  on  the  charge  that  many 
of  the  publications  of  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations  were — 

prepared  by  staff  writers  employed  by  tbe  American  Council,  which  writers 
bail  an  extensive  background  of  Communist  activity,  and  which  staff  writers 
in  said  articles  presented  inaccurate,  untrue,  false,  and  misleading  facts, 
opinions,* and  conclusions  which,  in  effect,  constituted  effective  Communist 
propaganda  and  which,  being  published  and  circulated  during  the  course 
of  the  war  between  the  United  States  of  America  and  the  Government  of 
Japan,  has  given  aid  and  comfort  to  the  enemy  by  tending  to  create  dissen- 


1  The  ITU  won  the  case  on  May  8,  Mr.  Kohlherg  has  appealed  it,  however. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1615 

sion  and  disunity  among  the  Chinese  people  and  between  the  Chinese  Na- 
tion and  the  United  States  Government  who  are  allied  in  the  war  effort 
against  Japan.'' 
The  petitioner   further  charged   the  staff  writers  Of   the  American   and    Pacific 
Councils  of  the  Institute  with  being  "unpatriotic,  biased,  uninformed,  and  in- 
competent." 

As  evidence  for  (his  thesis,  the  petitioner  cited  an  88-page  document,  circulated 
on  November  !>.  in  hi.  by  its  president,  Alfred  Kohlberg.  Of  this  document,  34 
pages  list  excerpts  from  Institute  publications,  taken  out  of  context,  and  41 
pages  of  it  are  devoted  to  ((notations  from  Communist  and  left-wing  publica- 
tions, which,  it  is  alleged  "follow  the  same  line." 

Instead  of  sending  this  document  to  the  Secretary  or  officer's  of  the  American 
Council,  it  was  mailed,  together  with  an  accompanying  letter,  to  the  trustees 
and  certain  large  contributors  of  the  American  Council  and  to  four  or  five  score 
of  other  people  whose  names  Mr.  Kohlberg  has  declined  to  divulge.  Although 
the  accompanying  letter  was  addressed  to  Mr.  E.  C.  Carter,  the  Secretary-General 
of  tin1  Institute,  it  ami  the  document  were  mailed  to  the  foregoing  without  prior 
notice  to.  or  consultation  with,  Mr.  Carter. 

After  an  exhaustive  study  of  the  articles  cited  in  this  document,  and  of  many 
other  books,  pamphlets,  and  articles  published  by  the  Institute  during  the  seven- 
year  period  in  question,  the  Executive  Committee  of  the  Board  of  Trustees  of 
the  American  Council  of  the  Institute  believes  that  Mr.  Kohlberg's  charges  are 
invalid.  Here  are  a  few  statements  from  other  individuals  and  their  opinion 
of  the  work  of  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations. 

Statements  About  the  Work  akd  Program  of  the  IPR 

Sumner  Welles — Formery  Under  Secretary  of  State: 

"  ::     *  I  am  glad  to  say  that  in  the  opinion  of  the  officers  of  the  Depart- 

partment  of  State  who  are  especially  familiar  with  the  activities  of  the 
Institute  of  Pacific  Relations,  the  publications  of  this  Institute  have  been 
of  interest  and  value.  The  Institute  has  been  making  a  substantial  contribu- 
tion to  the  development  of  an  informed  public  opinion." 
Herman  Beukema — Colonel,  U.  S.  A.,  The  United  States  Military  Academy, 
West  Point,  N.  Y.  : 

<•*  *  *  i  am  convinced  that  no  other  civilian  research  organization 
in  the  country  presents  as  wide,  thorough,  and  up-to-date  coverage  of  the 
Far  Eastern  field  as  that  of  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations." 
Eugene  Staley — School  of  Advanced  International  Studies,  Washington,  D.  C : 
"The  American  Council  of  the  IPR  has  made  the  most  important  con- 
tribution of  any  organization  to  the  knowledge  and  understanding  in  this 
country  of  Far  Eastern  affairs.  I  can  testify  from  personal  experience  to 
the  great  value  of  its  background  publications  to  Government  Agencies 
when  they  were  suddenly  faced  with  the  war  emergency  against  Japan, 
and  of  their  present  value  to  agencies  planning  Relief." 

Raymond  Swing — Radio  Commentator,  Washington,  D.  C. : 

"The  research  work  of  the  IPR  has  for  years  been  acknowledged  as  an 
invaluable  source  of  information  by  men  in  and  out  of  our  Government  and 
other  Governments  on  the  Far  East ;  and  an  attack  upon  it  should  be  incon- 
ceivable. The  charges  you  mention  against  the  IPR  (i.  e.,  by  Alfred  E. 
Kohlberg)  would  in  effect  indict  official  American  policy  to  aid  in  the  promo- 
tion of  unified  China.    It  is  so  irrational  as  to  be  incredible  and  ludicrous." 

James  L.  McConaughy— President,  United  China  Relief: 

"I  have  examined  Mr.  Kohlberg's  charges  against  the  American  Council, 
Institute  of  Pacific  Relations,  and  do  not  believe  they  are  valid.  On  my 
recent  trip  to  China,  I  found  no  evidence  of  any  feeling  that  the  American 
Council  was  pro-Japanese  or  pro-Communist.  I  believe  the  publications  are 
scholarly  and  objective.  I  believe  Mr.  Kohlberg's  efforts,  if  successful, 
will  harm  American  friendship  for  China,  and  American  efforts  for  inter- 
national peace." 

Edward  R.  Embree — President,  Julius  Rosenwald  Fund,  Chicago,  Illinois : 

"The  charges  are  absurd  and  sound  as  if  they  were  motivated  by  a  de- 
sire to  cause  dissension  among  the  United  Nations.  The  Institute  is  devoted 
to  fact  finding  in  conferences  and  publications  and  not  to  propaganda.    The 


1616         STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

officers  and  members  of  the  American  Council  are  loyal  Americans  deter- 
mined on  the  destruction  of  Japanese  aggression  and  the  creation  of  world 
peace  and  order  under  the  United  Nations." 

W.  W.  Waymack — Editor  and  vice  president,   The  Des  Moines  Register  and 
Tribune,  Des  Moines,  Iowa  : 

"It  is  obviously  possible,  very  readily  possible,  for  a  person  to  approach 
the  broad  and  diverse  activity  of  the  IPR  in  research,  in  publication,  and  in 
conferences,  with  the  determination  to  pick  out  every  expression  that  re- 
sembled some  other  expression  by  a  Communist,  and  argue  that  the  IPR 
was  Communist.  It  would  be  equally  possible  for  any  person  to  set  out  in 
the  same  way  to  bolster  his  already  fixed  notion  that  the  IPR  is  pro-Japa- 
nese, and  in  the  same  sense  do  it.  Alternatively,  it  would  be,  I  am  sure, 
quite  as  easy  to  apply  the  same  methods  and  come  out  with  the  same  sort 
of  "proof"  that  the  IPR  is  anti-Communist  or  anti-Japanese  or,  indeed,  pro 
or  anti  nearly  anything  you  might  propose." 

Galen  Fisher — Former  YMCA   Secretary  in  Japan ;   now  retired,   San   Fran- 
cisco, California : 

"*  *  *  I  believe  the  Institute  Staff  and  Board  have  been  usually  ob- 
jective and  thorough  and  have  given  the  utmost  aid  to  the  war  effort." 

Huntington  Gilchrist — American  Cyanamid  Co.,  New  York,  N.  Y. : 

"The  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations  has  rendered  distinguished  service  for 
many  years  as  a  private  research  organization.  The  officials  of  our  own 
State  Department,  and  of  Canadian,  British,  Chinese,  and  other  governments 
attended  the  recent  Hot  Springs  Conference.  The  Institute  should  be  proud 
to  stand  on  its  record." 
It  is  the  further  opinion-  of  the  Executive  Committee  that  Mr.  Kohlberg's  charges 
are  based  upon  evidence  that  is  biased  and  insufficient. 

1.  The  document  of  November  9  covers  only  a  fraction  of  the  material  published 
by  the  Institute  during  the  seren-year  period  in  question — less  than  2  percent  of 
the  articles  which  appeared  in  its  periodicals,  and  0.002  percent  of  its  books. — 
It  bases  its  conclusions  on  about  33  articles  and  book  reviews,  3  pamphlets,  and 
1  book,  during  a  period  when  the  publications  of  the  organization  totaled  1,961 
articles  and  book  reviews,  and  384  books  and  pamphlets. 

2.  Air.  Kohlberg  charges  that  the  staff  employed  by  the  IPR  is  pro-Japanese  and 
"unpatriotic." — It  is  interesting  to  note,  however,  that  the  Japanese  Government 
does  not  share  this  opinion.  A  Japanese  Government  spokesman,  broadcasting 
from  Shanghai  on  February  20,  1945,  said : 

"The  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations,  which,  in  prewar  days  proved  itself  to  be 
strongly  anti-Japanese,  is  professedly  an  organization  to  serve  as  a  clearing 
house  of  international  information  on  economic,  political,  social,  and  cultural 
affairs." 

The  attitude  of  the  IPR  toward  Japan  was  clearly  stated  in  the  following  state- 
ment, made  on  December  17,  1941.  by  Dr.  Ray  Lyman  Wilbur,  President  of  Stan- 
ford University,  and  at  that  time,  chairman  of  the  American  Council  of  the 
Institute : 

"*  *  *  rp|ie  ;mmediate  j0fo  0f  the  American  people  is  the  prosecution  of  war 
against  the  military  imperialism  of  Japan  and  the  other  Axis  powers,  whose 
defeat  is  the  condition  of  any  peaceful  adjustment  in  the  Far  East  and  elsewhere. 
The  tradition  of  the  IPR  does  not  permit  'neutrality'  on  this  issue:  on  the  con- 
trary, military  aagression,  in  complete  disregard  of  the  rights  of  other  peoples, 
contradicts  everything  the  IPR  has  stood  for." 

Mr.  Kohlberg  also  states  that  hi*  study  of  IPR  publications  revealed  "no 
criticism  of  Japan  in  these  seven  years,  except  of  her  rural  land  system." — There 
are  numerous  statements  critical  of  Japan's  policy,  in  IPR  publications.  One 
example  is  the  pamphlet,  Know  Your  Enemy  Japan  of  which  nearly  200,000  copies 
have  been  sold,  and  which  is  widely  used  by  the  Army  and  Navy.  This  pamphlet 
includes  such  paragraphs  as  the-  following: 

"Japan  is  a  dictatorship  without  a  dictator.  She  has  no  Hitler,  but  dictatorial 
powers  are  exercised  by  a  ruling  clique  dominated  by  the  Army.  Like  the  Nazis, 
Japan's  dictators  have  but  one  object:  oppression  of  their  own  people  and 
despoilment  of  their  neighbors.     *     *     *" 

"The  real  ambitions  of  Japan's  militarists  are  accurately  described  in  the 
words  of  the  'Tanaka  Memorial'  of  1927 : 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1617 

"'With  all  the  resources  of  China  at  our  disposal,  we  shall  proceed  to  the 
conquest  of  India,  the  Archipelago,  Asia  Minor,  Central  Asia,  and  even  Eu- 
rope. *  *  *  In  order  to  conquer  the  world,  we  must  first  fight  China  *  *  *. 
Rut  if  we  want  the  gainful  control  of  China  in  the  future,  we  must  shatter  the 
United  States'  "  (pages  17  and  10,  Know  Your  Enemy  Japan). 

A  study  of  editorials  and  broadcasts  hased  on  articles  from  IPR  publications 
makes  it  dear  that  columnists  and  commentators  have  not  had  the  same  difficulty 
in  finding  material  critical  of  Japan. 

Samuel  Grafton — Radio  Commentator  and  Columnist,  New  York  Post,  January 
29,  1941 : 

"The  Far  Eastern  Survey  for  January  29  tells  how  Japan  has  recently 
stopped  publishing  vital  statistics,  that  her  people  may  not  read  in  black  and 
white  the  story  of  their  death." 

New  York  World  Telegram — Editorial — April  14,  1943 : 

"Whether  or  not  one  agrees  with  the  recent  report  of  the  Institute  of 
Pacific  Relations  that  'Japan  is  our  No.  1  enemy,'  most  Americans  probably 
share  the  Australian  fear  that  it  would  be  'suicidal'  to  give  Japan  time  to 
consolidate  her  gains  in  strategic  materials  and  bases." 

3.  A  natural  problem  for  those  engaged  in  evaluating  Mr.  Kohlberg's  charges, 
is  the  question  of  his  qualifications  for  passing  judgment  on  the  research  findings 
of  dozens  of  authorities. — Mr.  Kohlberg  has  released  public  statements  on  China 
which  would  indicate  that  his  factual  information  on  that  country  is  inadequate. 
On  his  return  from  his  last  trip  to  China,  for  example,  he  reported  on  The  Fighting 
Condition  of  the  Chinese  Army.  This  report  was  released  by  the  East  and  West 
Association  on  February  7th,  1944.  In  describing  his  contacts  with  Army  men 
at  forward  headquarters,  Mr.  Kohlberg  says : 

"One  morning  I  had  breakfast  with  Lt.  Gen.  Chang  Teh  Nun,  Commander  of 
the  Fourth  Army  (known  as  the  Ironside  Army)  at  his  headquarters  in  Changsha. 
Gen.  Chang  is  typical  of  the  new  spirit  and  the  new  leadership  in  the  Chinese 
Army." 

Tlie  New  York  Times  of  Monday,  August  28,  1944,  however,  contained  the  fol- 
lowing short  release: 

"Chinese  Execute  General  for  Changsha  Dereliction :  Chungking,  China,  Mon- 
day, Aug.  28. — It  was  announced  officially  today  that  Gen.  Chang  Teh-neng, 
commander  of  China's  Fourth  Army,  was  executed  August  25  for  dereliction  of 
duty  during  the  defense  of  Changsha." 

Furthermore,  according  to  Mr.  Kohlberg's  own  document  of  Nov.  9  (p.  45), 
he  was  reported  in  the  New  York  Times  of  November  25,  1938,  as  stating  that 
"according  to  information  given  by  sources  within  the  Chinese  Government" 
Soviet  aid  to  China  was  to  end.     The  full  quote  follows  : 

"Au  agreement  giving  a  free  hand  to  Japan  in  China  has  been  reached  by 
Russia,  Japan,  and  Germany,  according  to  information  given  by  sources  within 
the  Chinese  Government  to  Alfred  Kohlberg,  president  of  the  Art  Embroidery 
Linen  Importers  Association.  He  returned  yesterday  from  a  seven  weeks'  tour 
of  Chinese  territory  on  both  sides  of  the  battle  lines  there. 

"Mr.  Kohlberg's  understanding  was  that  during  the  summer,  Russia,  Japan, 
and  Germany  had  arrived  at  an  agreement  by  which  Russia  either  joined  the 
German-Japanese  alliance,  or,  if  she  did  not  go  so  far,  made  peace  with  Japan  and 
-Germany.  The  arrangement,  he  understands,  calls  for  cooperation  with  Russia 
by  Japan  and  Germany  rather  than  antagonism,  and  provides  for  withdrawal 
of  Russian  support  of  Chinese  forces." 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  however,  further  commercial  agreements  were  signed 
between  representatives  of  the  Soviet  and  Chinese  governments  in  1939  and 
1940  :  in  addition  four  barter  agreements  were  reached.  In  his  study  Far  Eastern 
War,  1937-1941.  published  by  World  Peace  Foundation,  Boston,  1942,  Professor 
Harold  S.  Quigley  (University  of  Minnesota)  states: 

"The  Soviet  Union  and  New  Zealand  were  the  only  members  of  the  League 
Council  to  urge  strong  measures  against  Japan  in  1938.  Mr.  Litvinov  criticized 
the  Council's  report  [of  September  30,  1938],  which  stated  that  sanctions  under 
Article  16  of  the  Covenant  were  left  to  the  discretion  of  individual  members  of 
the  League.  'My  Government,'  he  said,  'would  be  happy  to  take  coordinated 
measures  but  since  other  governments  will  not  do  so  my  Government  is  com- 
pelled to  accept  the  report.'  Again,  in  May  1939,  Ivan  Maisky  stated  to  the 
Council,  after  the  British  and  French  representatives  had  declined  to  support 
Chinese  proposals  of  economic  sanctions,  that  'I  would  like  to  support  the  pro- 


1618  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

posals  put  forward  by  the  Chinese  representative  *  *  *  China  is  the  victim 
of  brutal  and  unprovoked  aggression  and  she  is  fighting  hard  and  heroically  for 
her   independence     *     *     *     ' 

"The  commercial  accord  signed  by  Sun  Fo  and  A.  I.  Mikoyan  in  Moscow  on 
June  16,  1939,  provided  for  the  exchange  of  Chinese  raw  materials  for  military 
supplies.  A  second  agreement  was  signed  in  July  1940.  Preceding  and  paral- 
leling these  broader  conventions  were  four  barter  agreements,  the  first  in  Oc- 
tober 1938  (2.r)0,000,000  rubles  or  approximately  U.  S.  $50,000,000),  the  second 
in  February  1939  (U.  S.  $50,000,000),  the  third  in  August  1939  (U.  S.  $150,000,- 
000),  and  the  fourth  in  December  1940  (U.  S.  $50,000,000),  a  total  of  U.  S.  $300,- 
000,000.  Tungsten,  antimony,  tea,  and  wool  were  the  principal  Chinese  products 
desired  by  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  In  return  China  received  planes,  trucks,  tanks,  guns, 
and  bombs,  transported  along  the  Turkestan-Shensi  and  Vladivostok-Urga-Ningh- 
sia  land  routes  or  by  sea  via  Hanoi  and  Rangoon. 

"The  rapprochement  of  the  Soviet  Union  and  Japan,  culminating  in  the  Neu- 
trality Pact  of  April  13,  1941,  appeared  to  undermine  this  program  of  assist- 
ance '  *  *  *  .  The  Soviet  Government,  however,  was  not  moved  from  its 
policy  of  friendship  and  assistance  to  China.  It  assured  the  latter  of  its  desire 
to  implement  the  barter  agreements  and  gave  proof  of  its  attitude  by  sending 
munitions,  planes,  and  pilots"  (pp.  256-58). 

If.  Mr.  Kohlbcrg's  charges  and  his  document  reval  that  he  has  little  understand- 
ing of  the,  aims  and  objectives  of  a  scholarly  organization  like  the  IPR,  which 
map  be  described  as  follows:  The  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations,  Inc.,  is  a  non- 
partisan, nonprofit,  international  organization  engaged  in  research  and  educa- 
tional activities.  It  was  founded  in  1925  for  the  purpose  of  promoting  scientific 
investigation  and  rational  discussion  of  the  problems  and  mutual  relations  of 
the  peoples  of  the  Pacific  area,  and  is  composed  of  National  Councils  in  ten 
countries  with  interests  in  Asia  and  the  Pacific  area.  The  American  Council  is 
the  IPR  affiliate  in  the  United  States. 

The  Institute,  governed  by  a  Pacific  Council,  made  up  of  representatives  of 
the  various  National  Councils,  does  not  engage  in  propaganda.  It  is  contrary 
to  its  policy  to  express  opinions  on  public  affairs,  and  a  statement  to  that  effect 
is  carried  in  most  of  its  publications.  The  Institute  does  not,  however,  seek  to 
escape  responsibility  for  the  scholarly  standards  maintained  in  its  publications, 
nor  for  the  selection  of  material  which  is  published.  Its  policy  in  this  regard  has 
been  publicly  stated  as  adhering  to  "the  principles  of  complete  freedom  of 
scientific  inquiry,  broad  hospitality  to  all  points  of  view  but  subservience  to  none." 

In  selecting  materials  for  publication,  whether  articles,  pamphlets,  or  books, 
the  Institute  is  guided  by  various  considerations,  including  the  scholarly  merit 
of  the  material,  the  importance  of  the  subject,  and  its  public  interest.  So  far 
as  humanly  possible,  it  endeavors  to  assure  the  accuracy  of  all  factual  statements 
appearing  in  its  publications ;  and  most  of  its  books  and  pamphlets  are  sent  out 
to  a  number  of  competent  critics — professors,  State  Department  people,  etc. — 
before  publication.  It  does  not  attempt  to  impose  a  censorship  on  opinions,  nor 
does  it  solicit  manuscripts  exclusively  from  persons  who  share  a  single  view- 
point. On  the  contrary,  believing  that  truth  is  arrived  at  only  in  an  atmosphere 
of  free  discussion,  it  aims  to  present  materials  reflecting  different  and  often 
conflicting  viewpoints. 

Each  issue  of  The  Far  Eastern  Surrey,  published  by  the  American  Council  of 
the  Institute  contains  the  following  statement : 

The  American  Council  of  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations  does  not  express 
opinions  on  public  affairs.  Responsibility  lor  statements  of  fact  or  opinion 
appearing  in  the  Far  Eastern  Surrey  rests  solely  with  the  author. 

The  Institute  does  not  feel  it  necessary  to  apologize  for  the  fact  that  certain 
materials  which  it  has  published  are  critical  of  conditions  in  China.  It  has,  on 
occasion,  published  materials  criticizing  not  only  the  policies  of  China,  but  those 
of  Great  P.rilain,  Russia,  and  other  Allied  nations  including  the  United  States. 
This  it  believes  to  be  an  integral  part  of  the  principle  of  freedom  of  scientific 
inquiry.  The  same  right  of  criticism  has  been  freely  exercised  by  other  American 
institutions,  including  the  press,  publishers'  and  research  organizations. 

The  publications  of  the  Institute  have  not  shown  any  special  bias  against 
China,  as  is  shown  by  the  fact  thai  (a)  many  criticisms  of  countries  other  than 
China  have  appeared  in  IPR  publications,  and  (b)  that  Institute  publications 
on  China  have  included  not  only  criticisms  but  also,  as  admitted  by  Mr.  Kohl- 
berg,  praise  of  China  and  support  for  China. 

There  are,  of  course,  occasional  similarities  in  subject  material  between 
articles  published  by  the  Institute  and  those  appearing  in  the  Communist  press. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1619 

But  this  docs  not  constitute  proof  thai  the  Institue  is  biased  in  favor  of  commu- 
nism or  that  it  is  disseminating  Communisl  propaganda.  Equal  similarity  ran  be 
found  in  the  subjects  covered  by  the  IPR  and  the  New  York  Times,  Life,  or  The 
Christian  Science  Monitor. 

5.  In  his  petition  to  the  court,  Mr.  Kohlberg  states  that  his  study  of  IPR 
publications  revealed  that  many  were  "prepared  by  staff  writers  employed  by  the 
American  Council,  which  writers  had  an  extensive  background  of  Communist 
activity,  and  whicb  staff  writers  in  said  articles  presented  inaccurate,  untrue, 
false,  and  misleading  facts,  opinions,  and  conclusions  *  *  *."  He  declares 
that  "*  *  *  the  refusal  of  the  Executive  Committee  *  *  *  to  seriously 
consider  the  said  charges  *  *  *  constitutes  gross  mismanagement  *  * 
and  tends  to  give  comfort  and  aid  to  the  enemy  of  the  United  States,  namely,  the 
Japanese  Government  during  time  of  war,  by  enabling  unpatriotic,  biased,  unin- 
formed, and  incompetent  staff  writers  of  tbe  American  Council  and  Pacific 
Council  of  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations  to  continue  writings  which  consti- 
tute Communist  propaganda,  causing  disunity,  dissension,  and  misunderstanding, 
both  within  the  Chinese  Government  and  among  its  peoples,  and  between  the 
Chinese  Government  and  the  American  Government  which  are  allied  in  the  war 
effort  against  the  .Japanese  Government." 

Elsewhere  in  this  report  we  shall  give  detailed  attention  to  the  material  he  has 
quoted,  and  the  facts  and  points  of  view  expressed  therein.  In  this  section  we 
are  interested  specifically  in  the  reference  made  above  to  "unpatriotic,  biased, 
uninformed,  and  incompetent  staff  writers  *  *  *."  These  statements  impugn 
the  integrity,  competence,  and  patriotism  of  our  staff  and  our  contributors.  A 
few  facts  are  presented  below — it  is  our  belief  that  the  record  speaks  for  itself. 
In  his  selection  of  material  Mr.  Kohlberg  quotes  a  total  of  25  authors  and 
contributors.  Of  these  14  have  never  been  employed  on  the  staff  of  the  IPR, 
although  they  may  have  contributed  to  its  publications  or  engaged  in  specific 
studies  for  the  IPR  on  Far  Eastern  subjects.  An  additional  7,  although  formerly 
employed,  are  not  now  on  the  staff.  Only  4  of  the  25  quoted  by  Mr.  Kohlberg 
are  now  on  the  staff,  and  only  one  of  these  is  working  for  the  American  Council. 
It  is  of  interest  to  glance  briefly  at  the  record  and  background  of  each  of  the 
persons  quoted  in  Mr.  Kohlberg' s  charges. 

The  following  authors,  cited  by  Mr.  Kohlberg,  are  not  now  and  have  never 
been,  entployed  on  the  staff  of  the  IPR,  although  they  have  contributed  to  its 
publications  or  special  studies: 

Nathan  M.  Becker:  Formerly  Professor  of  Economics  at  a  midwestern  Uni- 
versity. 
Col.  Evans  F.  Carlson  :  A  Marine  officer  who  has  given  a  lifetime  of  service  to 
his   country-     Hero   of   many   engagements ;   leader  of  the  famed   Carlson's 
Raiders  in  the  Solomon  Islands  campaign.    Spent  a  year  studying  the  Chinese 
Army  and  the  tactics  of  the  guerillas.    Author  :  The  Chinese  Army,  Twin  Stars 
of  China. 
Tyler  Dennett:  In  China  several  times.    Former  historical  adviser,  Department 
of  State  ;  former  president  of  Williams  College.    Author  :  Americans  in  Eastern 
Asia,  Biography  of  John  Hay  (Pulitzer  Prize). 
Foster  Rhea  Dulles  :  Formerly  a  correspondent  in  China ;  formerly  on  staff  of 
Christian  Science  Monitor,  New  York  Post,  New  York  Herald  Tribune ;  formerly 
Professor  of  History  at  Smith.  Swarthmore.     Now  a  professor  at  Ohio  State 
University.    Author:  Forty  Years  of  American-Japanese  Relations.  Behind  the 
Open  Door. 
Haldore  Hanson  :  Formerly  correspondent  in  Peking ;  at  present  in  the  Depart- 
ment of  State.    Author:  The  People  Behind  the  Chinese  GuerriUas. 
Olga  Lang  :  Spent  some  years  in  China.     Author,  forthcoming  book  to  be  pub- 
lished by  the  IPR  The  Chinese  Family. 
Martin  R.   Norins:  Formerly  in  Department  of  History,  University   of  Cali- 
fornia.   Author:  Gateway  to  Asia,  Sinkiang. 
Edgar  Snow  :  Former  China  correspondent,  New  York  Sun,  London  Daily  Herald, 
Saturday  Evening  Post.     Lecturer  at  Yenching  Universitv,  Peiping.     Covered 
the  Sino-.Iapanese  war  1931-33  and  1937-41.     Author :  Red  Star  Over  China, 
The  Battle  for  Asia,  People  on  Our  Side. 
Guenther  Stein:  For  many  years  China  correspondent  for  various  newspapers 
including   Christian    Science   Monitor.      Formerly   editor    of   China    Airmail. 
Author  :  Made  in  Japan. 
Maxwell  S.  Stewart  :  Six  years  in  China  ;  4  years  teaching  Yenching  University, 
Peking;   formerly   Research  Economist,   Foreign   Policy   Assn.;   now   Editor, 
Public  Affairs  pamphlets,  Associate  Editor,  Nation.    Author :  Case  for  China, 


1620  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

Social  Security,  Building  the  Peace  at  Home  and  Abroad,  America  in  a  World 
at  War,  Wartime  China.  _    ,,     „ 

Anna  Louse  Strong:  In  China  several  times.  Author:  I  Change  Worlds,  One- 
Filth  of  Mankind.  My  Native  Land. 

Lt  George  Uhlmaxn  :  Enlisted  in  French  Navy  at  outbreak  of  war ;  after  tall 
of  France  returned  to  Peiping  where  he  had  lived  for  many  years  and  served 
with  French  Consular  Service,  joining  Fighting  French  forces  in  Chungking 

Nym  Walks  (Mrs.  Edgar  Snow)  :  Lived  and  traveled  in  China  and  the  Par  Last 
from    1931-40.     Author:  The    Chinese   Labor   Movement,    China   Builds   for 

Democracy.  ,,      ._  ,.       .  ,T„  .. 

Wei  Meng-Pxj-  Formerly  Professor  of  Political  Science  at  the  ISational  Ivorth- 
western  University,  Mukden ;  at  the  same  time  the  article  cited  by  Mr.  Kohl- 
berg  was  contributed  the  author  was  making  a  study  tour  in  the  interior  prov- 
inces of  China.  „  . 
The  following  authors  quoted  by  Mr.  Kohlberg  are  not  now  on  the  stall,  but 

were  formerly  employed  by  the  IPR. 

Robert  Barnett  :  Rockefeller  Fellow,  IPR,  1939^10 ;  visited  China,  returned  to 

work  on  IPR  staff  in  1941.     Worked  for  United  States  Government  Office  of 

Strategic  Services.    At  present  in  China  with  U.  S.  Army  Air  Forces.    Author: 

Economic  Shanghai — Hostage  to  Politics  1937-J/l. 
Dorothy  Borg:  Research  Associate,  American  Council,  IPR,  1938-42.     Wrote 

articles  for  Far  Eastern  Survey,  and  directed  school  program  of  the  American 

Council.  „  , 

Frederick  V.  Field  :  On  staff  of  irR  from  1928-40.    Assistant  Secretary,  Ameri- 
can Council,  1928.     Traveled  in  Far  East,  China,  Japan,  and  Philippines  1928- 
30;   China,  1931;   Honolulu   IPR,  1932;   London  1933.     Secretary,   American 
Council,  1934-10,   Member  Executive  Committee  and  Board  of  Trustees  of 
IPR,  1940.     Executive  Vice  Chairman,  Council  for  Pan-American  Democracy. 
Author:  American  Participation  in  the  China  Consortiums;  Editor:  Economic 
Handbook  of  the  Pacific  Area;  General  Editor :  Economic  Survey  of  the  Pacific 
Area;  Contributor  to  New  Masses  and  Daily  Worker. 
Michael  Greenberg  :  On  IPR  staff  1!  M 1-42.    At  present  with  United  States  Gov- 
ernment Foreign  Economic  Administration. 
Owen  Lattimore:  Worked  and  traveled  in  the  Far  East,  1920-26;  on  a  grant 
from  Social  Science  Research  Council,  Manchuria,  1929-30 :  in  Peiping  under 
Harvard-Yenching  Institute  and  Guggenheim  Foundation,  1930-33;  Mongolia, 
research  in  Peiping  for  IPR,  1934-35  ;  Editor,  Pacific  Affairs,  1934-41 ;  Political 
Adviser  to  Chiang  Kai-shek,  1941-42 ;  Deputy  Director  for  the  Far  East,  Office 
of  War  Information,  1942-44.     At  present  consultant  OWI,  and  director,  Wal- 
ter Hines  Page  School  of  International  Relations  of  Johns  Hopkins  University. 
Author:  Inner  Asian  Frontiers  of  China,  Manchuria,  Cradle  of  Conflict,  Mon- 
gol Journey,  Solution  in  Asia. 
Harriet  Moore  :  On  IPR  staff  1032-33  ;  1935-36.    Assistant  Secretary  American 
Council,  IPR,  1943;  Acting  Secretary,  1943-44;  member  Research  Committee, 
IPR ;   Secretary  American-Russian  Institute.     Author :   A   Record   of  Soviet 
Far  Eastern  Relations. 
George  Taylor  :  Taught  3  years  at  Nanking  University,  China,  and  2  years  at 
Yenching  University,  Rockefeller  Fellow,  American  Council  of  IPR,  1940-41. 
Head  of  Far  Eastern  Department,   University  of  Washington,    Seattle    (on 
leave).     At  present  Deputy  Director  for  the  Far  East,  Office  of  War  Informa- 
tion  (1942-).     Author:  The  Struggle  for  North   China,  America  in  the  New 
Pacific. 

The  persons  listed  below  are  the  only  ones  of  the  25  quoted  by  Mr.  Kohlberg 
who  are  on  the  staff  of  the  IPR  at  the  present  time : 

Edward  C.  Carter:  Secretary  of  the  American   Council,    1927-33:    Secretary- 
General  of  the  Pacific  Council,  1934-.     Editor:  China  and  Japan  in  our  Uni- 
versity  Curricula. 
T.  A.  Bisson  :  On  the  staff  of  the  Pacific  Council  since  1943,  formerly  with  the 
Foreign  Economic  Administration,  and  for  12  years  Far  Eastern  Expert  of  the 
Foreign    Policy    Association.      Author:  American    Policy    in    the   Far   East, 
Shadow  Over  Asia.  Japan  in  China. 
Miriam    S.   Farley:  On   the  stall'  of   the  American   Council,   1934-.     Formerly 
Chairman,  Board  of  Editors,  Far  Eastern  Survey;  at  present  editor,  popular 
pamphlets  series.     Author :  The  Problem  of  Trade  Expansion  in  the  Postwar 
Situation.  Speaking  of  India. 
Y.  Y.  Hsu  :  On  the  staff  of  the  Pacific  Council  1941-.    Author:  Chinese  View  of 
Wartime  Economic  Difficulties. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1621 

The  references  cited  above  are  not  in  any  sense  a  complete  review  of  the  posi- 
tions held,  the  publications  written,  or  the  other  qualifications  of  the  authors 
cited.  A  compilation  of  favorable  critical  comment  on  their  published  works 
would  undoubtedly  make  a  substantial  volume  in  itself.  It  may  be  of  interest, 
however,  to  cite  two  typical  reviews — one  from  the  New  York  Times,  one  from  the 
Herald  Tribune,  of  books  by  two  of  the  authors  mentioned. 

New  York  Times — February  21,  1945 

Re:   Solution  in  Asia,  by  Owen  Lattimore: 

"Owen  Lattimore  is  one  of  the  best  qualified  of  all  Americans  now  writing 
on  Oriental  affairs  *  *  *  devotes  the  greater  part  of  Solution  in  Asia 
to  a  review  of  recent  political  history  in  Japan  and  China." 

New  York  IIekald  Tribune  (Sunday  Edition) — June  5,  1938 
Re  :  Japan  in  China,  by  T.  A.  Bisson  : 

"Japan  in  china  (by  T.  A.  Bisson,  1938)  is  an  extraordinary  book.  It 
is  beyond  all  doubt  the  soundest  and  most  scholarly  volume  which  has  yet 
appeared  on  the  more  immediate  background  and  origins  of  the  Sino-Japa- 
nese  conflict,  and  on  its  earlier  phases.  Nor  is  it  likely  that  its  position  in 
this  field  will  soon  be  usurped.  For  until  the  archives  are  thrown  open  and 
the  memoirs  of  those  who  have  been  close  to  the  seats  of  power  during  the 
last  five  years  are  published,  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  any  historian  could 
surpass  Mr.  Bisson's  work.  It  represents  the  quintessence  of  years  of  pains- 
taking research,  and  of  lengthy  conversations,  during  1937,  with  leader  and 
rank  and  file  in  China  and  Japan,  by  a  first-class  authority  on  Far  Eastern 
social  and  political  developments." 

Colonel  Evans  Carlson — American  Journal   of   International  Law — January 
1941 

Re:  The  Chinese  Army,  Its  Organization  and  Military  Efficiency: 

"To  the  layman  who  has  been  confused  by  the  rival  claims  of  Japanese 
and  Chinese  military  prowess  in  the  present  Sino-Japanese  war,  and  more 
especially  by  the  excessive  claims  of  the  partisans  of  China  or  Japan,  of 
Occidental  race,  this  handbook  of  information  by  Major  Carlson  will  be  most 
welcome  *  *  *.  In  the  concluding  chapter  the  author  gives  much  credit 
for  China's  awakened  consciousness  to  the  just  and  kindly  leadership  of 
Chiang  Kai-shek,  their  military  leader     *     *     *." 

New  York  Times — January  28,  1945 
Re :   China's  Wartime  Politics,  by  Lawrence  K.  Resinger  : 

"This  is  an  absorbingly  interesting  and  important  monograph  which  in- 
cludes fourteen  documents  of  outstanding  significance,  particularly  with 
reference  to  Kuomintang-Communist  aims  and  relations,  with  which  half  of 
them  deal.  It  is  heartening  to  serious  students  (and  it  behooves  Americans 
to  become  serious  students)  of  contemporary  China  that  the  author  and  his 
patrons  of  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations  should  have  seen  fit,  in  a  study  so 
limited  in  scope,  bulk,  and  chronology,  to  have  used  and  rendered  accessible 
so  many  fundamental  source  materials. 

Clearly  written,  cooly  objective,  essentially  sound  as  to  facts,  this  essay 
presents  the  highlights,  with  comparatively  few  contrasting   shadows,   of 
the  period  touched  upon.    Never  does  Mr.  Rosinger  wax  enthusiastic ;  never 
is  he  ironical  or  condemnatory,  never  does  he  guess,  suggest,  or  imply,  and 
rarely  does  he  attempt  explanation  or  interpretation.    Facts  are  facts,  with- 
out nuances." 
Finally,  reference  might  be  made  to  the  many  qualified  persons  at  present 
carrying  on  the  work  of  the  IPR.  and  to  those  others  who  have  left  the  IPR  to 
assume  important  and  responsible  positions  with  the  United  States  Government. 
The  latter  group  includes  : 

Catherine  Porter  :  On  the  staff  of  the  IPR,  1942-44,  formerly  assistant  editor  of 
Pacific  Affairs,  and  chairman  of  the  Board  of  Editors  of  the  Far  Eastern  Sur- 
vey. At  present  Regional  Specialist  on  the  Philippines  for  the  Office  of  War 
Information. 
W.  L.  Holland  :  On  the  staff  of  IPR,  1929-45,  formerly  editor  of  Pacific  Affairs, 
and  International  Research  Secretary  of  the  Pacific  Council ;  on  leave  at 
present  as  Assistant  Chief,  China  Outpost,  Chungking,  Office  of  War  Infor- 
mation. 
William  W.  Lockwood  :  On  the  staff  of  the  IPR,  1935-42;  Secretary  of  the 
American  Council,  1941-42.  Office  of  Strategic  Services  (1942).  At  present 
in  China  with  the  U.  S.  Army  Air  Corps. 


1622  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

Russel    G.    Shiman:  On    the    staff    of    IPR.    1933-41.     United    States    Tariff 
Commission,  19.41-43;  Interim  Commission  on  Food  and  Agriculture,  1943-44; 
UNRRA,  1944-45. 
Philip  E.  Lilienthal  :  Pacific  Council  Staff  193S-42 ;  in  charge  of  International 
Secretariat's  Shanghai  Publication  Office,  1940-41 ;  now  with  Office  of  War 
Information,  San  Francisco. 
Katrine  R.  C.  Greene  :  American  Council  staff,  193S-42.     At  present  with  Ameri- 
can Red  Cross  in  North  Africa. 
Laura  Mayer  :  Pacific  Council  staff,  1942-43 ;  now  with  Red  Cross  in  New  Guinea. 
Mary  Healy  :  Pacific  Council  staff,  1942-43 ;  now  with  Foreign  Economic  Admin- 
istration in  New  Delhi,  India. 
Elizabeth  Downing:  Pacific  Council,  193(5;  Shanghai  Publications  Office,  1937- 
38  ;  American  Council,  1941-43  ;  at  present  with  Office  of  War  Information,  New 
York. 
Barbara  Wertheim   Tuchman  :   American   Council,   1934-36 ;   at  present  with 

Office  of  War  Information. 
Isabel  Ward  :  Pacific   Council,   1936 ;   1940-41 ;    at  present  with   OWI  in   San 
Francisco. 

6.  The  Kohlberg  document  attempts  to  prove  that  the  IPR  publications  followed 
a  definite  pattern  with  regard  to  China:  i.  e.,  that,  prior  to  the  Hitler-Stalin 
pact  of  August  23,  1939,  they  praised  China;  from  then  till  June  22,  191(1,  they 
abused  China;  from  then  till  the  summer  of  194S,  they  praised  China;  and  since 
the  summer  of  1943,  they  have  again  concentrated  on  abuse  of  China. — This, 
according  to  Mr.  Kohlberg,  represented  shifts  in  the  Communist  Party  line. 

In  order  to  prove  his  case,  the  author  of  the  document  has  resorted  to  the 
device  of  taking  passages  of  articles  out  of  context.  Yet  in  a  number  of 
instances,  these  same  articles  contain  other  paragraphs  which,  if  similarly  taken 
out  of  context,  could  be  used  to  prove  the  opposite.  The  IPR  pamphlet,  Wartime 
China,  is  a  good  example  of  this. 

The  pamphlet  sets  out  neither  to  '•praise''  China  nor  to  "abuse"  China,  but 
to  present  what,  in  the  opinion  of  the  author  and  many  expert  critics  who  read 
it  in  manuscript  form,  is  a  balanced  view  supported  by  the  best  available  evi- 
dence. Mr.  Kohlberg  has  taken  from  its  pages  quotations  which  indicate  criti- 
cism of  China.  However,  as  is  demonstrated  below,  it  is  possible  to  select 
numerous  quotes  indicating  praise  of  the  country  and  its  leaders,  which  give 
an  entirely  different  picture.  The  fallacy  of  this  method  of  selection  is  apparent, 
and  it  illustrates  the  weakness  of  Mr.  Kohlberg's  assertions:  Wartime  China 
states : 

"We  have  been  filled  with  admiration  at  the  way  in  which  the  people  of 
China,  in  the  face  of  almost  incredible  hardships  and  disappointments,  have 
stood  up  to  the  Japanese  year  after  year  without  giving  in  *  *  *" 
(page  6). 

"From  a  military  standpoint,  the  remarkable  thing  is  that  the  Chinese 
were  able  to  maintain  resistance  in  the  face  of  great  inferiority  of  arms 
and  supplies  of  all  kinds.  Comparatively  little  help  has  been  obtained  from 
broad     *     *     *"   (page  10). 

"Against  this  historical  background,  the  degree  of  national  unity  that 
has  been  achieved  in  China  since  1937  under  Chiang  Kai-shek's  leadership 
is  truly  remarkable.  Without  it,  the  miracle  of  military  resistance  could 
not  have  taken  place     *     *     *"  (page  16). 

"When  measured  against  the  handicaps  which  she  has  had  to  overcome, 
China's  war  effort  is  truly  impressive.  Try  to  imagine  that  an  enemy 
power  has  occupied  both  sea  coasts  of  the  United  States  and  most  of  the 
country  east  of  the  Mississippi.  The  capital  has  been  moved  to  Denver 
and  is  flooded  with  refugees.  Then  take  away  nearly  all  of  the  factories, 
railroads,  highways,  telephone  and  telegraph  lines,  electrical  equipment, 
coal,  iron,  and  oil  fields  from  the  unoccupied  area.  Even  so,  we  should  be 
better  off  than  China  for  we  should  still  have  an  abundance  of  skilled 
labor  and  trained  technicians  and  administrators.  For  the  political  picture, 
go  back  to  1776  when  our  country  consisted  of  thirteen  "sovereign"  states 
with  hardly  any  organized  national  government,  and  plenty  of  conservatives 
who  saw  no  sense  in  fighting  for  that  new  and  unfamiliar  idea,  the  'United 
States  of  America.'  Keep  up  the  enemy  pressure  for  seven  years  with  little 
help  from  outside.  That  might  give  you  a  rough  idea,  in  American  terms, 
of  what  China  has  been  up  against"  (page  20). 

"The  fact  that  Chiang  is  President  of  the  Republic  Prime  Minister  and 
Commander  in  Chief  of  the  Army  has  led  many  people  to  think  of  him  as 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1623 

a  dictator.  This  is  hardly  accurate.  Although  on  paper  his  powers  are 
great,  actually  he  serves  as  a  sort  of  balance  wheel,  stabilizing  the  con- 
flict ing  forces  of  the  various  groups     *     *     *  "  (page  42) . 

"Most  of  all,  perhaps,  Americans  can  help  China  by  trying  to  understand 
the  magnitude  of  the  task  which  she  faces  in  transforming  an  ancient 
medieval  society  into  a  modern  democratic  nation.     Only  if  we  appreciate 
her  difficulties  as  well  as  her  achievements  can  we  deal  fairly  with  China. 
And  we  must  remember  that  many  of  the  difficulties  which  she  faces  today 
and  in  years  to  come  are  the  result  of  seven  years  of  war  in  which  China 
fought  our  battle  almost  unaided"  (page  63). 
In  his  letter  accompanying  the  November  9  document,  Mr.  Kohlberg  termed 
Wartime  China  as  "from  start  to  finish     *     *     *     a  deliberate  smear  of  China 
and  the  Chinese  Government."     The  above  paragraphs  would  not  bear  this  out, 
however.     Neither  would  such  letters  and  reviews  as  the  following: 
Tyleu  Dennet — April  6,  1944,  former  President  of  Williams  College 
Re  Wartime  China: 

"Maxwell  Stewart's  booklet  seems  to  cover  very  well  the  ground  about 
the  internal  conditions  in  China.  Probably  the  Chinese  will  not  like  it  but 
it  seems  to  me  that  be  almost  went  out  of  his  way  to  give  all  the  extenuat- 
ing circumstances  and  to  qualify  the  criticisms.  It's  about  the  best  booklet 
I  have  seen  out  of  the  IPR." 
Field  Artillery  Journal — August  1944 
Re  Wartime  China: 

Wartime  China,  by  Maxwell  S.  Stewart.     American  Council,  Institute  of 
Pacific  Relations. 

Behind  the  Open  Door,  by  Foster  Rhea  Dulles.    American  Council,  Institute 
of  Pacific  Relations. 

"Here  we  have  two  splendid  additions  to  the  illuminating  series  of 
pamphlets  produced  by  this  publisher.  The  first  describes  the  stresses  and 
strains  behind  the  fighting  lines  in  China.  The  second  is  a  popularly  written 
history  of  Japanese  aggression  from  Perry's  time  to  Pearl  Harbor.  Like 
the  rest  of  the  series,  these  booklets  are  written  by  specialists  in  their 
fields  and  have  been  carefully  checked  by  experts;  their  scholarship  is 
sound." 
American  Sociological  Review — December  1944 
Re  Wartime  China: 

"This  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations  pamphlet  on  China  by  the  editor  of 
the  widely  circulated  Public  Affairs  pamphlets  gives  an  authoritative,  bal- 
anced discussion  of  the  problems,  resources,  personalities,  and  confusions  in 
that  much  misunderstood  land." 
7.  Mr.  Kohlberg  is  much  more  sensitive  to  criticism,  of  China  than  many 
Chinese. — Unlike  Mr.  Kohlberg,  the  China  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations  is  not 
hostile  to  the  work  and  publications  of  the  IPR.    One  of  the  basic  practices  of  the 
IPR  has  been  not  only  to  provide  for  criticism  but  to  welcome  and  stimulate  it. 
The  research  publications  and  monographs  of  the  National  Councils  and  of  the 
International  Secretariat  are  submitted  to  a  number  of  competent  critics  before 
publication,  and  at  the  International  Conferences  of  the  IPR  every  effort  is 
made  to  stimulate  the  frank  expression  of  every  point  of  view. 

This  procedure  is  important  because  neither  the  Institute  itself  nor  any  of  its 
National  Councils  express  an  "institute"  point  of  view  on  any  political  or 
economic  questions.  Every  article,  pamphlet,  book,  or  oral  statement  rests  solely 
on  the  authority  of  the  individual  author. 

There  have  recently  been  vivid  examples  of  this  policy  of  frank  criticism  at  the 
January  1945  International  Conference  of  the  Institute  at  Hot  Springs,  Va. 
There  was  frank  and  forceful  criticism  of  statements  of  American  members  by 
French,  British,  and  Dutch  members.  There  were  Chinese  criticisms  of  American 
statements,  and  vice  versa.  There  were  Indian  criticisms  of  British  statements, 
and  vice  versa.  Many  of  these  will  be  reflected  in  the  preliminary  report  of  the 
Hot  Springs  Conference  which  will  be  published  sometime  in  April  1945. 

At  the  Atlantic  City  meeting  of  the  Pacific  Council  of  the  IPR  in  January  1944 
there  were  likewise  British  criticisms  of  some  of  the  articles  of  members  of  the 
International  Secretariat.  There  were  similarly  American  and  Chinese  criticisms 
of  the  International  Secretariat.  On  one  occasion  there  were  criticisms  of  the 
International  Secretariat  because  it  was  too  "pro-Chinese,"  too  "pro-American" 
and  too  "pro-British." 

At  Hot  Springs,  one  Chinese  member  criticized  the  International  Secretariat 
for  the  writings  of  some  of  its  members  on  Chinese  problems.    This  was  countered 


1624  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

by  the  Chairman  of  the  China  IPR,  Dr.  Chiang  Mon-lin,  former  Minister  of  Edu- 
cation in  China,  who  said  that  he  personally  had  no  sympathy  with  such  criticisms, 
that  the  essence  of  the  IPR  was  frank  criticism  and  freedom  of  speech.  He  felt 
that  criticism  of  China  both  by  Chinese  and  by  foreigners  was  an  asset  and  that 
he  welcomed  the  criticisms  of  people  of  whatever  school  of  thought,  who  were 
interested  in  the  problems  of  China  and  China's  relationship  to  other  countries. 

There  is  a  wide  difference  between  friendly  criticism  and  hostility.  If  the 
Chinese  IPR  were  hostile  to  the  parent  organization,  it  could  take  one  or  both 
of  the  following  steps:  (1)  it  could  cease  or  reduce  its  financial  support  of  the 
International  Secretariat.  As  a  matter  of  fact  in  both  1943  and  1944  the  China 
IPR  made  a  larger  financial  contribution  to  the  International  Secretariat  than 
any  other  of  the  ten  National  Councils  with  the  single  exception  of  the  American 
Council.  (2)  It  could  either  withdraw  from  membership  in  the  Pacific  Council  or 
give  notice  that  it  was  considering  withdrawal.    It  has  adopted  neither  course. 

On  the  contrary,  its  cooperation  has  been  substantial  and  important.  It  con- 
tributed several  data  papers  to  the  Hot  Springs  Conference.  It  is  actively  coop- 
erating in  the  International  Research  Program.  The  services  of  its  National 
Secretary  in  Chungking  have  been  loaned  for  a  period  of  six  months  to  the 
International  Secretariat  in  New  York  without  cost  to  the  International  Sec- 
retariat for  traveling  expenses  or  salary. 

At  very  large  expense  the  China  IPR  sent  a  truly  representative  group  of 
Chinese  to  the  Hot  Springs  Conference  (January  6-17,  1945).  They  include  the 
following : 

CHINA'S  DELEGATES  TO  HOT  SPRINGS  CONFERENCE  OF  THE  IPR,  JANUARY  1945 

Chiang,  Mon-Lin — Formerly  Minister  of  Education  ;  Chancellor,  National  Peking 
University.  New,  Member  Executive  Council,  National  Southwest  Associated 
University ;  President,  Chinese  Red  Cross,  and  Chairman,  China  Institute  of 
Pacific  Relations.    Chairman. 

Chang,  Carson — Member,  Peoples'  Political  Council. 

Chang,  Chung-Fu  (1936) — Director,  Department  of  American  Affairs,  Ministry 
of  Foreign  Affairs. 

Chen,  S.  C. — Professor  of  Sociology,  National  Southwest  Associated  University, 
Associate  Director,  Nankai  Institute  of  Economics. 

Chien,  Tuan-Sheng  (1939) — Professor  of  Political  Science,  National  Southwest 
Associated  University  ;  Member,  Peoples'  Political  Council. 

Chow,  S.  R.  (1939-1942)— Professor  of  International  Law,  National  Wu-Han 
University ;  Member,  Peoples'  Political  Council. 

Hsia,  Ching-Lin  (1929,  1931,  1942) — Member,  Legislative  Yuan;  Director, 
Chinese  News  Service,  New  York.  Address:  Chinese  News  Service,  30  Rocke- 
feller Plaza,  New  York  20,  N.  Y. 

Hu,  Shih  (1931,  1933,  1936)—  Formerly :  Ambassador  to  the  United  States; 
Dean,  College  of  Literature,  National  Peking  University ;  Member,  Peoples' 
Political  Council;  and  Chairman,  China  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations.  Now, 
Visiting  Professor,  Harvard  University. 

Lee.  Kan  (1936,  1942) — Commercial  Counsellor,  Chinese  Embassy,  Washington, 
D.  C. 

Li,  Choh-Ming — Associate  Director,  Nankai  Institute  of  Economics. 

Liu,  Yu-Wan  (1933,  1936,  1939)— Executive  Secretary,  China  Institute  of  Paci- 
fic Relations. 

Lowe,  C.  H.  (1931,  1936)— Director,  India  Office,  Ministry  of  Information. 

Ning,  Eng-Chexg  (1929:  19.31)—  Chief  Auditor,  The  Farmers  Bank  of  China; 
Member,  Peoples'  Political  Council. 

Poe,  Dimon  Hsueh-Feng — Professor  of  Political  Science,  National  Central  Uni- 
versity ;  Counsellor,  National  Supreme  Defense  Council. 

Shao,  Yu-Ling — Secretary,  National  Military  Council. 

Wu,  Wen-Tsao — Professor  of  Sociology,  Yenching  University ;  Counsellor,  Su- 
preme National  Defense  Council. 

Yang  Yunchu — Director,  Department  of  Eastern  Asia  Affairs,  Ministry  of  For- 
eign Affairs. 

Yeh,  George — Representative,  Ministry  of  Information,  London. 

Yuan,  T.  L. — Librarian,  National  Library  of  Peking. 

Chinese  Secretariat 

Cheng.  Pao-Nan — Director,  Mid-West  Rureau,  Chinese  News  Service,  Chicago. 
Mrs.  Enid  Chen  (1942) — Chinese  News  Service,  New  York. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1625 

Helen   Nelson    Kxglund — Director,   International  Relations   Speakers  Bureau, 

Chicago,  111. 
T.  C.  Hsu — Chinese  News  Service,  New  York. 
Eleanor  Stbynski — Chinese  News  Service,  Chicago,  111. 

Many  of  the  foregoing  flew  from  Chungking  to  the  United  States  specially  for 
the  Hot  Springs  Conference. 

When  in  1943  the  Secretary-General  and  the  International  Research  Secretary 
visited  China  on  behalf  of  the  Pacific  Council,  they  went  at  the  invitation  of  the 
China  IPR  and  were  given  every  facility  for  consultation  with  Chinese  scholars, 
publicists  and  high  officials  of  the  Chinese  Government.  They  both  have  been 
invited  to  visit  China  again  as  soon  as  possible. 

B.   ANALYSIS   OF   MR.   KOHLBERG'S   DOCUMENT 

Section  I.  p.  49  (1987-August  23,  19S9) 

On  page  4  of  his  document,  Mr.  Kohlberg  states  that  the  IPR  was  not  critical 
of  Chiang  Kai-shek  and  the  Kuomintang  from  the  time  of  the  agreement,  early 
in  1937,  between  the  Kuomintang  and  the  Communists,  and  August  1939,  when 
Germany  and  the  Soviet  Union  made  their  nonaggression  pact. 

By  this  statement,  Mr.  Kohlberg  implies  that  the  IPR  is  following  the 
"•Communist  line."  However,  a  careful  study  of  the  issues  of  the  Far  Eastern 
surrey  of  that  period  of  2%  years  reveals  that  in  no  instance  did  the  Survey 
make  comparisons,  invidious  or  otherwise,  between  the  Chinese  Communists 
and  the  Kuomintang  and  did  not  praise  the  Chinese  Communists.  References 
to  Chinese  Communists  had  no  political  coloring. 

In  that  period  there  were  three  articles  relating  to  Chinese  guerrillas.  One 
was  a  half;page  in  length,  one  less  than  a  page,  and  one  five  pages.  In  none 
of  the  three  articles  does  the  word  "communist"  appear.  The  guerrillas  are 
treated  as  Chinese,  not  as  partisans  within  China  of  an  alien  ideology.  The 
three  articles  are  factual  descriptions  of  what  Chinese  termed  "guerrillas," 
were  doing  to  aid  in  the  war  against  Japan.  The  three  articles  are  "  'Guerrilla 
Industries'  May  Displace  'Scorched  Earth'  Policy."  page  179,  Far  Eastern  Sur- 
vey, 1938;  "Chinese  Guerrillas  Spike  Japanese  Raio  Cotton  Hopes,"  page  201 
of  the  same  year  ;  and  "The  War  Economy  of  China's  Guerrillas,"  page  265  of  the 
same  year. 

Mention  in  other  articles  of  Chinese  Communists  include  neither  criticism  or 
praise  of  cither  the  Communists  or  the  Kuomintang.  For  example,  an  article 
entitled  "Revitalizing  British  Interests  in  China,"  states,  on  page  139  of  the 
1937  volume :  "There  is  little  doubt  that  the  degree  of  political  unification  which 
has  been  achieved  by  the  Nanking  Government,  together  with  the  stabilizing 
effects  of  the  financial  reforms,  would  under  any  circumstances  have  served  to 
attract  new  British  capital  to  China";  in  an  article  entitled  "China's  Domestic 
Transport  System,"  page  255  of  the  1937  volume:  "*  *  *  the  excellent  high- 
ways of  Kiangsi,  for  example,  grew  out  of  the  needs  of  the  recent  anti-Commu- 
nist campaign"  ;  in  an  article  entitled  "The  War  and  Western  Interests  in  North 
China,"  page  231  of  the  1938  volume:  "Moreover,  the  widespread  continuance 
of  guerrilla  warfare  has  prevented  the  consolidation  of  the  Japanese  position 
and  the  restoration  of  peace  and  order." 

Had  the  Far  Eastern  Survey  been  following  a  "Communist  line,"  it  would  have 
taken  opportunity  to  praise  the  Chinese  communists  at  the  expense  of  the  Kuo- 
mintang. This  it  did  not  do  in  the  period  under  review,  a  period  stated  by 
Mr.  Kohlberg  to  be  a  time  when  the  IPR  was  following  the  "Communist  line." 

Mr.  Kohlberg  quotes  the  Survey  twice,  presumably  to  support  his  contention. 
The  first  is  from  an  article  by  Frederick  V.  Field  on  page  57  of  the  1937  volume 
entitled  "The  Chinese  Communists  Re-merge."  The  sentence  to  which  Mr.  Kohl- 
berg takes  exception  is  apparently  the  following :  "If  this  information  is  cor- 
rect [that  an  agreement  has  been  reached  between  the  National  Government 
and  the  Communists]  it  means  that  for  the  first  time  since  1927  the  Commu- 
nists have  been  officially  recognized,  the  government  has  agreed  to  give  up  its 
anti-Communist  campaigns,  and — most  important — an  actual  beginning  to  an 
anti-Japanese  military  and  political  front  has  been  established."  To  anyone 
who  was  following  Chinese  affairs  at  that  time,  regardless  of  his  political  views, 
this  seems  to  be  a  mere  statement  of  fact. 

The  other  statement  from  the  Far  Eastern  Survey  quoted  by  Mr.  Kohlberg  in 
this  section  of  his  document  (page  7)  seems  to  have  no  connection  with  his  gen- 
eral argument,  and  cannot  therefore  be  dealt  with.     A  study  of  the  four  issues 


1626  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

of  Pacific  Affairs  quarterly  of  the  year  1937  quoted  in  the  Kohlberg  document, 
also  fails  to  indicate  that  there  was  any  following  of  the  "Communist  party 
line." 

Mr.  Kohlberg  quotes  only  from  one  article  during  the  year  1937,  namely,  the 
article  entitled  -'Soviet  Society  in  Northwest  China"  by  Edgar  Snow.  From 
that  article  he  quotes  the  sentence:  "In  Fundamental  Laws  of  the  Chinese  Soviet 
Republic  (by  Martin  Lawrence,  London,  1934)  the  First  All-China  Soviet  Con- 
gress in  1931  set  forth  in  detail  the  'maximum  program'  of  the  Communist  Party 
of  China — and  reference  to  its  shows  clearly  the  ultimate  aim  of  Chinese  Com- 
munists is  a  true  and  complete  socialist  state  of  the  Marxist-Leninist  concep- 
tion." Mr.  Snow's  next  sentence  (not  quoted  by  Mr.  Kohlberg)  reads,  "Mean- 
while, however,  it  has  to  be  remembered  that  the  social,  political,  and  economic 
organization  of  the  Red  districts  has  all  along  been  only  a  very  provisional 
affair."  This  second  sentence  gives  the  point  of  the  article,  which  as  the  title 
indicates,  is  a  description  of  the  Chinese  Communist  area  based  on  Snow's  first- 
hand knowledge  of  it.  Mr.  Snow  writes  for  the  Saturday  Evening  Post  on  the 
subject  of  Chinese  Communists,  as  well  as  other  subjects.  He  has  also  written 
several  best  sellers,  published  by  reputable  firms.  But  it  is  doubtful  if  this  fact 
makes  these  publishers  open  to  the  charge  of  following  the  "Communist  line." 
Note  is  taken  below  of  all  other  articles  and  book  reviews  which  touch  on  the 
question  of  either  the  National  Government  of  China  or  the  Chinese  Communists 
during  this  period. 

In  the  March  1937  issue  there  is  an  article  entitled  "The  Dragnet  of  Local 
Government  in  China"  by  Norman  D.  Hanwell,  which,  in  pointing  out  the  defects 
of  local  government,  is  indirectly  critical  of  the  National  Government. 

In  the  issue  of  June  1937  there  is  no  criticism,  either  favorable  or  adverse,  of 
either  the  National  Government  or  the  Chinese  Communists.  The  matter  is 
ignored. 

In  the  September  1937  issue,  which  contains  the  article  by  Edgar  Snow  referred 
to  by  Mr.  Kohlberg,  the  only  other  article  referring  to  either  the  National  Gov- 
ernment or  the  Chinese  Communists  is  an  article  entitled  "Japan  and  China: 
A  War  of  Minds"  by  Robert  S.  Morton,  in  which  the  writer  expresses  his  own 
views  as  follows:  "To  many  Chinese  the  Kuomintang  now  seems  tame,  even 
reactionary ;  and  highly  subservient  to  Japan  in  yielding  territory  and  influence 
repeatedly,  without  daring  to  risk  its  own  position  by  real  struggle  for  defense" 
(page  312).  "By  most  Chinese  *  *  *  Communism  is  opposed,  whether  do- 
mestic or  Russian"  (page  312). 

"Moreover,  the  predominant  Chinese  view  is  that  internal  Communism  has 
steadily  lost  ground  for  five  years,  despite  the  spectacular  flight  of  guerrilla 
bands  through  sparsely  settled  areas.  A  subcurrent  of  Chinese  opinion  is  in- 
clined to  listen  to  Communists,  not  so  much  because  of  their  social  program  or 
their  actual  record  in  China,  as  because  they  denounce  and  oppose  Japanese 
imperialism  more  openly  than  does  the  cautions  Chinese  Government"  (page  313). 
The  article  praises  neither  the  National  Government  nor  the  Chinese  Communists. 
In  the  same  issue,  in  an  article  entitled  "The  New  Era  in  Chinese  Railway  Con- 
struction" by  "Asiaticus,"  is  a  statement  that  "The  only  danger  points  which 
signify  yielding  to  foreign  pressure  by  Nanking  are  to  be  seen  in  leaving  North 
China,  menaced  by  the  Japanese,  to  its  fate,  and  a  tendency  to  compromise 
with  the  Japanese  plans  for  usurping  control  of  all  railway  interests  in  this 
/one."  Except  for  this  statement  the  article  is  descriptive  of  accomplishments 
in  railway  construction  and  does  not  praise  or  criticize  the  National  Government. 
The  only  hook  review  in  this  issue  which  falls  within  the  current  study  is  a 
review  of  China  Calling  by  the  Reverend  Frank  Houghton,  a  British  missionary. 
The  book  is  reviewed  by,  Eugene  E.  Barnett,  and  he  quotes  a  sentence  from  the 
hook  "Probably  no  Chinese  government  has  ever  included  so  large  a  proportion  of 
energetic  and  public-spirited  officials  as  those  now  at  work  in  Nanking."  Quoting 
this  statement  was  no  "Communist  line."  Anyone  who  had  association  with  the 
government  at  Nanking  at  thai  time  would  subscribe  to  the  statement. 

There  is  no  article  in  the  December  1937  issue  which  refers  to  the  National 
Government  or  to  the  Chinese  Communists.  The  opening  article,  however,  is 
by  Frederick  V.  Field.  The  title  of  the  article  is  "American  Far  Eastern  Policy, 
1981-1937."  Mr.  Field,  however,  fails  to  mention  either  the  National  Govern- 
ment of  China  or  the  Chinese  Communists,  although  the  subject  of  the  article 
gave  him  room  to  do  so  if  he  wished. 

With  regard  to  book  reviews,  Dr.  Shuhsi  Hsu  is  given  an  opportunity  to 
make  objections,  in  more  than  two  pages,  to  a  review  in  the  same  issue  of  Dr. 
Hsu's  hook  The  North  China  Problem.     In  the  review  of  that  book  the  reviewer, 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1627 

Owen  Lattimore,  states  thai  l>r.  Hsu  describes  the  position  of  the  Chinese  Com- 
munists  as  "virtually  laying  down  their  anus"  and  then  Mr.  Lattimore  states, 

•1  was  in  the  Hod  territory  about  two  weeks  before  I  read  Professor  Hsu's 
book,  and  I  saw  no  signs  of  any  such  docility.  The  Chinese  Communists  still 
appear  to  think  that  they  have  improved  their  local  footing  in  the  Northwest 
and  at  the  same  time  won  a  stronger  position  in  national  politics  by  their 
negotiations  in  Nanking  since  the  release  of  Chiang  Kai-shek  from  Sian,  and 
that  as  a  result  they  will  lie  able  to  press  their  old  demands  for  a  general 
national  resistance  against  Japanese  aggression." 

Mr.  Lattimore's  review  is  an  honest  and  unheated  criticism  of  a  book  which 
was  obviously  incomplete  in  its  content,  not  only  with  regard  to  the  Chinese 
Communists  but  with  regard  to  the  Mongols  of  Inner  Mongolia,  a  subject  on 
which  Mr.  Lattimore  is  an  outstanding  authority. 

The  Lattimore  review  is  followed  by  a  review  by  a  Chinese  (Chen  Han-seng) 
of  a  book  by  Harry  Gannes  entitled  "When  China  Unites:  An  Interpretive  History 
of  the  Chinese  Revolution."  Mr.  Chen  does  not  seem  to  approve  of  Gannes'  treat- 
ment of  the  Chinese  Communists.  The  criticism  of  this  aspect  of  the  book,  how- 
ever, is  less  than  one-half  of  a  page  out  of  a  review  of  more  than  two  and  a  half 
pages. 

Taking  up  the  four  issues  of  Paeific  Affairs  for  the  year  1938  : 

The  only  item  in  the  isstie  for  March  1938  which  Mr.  Kohlberg  quotes  is  a 
review  of  Edgar  Snow's  book  Red  star  Over  China,  the  reviewer  being  Mr.  Ed- 
ward C.  Carter.  The  review  on  the  whole  commends  the  book,  in  common  with 
practically  all  reviewers  of  the  book  at  the  time  of  publication.  Mr.  Carter's 
review,  however,  is  not  entirely  favorable,  pointing  out  "the  author's  tendency 
to  ignore  the  rem  substantial  achievements  of  the  Nanking  Government"  (page 
110). 

Mr.  Kohlberg  fails  to  point  out  that  ten  pages  in  front  of  that  review,  four  pages 
are  devoted  to  an  attack  on  the  Chinese  Communists  by  W.  W.  Wheeler  2d,  in 
which  Mr.  Wheeler  refers  to  the  Chinese  Communist  forces  as  follows :  *  *  * 
"such  unattached  free-booting  armies  are  an  old  and  even  stereotyped  evil"  and 
"the  present  Communist  army  is  notable  chiefly  for  the  length  of  its  retreat,  its 
proclivity  for  plunder  and  its  avoidance  of  pitched  battle."  In  final  paragraph 
of  this  almost  four  pages  statement  is  contained  the  sentence.  "The  bulk  of  the 
Communist  Army  is  recruited  from  vagabonds"  (pages  101-104). 

This  issue  contains  two  articles  on  the  military  situation  in  China.  The 
first,  entitled  "China's  advance  from  Defeat  to  Strength"  by  "Asiaticus,"  praises 
both  Chiang  Kai-shek  and  his  armies  and  the  Communist  armies.  The  second 
article,  "The  Strategy  of  the  Sino-Japanese  Conflict"  by  Herbert  Rosinsky, 
praises  the  armies  of  Chiang  Kai-shek  and  refers  favorably  to  ''guerrilla  tactics" 
and  to  the  vindication  of  the  Red  Army's  reputation  by  its  "outstanding  bravery 
in  the  fighting  in  Shansi."  In  this  connection  it  should  be  remembered  that  there 
was  every  reason  to  praise  both  Chiang  Kai-shek  and  the  Communists  at  that 
time.  It  seemed  that  unity  had  been  achieved  between  them  and  during  that 
period  Chiang  Kai-shek's  troops  were  doing  magnificent  fighting  at  Shanghai 
and  Taierehuang,  fighting  such  as  has  not  been  attained  by  the  National  Gov- 
ernment forces  since  then. 

There  is  also  an  article  in  this  issue  "The  Revolution  in  Chinese  Legal 
Thought"  by  N.  H.  van  der  Valk,  which  inter  alia  adversely  criticizes  the  new 
Criminal  Code  of  1935  of  the  Chinese  government. 

In  Pacific  Affairs  of  June  1938  no  article  deals  either  with  the  National  Gov- 
ernment or  with  the  Chinese  Communists. 

Mr.  Kohlberg  quotes  some  statements  made  by  Edgar  Snow  in  this  issue. 
These  statements  occur  in  five  pages  given  to  Edgar  Snow  in  which  to  reply  to 
more  than  six  pages  of  criticism  of  Snow's  "Red  Star  Over  China"  by  "Asiaticus." 
It  is  an  indication  of  a  dispassionate  publication  to  permit  two  writers  to  air 
their  opinions  pro  and  con  on  a  controversial  subject. 

There  are  no  book  reviews  in  the  June  1938  issue  relating  to  either  the  National 
Government  or  the  Chinese  Communists. 

Regarding  the  issue  of  Pacific  Affairs  of  September  193S,  it  is  impossible  to 
perceive  why  Mr.  Kohlberg  quotes  what  he  does  from  the  article  by  Haldore 
Hanson  entitled  "The  People  Behind  the  Chinese  Guerrillas"  (page  285).  This 
article  is  a  factual  account  of  Mr.  Hanson's  visit  to  those  places  in  North  China 
(not  Communist  Northwest  China)  where  "self-defense  governments"  had 
•sprung  up  everywhere  in  the  wake  of  the  Japanese  Army,"  these  groups  being 
led   "jointly   by   Communist   agents   and   patriotic   University    students."     The 

68970 — 50— pt.  2 10 


1628  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

activities  of  these  "self-defense  governments"  were  watched  during  that  period 
with  the  greatest  sympathy  and  enthusiasm  by  all  Westerners  in  the  cities  of 
North  China,  regardless  of  the  political  views  of  those  people,  because  of  their 
effective  hampering  of  the  Japanese.  This  article  is  a  factual  recital  of  eye 
witness  experiences  of  a  man  of  excellent  reputation  who  has  been  serving  for 
the  past  two  years  or  more  in  the  Cultural  Division  of  the  Department  of  State. 

Mr.  Kohlberg  quotes  from  an  item  in  this  issue  entitled  ''Why  the  Chinese 
Communists  Support  a  United  Front."  This  is  in  its  entirety  an  interview  which 
Nym  Wales  had  with  a  Chinese  Communist.  It  is  in  quotation  marks  to  show 
that  everything  said  in  this  article  was  said  by  the  Chinese  Communist.  It  is  an 
interview  and  it  is  clearly  published  as  such  (page  311). 

No  other  article  of  this  issue  deals  with  either  the  National  Government  or  the 
Chinese  Communists. 

Mr.  Kohlberg  quotes  from  two  pages  of  comment  made  by  Owen  Lattimore 
(pages  370-72)  in  regard  to  a  criticism  by  William  Henry  Chamberlin  (of  four 
pages  in  the  June  issue  of  Pacific  Affairs  entitled  "The  Moscow  Trials"  which 
appeared  under  "Comment  and  Correspondence" ;  a  brief  article  which  did  not 
refer  to  the  Chinese  Communists  but  only  to  the  Moscow  trials.  Mr.  Kohlberg 
fails  to  point  out  that  immediately  preceding  Mr.  Lattimore's  comment  are  four 
pages  of  comment  by  Mr.  "William  Henry  Chamberlin  adversely  criticizing  the 
Moscow  trials.  Again,  this  is  the  procedure  of  a  dispassionate  publication — to 
print  the  opposing  views  in  close  juxtaposition  so  that  both  sides  may  have  an 
equal  opportunity  to  reach  the  readers  of  the  publication. 

Mr.  Kohlberg  does  not  quote  from  Pacific  Affairs  of  December  1938.  This  issue 
does  not  have  any  material  which  might  be  regarded  as  following  the  "Commu- 
nist line."  However,  in  fairness  to  the  Institute,  Mr.  Kohlberg  might  have  re- 
ferred to  a  four  page  editorial  (pages  495-8)  in  which  reference  is  made  to  the 
practice  of  Pacific  Affairs  in  presenting  both  points  of  view  in  regard  to  a  con- 
troversial subject.  In  the  final  paragraph  of  that  editorial  it  is  stated :  "Wbile 
'avoiding  the  practice  of  presenting  every  controversy  through  two  'selected' 
spokesmen,  we  have  also  done  our  best  to  increase  the  representation,  in  Pacific 
Affairs,  of  national  points  of  view — a  policy  which  is  not  inconsistent  with  our 
major  policy  of  trying,  first  and  foremost,  to  establish  the  real  course  of  events 
and  the  real  trend  of  development." 

In  Pacific  Affairs  for  March  1939  there  is  one  article  dealing  with  the  resistance 
to  the  Japanese,  "The  Good  Iron  of  the  New  Chinese  Army,"  by  Olga  Lang  (page 
20).  This  is  primarily  a  case  study  of  Chinese  who  are  fighting  the  Japanese. 
Mr.  Kohlberg  quotes  the  final  three  sentences :  "All  of  this  does  not  mean  that 
the  Chinese  Army  is  already  pei'fect.  Far  from  it.  Much  remains  to  be  done: 
But  what  is  important  is  that  the  way  to  victory  is  found."  Mr.  Kohlberg  evi- 
dently intends  to  suggest  that  a  statement  so  favorable  as  this  about  the 
Chinese  forces  early  in  1939,  is  incompatible  with  recent  statements  regarding 
the  present  malnutrition  of  the  National  forces  of  China,  and  the  present  neglect 
of  troops  by  some  Chinese  generals.  The  two  statements  are  not  incompatible. 
A  deterioration  has  taken  place  in  the  past  two  or  three  years  in  the  treatment 
of  the  Chinese  forces  by  their  leaders,  just  as  there  has  taken  place  deterioration 
in  its  resistance  to  Japan. 

There  is  nothing  else  in  this  issue  either  praising  or  criticizing  the  National 
Government  of  China  or  the  Chinese  Communists,  not  even  among  the  book 
reviews. 

In  the  June  1939  issue  of  Pacific  Affairs  there  are  two  articles  dealing  with 
China's  resistance:  one,  "The  "Nature  of  Guerrilla  Warfare"  by  Major  R.  Ernest 
Dupuy  (pages  13S-48),  and  the  other,  "The  Failure  of  Civil  Control  in  Occupied 
China"  by  B.  Ward  Perkins  (pages  149-56) .  The  first  article  is  a  study  of  aspects 
of  guerrilla  warfare  in  history,  and  other  countries,  and  its  purpose  is  to  discover 
what  one  may  hope  for  from  guerrilla  warfare  in  China.  It  is  unemotional  in 
character.  The  second  article  is  critical  of  the  Japanese  and  speaks  favorably  of 
the  guerrillas. 

The  third  article  in  this  issue  is  "The  War  in  China  and  the  Soviet  Press"  by 
Martin  R.  Norins  (pages  157-68),  from  which  Mr.  Kohlberg  quotes  extensively 
in  his  document.  This  article  is  composed  of  reports  from  Communist  sources 
and  these  reports  are  always  identified  as  such.  Taken  in  conjunction  with  the 
preceding  tiro  articles  it  forms  one  of  three  serious  studies,  and  to  drop  any  one 
of  thon  would  result  in  giving  a  less  complete  picture  of  the  situation  that  is 
obtained  from  the  three  together. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1629 

In  "Comment  and  Correspondence"  there  are  two  Letters  with  regard  to  guer- 
rilla warfare,  one  bv  Captain  Evans  F.  Carlson  of  the  United  States  Marine 
Corps  (pages  L83  84),  and  one  by  Haldore  Hanson  (pages  184-85),  both  of  them 
men  who  have  had  first-hand  experience  in  guerrilla  areas.  The  purpose  of  each 
letter  is  to  comment  on  Dupuy's  article,  "The  Nature  of  Chuerrila  Warfare,"  and 
they  deal  with  Dupuy's  statements  from  a  legal  and  technical  viewpoint  rather 
than  from  a  partisan  viewpoint. 
Quotations  Critical  of  China  in  I.  P.  R.  Publications,  1987-Auff.  23,  1939 

The  following  excerpts  demonstrate  that  in  the  period  under  review  the  I.  P.  R. 
(American  and  Pacific  Councils)  published  materials  critical  of  both  Kuomin- 
tang  and  Chinese  Government  policies  (as  well  as  other  materials  commending 

them). 

As  many  of  these  quotations  are  from  the  Far  Eastern  Survey,  it  should  be 
noted  that  before  1941,  the  Survey  was  devoted  to  economic  topics  and  avoided 
discussion  of  political  or  controversial  issues.  Nevertheless  the  tenor  of  many 
articles  was  clearly  critical  of  Chinese  Government  policy. 

Mr.  Kohlberg's  Period  of  Praise  of  China 

"Merchant  Capital  and  Usury  Capital  in  Rural  China,"  by  Leonard  T.  K.  Wu, 
Far  Eastern  Survey,  March  25,  1936 
"Rural  credit  is  the  crux  of  the  great  financial  problem  facing  China  today" 

(p.  63). 

"Certain  conclusions  seem  to  the  present  writer,  to  be  the  only  logical  impli- 
cations. 

"(1)  The  operation  of  the  present  system  of  usury-merchant-landlordism  must 
lead  to  the  disintegration  of  rural  China.  With  interest  rates  as  high  as  100 
percent  or  more  *  *  *  it  is  inevitable  that  the  middle  class  peasants  will  be 
reduced  to  small  peasants,  small  peasants  to  poor  peasants,  and  poor  peasants 
to  hired  or  unemployed  persons. 

"  (2)  Under  the  present  system,  the  bulk  of  the  peasants  are  hardly  able  to  keep 
body  and  soul  together.  It  is  therefore  absolutely  impossible  to  expect  them  to 
make  any  technical  or  other  scientific  advance  in  methods  of  production     *     *     * 

"(3)  The  pauperization  of  the  peasantry  and  decline  in  agricultural  produc- 
tivity means  a  shrinkage  in  national  purchasing  power  *  *  *  Usury-mer- 
chant-landlordism in  China  is  destroying,  instead  of  creating,  markets  *  *  * 
(p.  68). 

"Rural  Bankruptcy  in   China,"   by  Leonard  T.  K.   Wu,  Far  Eastern  Survey, 
October  8,  1936. 

"If  any  one  problem  can  be  said  to  overshadow  all  other  internal  economic 
questions  facing  harassed  China  today,  it  is  the  rural  crisis."     (p.  209) 

"The  present  state  of  rural  China  may  be  summarized  in  one  word — bank- 
ruptcy"  (p.  209). 

"The  poverty  and  desperation  of  the  peasants  is  indicated  in  the  growing 
restiveness  which  often  spontaneously  breaks  out  into  open  opposition.  In 
famine  regions  the  eating  of  bark  of  trees  and  grass  roots,  and  the  sale  of 
children  is  commonplace"  (p.  211). 

"The  central  and  fundamental  cause  of  the  rural  crisis  is  what  Chan  Han-song 
has  aptly  termed  the  contradiction  between  land  owning  and  land  using'.  *  *  * 
The  dire  need  of  no  less  than  65  percent  of  China's  rural  population  is  for 
land"   (p.  212). 

"The  Rajchman  Report  [report  by  Dr.  Ludwik  Rajchman  to  the  League  of 
Nations]  states :  'The  number  of  tenants  is  on  the  increase,  since  owner-farmers 
are  being  forced,  because  of  the  depression  and  the  decline  of  agriculture,  to 
sell  their  land  or  to  mortgage  it  on  such  terms  as  to  leave  them  little  better 
than  tenants.'"   (p.  212). 

(Note  that  the  report  of  the  eminent  scholar,  Dr.  Rajchman,  to  the  League  of 
Nations  parallels  Dr.  Wu's  findings  as  reported  in  the  Far  Eastern  Survey.) 

"Exorbitant  rents,  arising  from  this  system  of  land  tenancy,  further  provokes 
the  seriousness  of  the  rural  problem"  (p.  214). 

"The  second  structural  cause  of  the  rural  crisis  is  the  assessment  of  all  kinds 
■of  exorbitant  taxes  and  tolls.  While  the  very  lifeblood  of  the  tenants  and 
partial  tenants  is  poured  into  high  land  rents,  that  of  the  peasant  proprietors  and 
small  landlords  is  poured  into  stiff  taxes  and  tolls"  (p.  214). 


1630  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

"Chinese  Reconstruction  in  Practice-'  by  Frederick  T.  Field,  Far  Eastern  Survey 
December  19,  19S6 

In  this  article  Mr.  Field  surveys  the  efforts  of  the  National  Government  toward 
national  reconstruction  and  finds  them  very  inadequate. 

"The  aspects  of  reconstruction  on  which  we  have  already  touched— landlordism 
and  tenancy,  taxation  and  cooperation— are  those  in  which  the  social  problem  is 
conspicuous.  A  survey  of  the  application  of  the  reconstruction  program  in  these 
fields  throws  grave  doubt  on  whether  fundamental  reform  can  be  achieved  under 
the  present  auspices.  The  compromise  necessarily  made  in  the  interests  of 
political  expediency  and  economic  support  seem  practically  to  frustrate  the  basic 
readjustments  called  for  in  blueprints     *     *     *"  (p.  268). 

"In   relation    to   the  immense   problem    [of  water   control]    the   energy   and 
resources  the  government  has  devoted  to  it  are  pitifully  insignificant"  (p.  270). 
"The  key  to  understanding  the  whole  current  reconstruction  movement  is  found 
in  the  purposes  and  methods  of  the  communications  program     *  *.     Con- 

siderable emphasis  has  *  *  *  been  put  *  *  *  on  highway  construction. 
Yet  *  *  *  the  highwavs  *  *  *  have  been  developed  less  to  supplement 
the  economy  of  the  Chinese  farmers  *  *  *  than  to  force  the  provinces  into  a 
central  federation  bv  military  coercion.  Unification  of  a  sort  has  been  achieved, 
but  it  has  been  achieved  in  such  a  way  as  to  *  *  *  establish  a  military 
dictatorship  over  an  already  oppressed  people.  *  *  *  It  is  this  factor  which 
throws  doubt  on  the  validity  of  the  entire  reconstruction  effort.  The  evidence 
would  seem  to  indicate  that  below  the  surface  of  construction  activities  of  the 
sort  represented  by  highways  there  remain  all  the  fundamental  maladjustments 
of  a  feudal,  agrarian  society  (pp.  270-71). 

"The  Financial  Stability  of  the  Nanking  Government"  by  Kate  Mitchell,  Far 
Eastern  Survey,  July  1,  1936 

"Internally  the  Nanking  Government  faces  problems  fundamentally  more 
serious  than  those  presented  by  foreign  political  and  financial  pressure.  Its 
political  authority  is  far  from  complete,  and  there  is  increasingly  widespread 
discontent,  aggravated  by  economic  distress,  at  the  Government's  failure  to  take 
action  against  the  inroads  of  Japan.  The  majority  of  Chinese  farmers  are 
increasingly  impoverished.  The  extortionate  demands  of  tax  collector,  usurer, 
merchant,  landlord  and  military  leaders ;  the  ruining  of  the  land  by  flood  and 
drought ;  the  decline  in  agricultural  prices ;  and  the  lack  of  rural  credit  facilities 
have  resulted  in  widespread  bankruptcy"  (p.  139). 

«*  *  *  'rural  reconstruction'  remains  largely  a  much  used  phrase  rather 
than  an  actuality.  The  problems  of  land  ownership,  land  taxation  and  rural 
credit  remain  untouched.  The  trend  toward  economic  deterioration,  though 
slightly  checked,  has  not  yet  been  reversed     *     *     *"  (p.  139). 

"On  the  credit  side  of  the  balance  sheet  a  comparison  of  the  financial  organiza- 
tion today  with  that  in  1928  reveals  a  marked  degree  of  progress     *     *     *. 

"On  the  debit  side  of  the  ledger,  however,  we  find  equally  convincing  evi- 
dence. *  *  *  Throughout  its  nine  years  of  existence  the  Nanking  Government 
has  never  been  able  to  escape  from  the  perilous  financial  position  of  a  govern- 
ment fighting  for  its  political  life.  Among  the  outstanding  features  of  govern- 
ment finance  throughout  this  period  have  been  a  heavily  unbalanced  budget, 
a  current  deficit  necessitating  large-scale  borrowing  by  costly  methods,  the 
expenditure  of  a  large  percentage  of  government  revenue  for  military  purposes, 
lack  of  effective  budgetary  control  over  government  expenditure  and  inability 
to  fix  and  enforce  the  areas  of  taxation  for  the  various  grades  of  govern- 
ment    *     *     *     (p.  144). 

"The  whole  question  of  the  Central  Government's  financial  position  thus  pro- 
vides an  excellent  illustration  of  the  many  external  and  internal  forces  which 
are  complicating,  if  not  completely  blocking  the  way  to  political  stability  and 
economic  reconstruction  in  China.  Predictions  as  to  the  future  course  of  events 
are  extremely  hazardous.  Internally,  Nanking's  political  power  is  challenged 
both  by  the  Southern  and  the  Communist  factions.  There  is  no  clear  indication 
as  to  which  of  several  possible  lines  of  action  Nanking  is  likely  to  choose.  Exter- 
nally, the  policies  of  Japan,  Great  Britain,  and  the  United  States  are  all  uncertain 
quantities,  dependent  perhaps  as  much  on  the  course  of  events  in  Europe  as  on 
conditions  in  eastern  Asia.  Barring  the  possibility  of  some  form  of  foreign 
assistance,  it  would  seem  that  Nanking's  only  chance  of  continuing  to  finance 
its  operations  and  carry  on  the  administration  of  government  depends  upon 
whether  such  revenues  as  remain  to  it  are  devoted  solely  to  the  objective  of 
improving  the  economic  welfare  of  the  people  and  thereby  eliminating  the  prin- 
cipal cause  for  internal  revolt  against  its  political  control"  (p.  146). 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1631 

Review  of  Chiang  Kai-shek,  by  Qustav  Amann.  Reviewed  by  Bruno  Lasher, 
Pacific  Affairs,  March  1937 

"Mr.  Amann  is  especially  successful  in  describing  the  miracle  of  how  even  so 
much  as  is  now  visible  of  the  structure  of  Chinas  national  government  could 
arise  in  so  short  a  time.  To  have  'enthroned'  the  middle  classes  by  giving  them 
workable  instruments  of  rule,  appears  to  Mr.  Amann  the  outstanding  achieve- 
ment of  Chiang  Kai-shek.  One  of  China's  greatest  strategists,  the  generalis- 
simo is  pictured  nevertheless  as  the  relentless  enemy  of  'neo-militarism.'  This 
is  done  by  a  literary  form  of  flood-lighting  which  keeps  in  the  shadow  the 
essential  nature  of  the  scene:  the  concentration  of  power  in  a  small  group 
above  the  party,  the  suppression  of  public  discussion,  censorship  in  an  extreme 
form,  devitalization  of  the  labor  movement — in  short  the  adoption  of  many  of 
the  methods  if  not  the  whole  ideology  of  fascism"  (p.  SS). 

The  conclusion  one  reaches  after  a  study  of  all  of  the  material  in  both  the 
Survey  and  Pacific  Affairs  for  the  years  1937,  1938,  and  the  first  half  of  1939— 
during  which  period  Mr.  Kohlberg  claims  that  the  I.  P.  R.  followed  the  "Com- 
munist line" — is  that  views  on  both  sides  are  presented;  that  there  was  both 
criticism  and  praise  of  the  National  Government. 

Section  II    The  Period  from  August  23, 1939,  to  June  22, 19 '41 

During  this  period,  according  to  Mr.  Kohlberg,  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations 
in  general,  and  the  American  Council  in  particular,  followed  what  lie  called  the 
"<  ommunist  line,"  i.  e.,  abusing  (but  not  praising)  the  Chinese  Government. 
•  In  order  to  prove  this,  he  quoted  some  lines  from  twro  articles  and  book  reviews 
in  Pacific  Affairs  and  six  short  articles  in  the  Far  Eastern  Survey.  During 
these  twenty-two  months  the  Pacific  Affairs  published  approximately  sixty- 
five  articles  and  one  hundred  reviews.  Thus,  Mr.  Kohlberg  could  find  fault  with 
less  than  three  percent  of  the  articles  and  tiro  percent  of  the  reviews  in  Public 
Affairs.  During  the  same  period  there  were  47  issues  of  the  Far  Eastern  Survey 
in  which  there  were  published  more  than  2S0  articles.  Thus,  again,  the  articles 
quoted  by  Mr.  Kohlberg  constitute  only  about  two  percent  of  the  total  number 
of  articles.  Beside  this,  during  the  period  under  consideration,  the  Pacific  Council 
and  American  Council  published  many  books  which  were  ignored  in  Mr.  Kohlberg's 
accusations.  Of  the  articles  published  in  Pacific  Affairs  during  this  period,  there 
were  twenty-five  dealing  more  or  less  directly  with  China:  Mr.  Kohlberg  used 
only  tiro  of  tin  in.  In  the  Far  Eastern  Surrey  about  ticenty-five  of  all  articles 
had  direct  relation  to  China,  but  Mr.  Kohlberg  used  only  six  of  them. 

Furthermore,  during  the  period  under  consideration  until  dune  24,  1941,  the 
editor  of  Pacific  Affairs  was  Owen  Lattimore,  who  left  that  post  to  become 
confidential  ad  riser  to- Generalissimo  Chiang  Kai-shek.  If  Pacific  Affairs  was 
abusing  the  Chinese  Government  to  the  extent  charged  by  Mr.  Kohlberg.  during 
the  period  under  consideration,  it  is  strange  that  Mr.  Lattimore  on  June  24,  1941. 
lias  recommended  to  such  a  position  by  the  President  of  the  United  Stales  and 
stranger  still  that  the  Generalissimo  accepted  tin'  recommendation.  Yet  accord- 
ing to  T.  T".  Soong,  this  appointment  of  Mr.  Lattimore  was  regarded  in  Chungking 
as  "a  major  token  of  increasing  understanding  between  China  and  the  United 
State*." 

The  aim  of  Pacific  Affairs  is  to  give  information  on  the  developments  in  the 
Pacific  area  as  broadly  and  as  completely  as  possible.  During  this  period  in 
question,  the  magazine  published  articles  on  China  or  on  the  Far  East  in  relation 
to  China  by  the  following  authors  : 

E.  Schumpeter,  of  the  Harvard-Radcliffe  Bureau  of  International  Research. 

L.  Rosixger.  who  is  now  an  expert  on  the  Far  East  of  the  Foreign  Policy 

Association. 
E.  Carlsox,  famous  colonel  of  the  U.  S.  Marines,  hero  of  Makin,  Saipan,  and 

other  battles. 
N.  Wai.es.  a  well-known  writer  on  problems  of  China. 
K.  Blocii.  writer  on  the  staff  of  Fortune  magazine. 
T.  A.  Bissox.  now  with  the  I.  P.  R.,  formerly  with  the  Foreign  Policy  Association 

and  with  the  Board  of  Economic  Warfare. 
E.  K.  Lieu.  Chinese  economist  in  service  of  the  National  Economic  Research, 

Chungking. 
Franz  Michael,  Professor,  University  of  Washington. 
Pttilip  C.  Jesstp,  Professor,  Columbia  University. 

Wei  Mexg-Pu.  formerly  Professor,  the  Northwestern  University  of  Mukden. 
W.  Braxdt.  an  Australian  economist. 


1632  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

Galen  Fisher,  former  Y.  M.  C.  A.  Secretary  in  Japan. 

Owen  Lattimore,  formerly  Personal  Adviser  to  Chiang  Kai-shek,  and  later  con- 
nected with  the  Office  of  War  Information,  now  Director,  Walter  Hines  Page 
School  of  International  Relations,  Johns  Hopkins  University. 

M.  Nobins,  in  service  with  the  Lihrary  of  Congress.  Washington. 

Anna  Louise  Strong,  a  well-known  leftist  writer,  who  has  visited  China 
frequently. 

It  is  clear,  from  this  list,  that  it  would  have  been  difficult  for  Pacific  Affairs 
to  have  confined  itself,  even  if  it  had  been  inclined  to  do  so,  to  a  Communist 
line. 

Let  us  now  examine  the  record  of  the  Far  Eastern  Survey.  According  to  Mr. 
Kohlberg,  after  August  23,  1939,  this  publication  pursued  a  policy  of  abuse  of  the 
Chinese  Government.  Yet  the  first  signs  of  such  "abuse1'  listed  by  Mr.  Kohlberg 
are  in  articles  published  January  29, 1941,  or  seventeen  months  later.  The  quota- 
tions used  by  Mr.  Kohlberg  for  this  period  are  confined  to  three  months  between 
January  29  and  May  J,  19)1. 

A  careful  reading  of  these  (flotations  does  not  reveal  abuse  of  the  Chinese 
Government.  It  does,  however,  show  concern  over  the  possibility  of  a  break  in 
the  United  Front  in  China,  a  concern  shared,  for  example  by  the  Neic  York 
Times.  The  following  items  from  that  newspaper,  which  certainly  cannot  be 
suspected  of  folloAving  the  Communist  line,  reveal  considerable  interest  in  the 
Kuomintang-Communist  conflict,  certainly  no  less  than  that  appearing  in  the 
Far  Eastern  Survey : 

New  York  Times: 

Jan.  8:  Maj.  E.  F.  Carlson  reports  military  forces  of  China  formidable  and 
national  spirit  high,  but  cites  widespread  economic  corruption  involving 
trade  in  Japanese  goods:  reports  Kuomintang-Communist  crisis  past  and 
United  States  popularity  high,  sees  continued  U.  S.  S.  R.  aid. 

Jan.  10:  Foreign  aid  and  supply  routes  control  give  Chiang  Kai-shek  power 
to  deny  8th  Route  (Chinese  Communists).  Army  request  for  mass  transfer 
from  northern  to  southern  China  for  national  conference. 

Jan.  12:  Chinese  army  organ  reports  pact  involving  exchange  of  Chinese 
minerals  for  U.  S.  S.  R.  military  supplies. 

Jan.  18:  Chiang  Kai-shek  forces  disband  Communist-controlled  new  4th 
Route  Army,  hold  its  Commander  General  Yob  Ting,  and  search  for 
General  Kang  Yang,  following  army  refusal  to  move  to  north  of  Yangtze 
River;  Japanese  Army  spokesman  reports  Chinese  troops  moving  against 
4th  Route  Army. 

Jan.  19:  Chou  En-lai,  Chinese  Communist  representative  in  Chungking,  states 
further  Chinese  Government-Communist  friction  will  be  avoided  and  ex- 
presses regret  over  4th  Route  revolt:  North  Chinese  Communist  leaders 
demand  Chiang  Kai-shek  end  attacks  on  Communist  forces  and  lift  block- 
ade of  the  north  Communist  areas. 

Jan.  21:  8th  Route  Army  renews  demands  for  transfer  to  Yangtze  Valley 
and  release  of  Chungking  and  Communist  leaders  for  supervision:  Shang- 
hai foreign  circles  fear  free  China  rift  will  lessen  foreign  support. 

Jan.  28 :  Tass  Agency  reports  Chinese  Government  dissolution  of  4th  Route 
Army  directed  at  Communist  elements  and  might  cause  civil  war. 

Jan.  29:  Chiang  Kai-shek  stares  action  toward  4th  Route  Army  is  based 
on  military  discipline  and  reaffirms  national  unity. 

Feb.  4:  ChungkingiGovernment  reduces  8th  Route  Army  branch  office,  Kwei- 
lin,  Kwangsi. 

Feb.  6:  Kuomintang-Communist  rift  cited  in  editorial. 

Feb.  21:  Report  continued  Kuomintang-Communist  armies  strife  in  Anhwei 
Province;  Chungking  denies  rift. 

Feb.  23:  Hunan  Province  People's  Political  Council  appeals  to  Communist 
military  and  political  leaders  for  full  central  government  support. 

Feb.  27:  Domei  reports  Kuomintang-Communist  clashes  spread,  Shansi  Prov- 
ince Nanking  regime  gain  by  Chinese  dissensions. 

Mar.  3:  6  Communist  delegates  refuse  to  attend  opening  session  (of  People's 
Political  Council). 

Mar.  7:  Chiang  reported  backing  Council  plan  to  arbitrate  Government- 
Communisl  dispute.  Chiang  is  confident  of  *  *  *  continued  British, 
U.  S.  and  U.  S.  S.  R.  aid. 

Mar.  8:  Chiang  states  Communists  violated  1937  support  pledges  to  Council. 
Report  military  operations  aided  by  continued  Kuomintang-Communist 
4th  Army  clash. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1633 

Mar.  9:  Chungking  urges  apportionment  of  future  defense  bank  issues  among 
wealthy. 

Mar.  10:  Communist  demands  on  Council  published.  Chiang  says  demands 
cannot  be  met  without  destroying  national  unity  and  recalls  1937  pledges. 
Council  urges  Chinese  Government  to  improve  Burma  Road  Administra- 
t  ion. 
Mar.  12:  Dr.  Baker  appointed  Kunming-Burma  Transportation  Bureau  Di- 
rector to  keep  Burma  Road  open. 
Mar.  1G:  Kuomintang-Communist  struggle  background  and  U.  S.  S.  R.  role  in 

Sino- Japanese  War  discussed. 
Mar.  17:  Shanghai  groups  hold  German  agents  responsible  for  Kuomintang- 
Communist  clashes.     Sino-Japanese  peace  believed  object  of  German  in- 
tervention. 
Mar.  22 :  Premier  H.  H.  Kung  denies  report  of  Chinese  military  council 
anti-Communist  army  organization  and  predicts  early  solution  to  Gov- 
ernment-Communist conflict. 
Mar.  23:  Abstract   of  Chiang's  speech  to  Council  stating  Communist  de- 
mands and  Government  stand. 
Mar.  24:  Takungpao  reports  wide  government  reorganization  planned. 
Mar.  30:  Communist  activity  against  Chungking  and  Nanking   (pro-Japa- 
nese) regimes  reported. 
Apr.  4 :  Chungking  Government  issues  manifesto  stressing  national  unity 

and  trend  to  democracy. 
May  1 :  Chungking  says  USSR  war  materials  transshipment  ban  does  not 
apply  (to  Chinese)  since  all  supplies  from  USSR  are  Soviet-made. 
It  is  worthy  of  note  that  the  New  York  Times  of  May  2,  1941,  includes  the 
following  paragraph,  which  would  seem  to  indicate  that  the  Chinese  did  not 
recognize  the  extensive  "abuse"  of  their  country  by  the  IPR,  which,  according 
to  Mr.  Kohlberg,  existed  during  this  period : 

"Kuo  Tai-ehi.  foreign  minister  of  China,  honored  by  American  Council,  Insti- 
tute of  Pacific  Relations  (  and  other  organizations)  in  New  York  City." 

Perhaps  our  Chinese  friends  were  more  aware  than  was  Mr.  Kohlberg  of  such 
article  as  the  following  in  publications  of  the  Institute,  which  asked  for  more 
help  for  China.  As  early  as  in  December  1939,  for  example,  Mr.  Bisson  wrote 
in  Pacific  Affairs  in  an  article  entitled  "Japan  Without  Germany"  : 

"The  Chinese  people  are  fighting  for  their  own  independence,  but  also  for  the 
best  interests  of  all  the  democratic,  nonaggression  nations.  China  does  not 
ask  for  military  assistance.  It  merely  asks  that  these  nations,  among  which 
the  United  States  now  holds  a  position  of  decisive  power,  cease  being  the  ai'mory 
of  its  assailant.  The  time  for  an  answer  is  long  overdue." 
Kurt  Bloch  wrote  in  the  Far  Eastern  Survey,  April  7,  1941 : 
"Since  this  information  was  received,  no  incidents  of  civil  conflict  have  been 
reported  here  except  from  Japanese  sources.  During  this  time,  it  is  safe  to 
say  that  the  weight  of  the  American  Government  and  of  American  public  opinion 
has  been  thrown  on  the  side  of  China's  continued  united  resistance." 

Examination  of  Mr.  Kohlberg's  charges  shows  plainly  that  Section  II  of  his 
document  has  misrepresented  the  publications  of  the  Institute  and,  that  con- 
sciously or  unconsciously,  he  has  selected  only  those  quotations  which  suited 
his  preconceptions. 

Section  III — Mr.  Kohlberg's  "Third  Communist-Kuoniintang  Honeymoon" 

This  period,  as  defined  in  the  Kohlberg  document,  began  with  Hitler's  invasion 
of  Russia  in  June  1941,  and  ended  with  the  Red  Army's  triumph  at  Stalingrad 
on  February  4,  1943.  Mr.  Kohlberg  sees  it  as  a  period  of  "praise  of  China." 
According  to  his  letter  to  the  Trustees  of  the  American  Council  on  December 
28,  however,  articles  published  by  the  IPR  continued  to  "praise  China"  for 
several  months  after  this — until  the  summer  of  1943,  to  be  exact — a  discrepancy 
which  would  appear  to  indicate  that  Mr.  Kohlberg  himself  finds  it  difficult  to 
prove  his  own  formula. 

Mr.   Kohlberg's   "Third   Commt-nist-Kttomintang   Honeymoon" 

Furthermore,  the  articles  he  lists  in  this  section  of  his  document  fail  to  bear 
out  his  contention  that  this  period  was  one  confined  to  "praise  of  the  Kuomintang 
and  the  central  government  of  China.  As  is  the  case  with  respect  to  other 
articles  cited  in  his  document,  the  material  here,  if  read  in  toto,  includes  both 
criticism  and  praise  of  the  Chinese  Government,  the  Kuomintang  and  the  Com- 
munists as  well. 


1634  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

Mr.  Kohlberg's  document. quote.  1  excerpts  of  eight  articles  and  one  pamphlet. 
Of  these  nine  writings,  two  had  nothing  to  do  with  China.  In  fact,  one — a 
letter  of  an  anonymous  journalist  entitled  "Why  Were  We  Wrong"  did  not 
contain  even  the  word  '•China."  Except  for  Robert  Barnett's  "Isolated  China," 
all  the  remaining  six  contained  certain  remarks  critical  of  the  Kuomintang 
government.  One,  however  (by  Harriet  Moore),  may  be  regarded  as  defending 
the  Chinese  Government;  the  other  (by  Lieutenant  Uhlman)  praises  the  Com- 
munists, and  reflected  unfavorably  on  the  Kuomintang  Government's  Chief  of 
staff. 

The  following  are  some  of  the  findings  which  contradict  Mr.  Kohlberg's  con- 
tention that  IPR  publications  confined  themselves  to  praise  of  "China,"  during 
this  period. 

Serious  indictments  of  the  Kuomintang  as  well  as  laudatory  statements  about 
the  Chinese  people  and  Chiang  Kai-shek  were  contained  in  both  George  Taylor's 
article  Chinese  Resistance  in  North  China  and  his  pamphlet  Changing  China, 
cited  by  Mr.  Kohlberg.  These  also  contain  statements  praising  the  Chinese  Com- 
munists. In  his  Oct.  10,  1941  article.  Exposing  Kuomintang  Blockade  of  the 
Guerrillas,  the  following  may  be  noted  : 

"But  now  it  is  very  difficult  to  move  from  one  area  to  the  other  (i.  e.  from 
the  Kuomintang  area  to  guerrilla  territories)  and  much  needed  medical  sup- 
plies consigned  to  North  China  have  not  been  allowed  to  pass  through  the  Central 
Government  blockade.  The  success  of  the  Japanese  drive  through  lower  Shansi 
to  the  Yellow  River  can  be  explained  partly  in  terms  of  failure  to  achieve 
cooperation  between  the  Central  Government  and  the  guerrilla  forces  north  of 
the  River"  (p.  232). 

"There  is  a  constant  ebb  and  flow  of  political  pressure  from  Chunking  which 
wishes  to  maintain  resistance  against  the  Japanese  even  up  to  the  gates  of 
Peiping,  but  always  hopes  that  the  people  of  North  China  will  not  be  won  over 
entirely  to  the  cause  of  the  Border  Government"  (p.  233) . 

Praise  of  the  Communists  or  guerrillas 

'The  Border  Government,  although  it  has  suffered  constantly  from  invasion  of 
its  territories,  today  has  as  great  a  measure  of  political  control  as  at  any  time 
in  its  history.  A  government  which  can  survive  the  occupation  of  nearly  every 
county  seat  in  its  area  is  one  which  has  a  firm  hold  on  the  imagination  of  the 
people  *  *  *.  Although  the  charge  has  been  made  that  too  much  time  has 
been  spent  in  political  propaganda,  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  task  of  organiz- 
ing the  peasantry  of  North  China  iuto  units  which  could  be  effectively  employed 
for  military  and  other  purposes  was  enormous"  (pp.  236-7). 
Again  in  Taylor's  Changing  China,  1942 : 

Government  dominated  by  landlords 

"Today  their  (landlord-gentry's)  sons  are  pilots  in  the  air  force,  officers  in  the 
armies,  officials  in  the  government.  But  because  this  class  prides  itself  on  not 
doing  what  the  peasantry  had  to  do,  work  with  his  hands,  the  tradition  has 
carried  over  to  the  present,  and  most  educated  Chinese  look  down  on  manual 
labor  as  something  beneath  their  dignity"  (p.  46). 

New  classes  and  gentry 

"The  new  classes  in  China  *  *  *  are  the  industrialists,  bankers,  and  mer- 
chants *  *  *.  They  provide  many  of  the  new  officials ;  they  have  power  in 
the  Central  Government  *  *  *  As  so  many  of  them  came  from  the  gentry, 
they  are  still  strongly  connected  with  the  land     *     *     *"  (p.  47). 

The  peasantry  and  landlord  and  government 

"On  the  back  of  the  peasant  is  built  the  whole  fabric  of  Chinese  civilization. 
He  does  the  work,  pays  the  taxes  from  which  he  gets  no  benefits,  turns  back 
to  the  landlord  fifty  to  sixty  percent  of  his  harvest  as  rent,  and  is  robbed  and 
taken  advantage  of  every  way  he  turns"  (p.  47). 

Chiang  Kai-shek  and  the  landlords 

"There  was  a  deeper  separation,  however,  in  the  Nationalist  movement  (1925- 
27)  than  that  caused  by  personal  jealousy.  This  was  the  split  between  the 
right  and  left  wing  of  the  Kuomintang  *  *  *.  The  left  wing  *  *  * 
wanted  to  base  their  power  on  the  peasants  and  workers  of  China.  The  right 
Wing  included  industrialists,  bankers,  and  merchants  who  *  *  *  were  op- 
posed to  changing  the  system  of  land  ownership.     *     *     * 

"The  right  wing,  under  Chiang  Kai-shek,  was  alarmed,  for  many  of  the  army 
officers  came  from  the  families  of  local  gentry.     *     *     *     The  revolution    (of 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1635 

1925-27)  split  *  *  *  many  thousands  of  Chinese  Communists  were  killed, 
and  the  righl  wing  of  the  Kuomintang  *  *  *  set  up  a  government  in  Nan- 
king without  the  Communists"  (pp.  66-67). 

Chiang's  lack  of  interest  in  democracy 

"He  [Chiang]  shared  (heir  [army  Officers']  ideas  *     *.     They  did  not  have 

the  same  interest  as  the  intellectuals  in  democracy  and  they  hated  Communism. 
They  wanted  to  preserve  the  old  order  in  the  villages,  for  they  came  from  the 
landed  gentry  and  they  did  not  think  that  merchants  and  professors  could  build 
a  strong  China.  They  bad  a  groat  admiration  for  Italy  and  Germany  *  *  *. 
They  wanted  to  build  a  new  China  by  appealing  to  the  old  virtues  and  tradi- 
tional institutions,  not  by  building  up  a  real  democracy"  (p.  68). 

Kuomintang  Government  a  one-man  show  , 

"The  Nanking  Government,  or  Kuomintang  government,  as  it  is  often  called,  for 
it  was  a  one-party  administration,  soon  emerged  as  a  one-man  show.  That 
man  was  Chiang  Kai-shek"  (p.  68). 

Chiang  and  Communists  on  land  reform 

''There  is  much  truth  to  the  criticism  that  Chiang  adopted  no  radical  measures 
to  solve  the  land  problem  because  be  founded  much  of  his  power  on  the  land- 
lords and  did  not  want  to  turn  them  against  him"  (p.  90). 

''The  Communists  have  not  arrived  at  a  solution  of  the  land  problem,  either, 
but  they  have  made  the  lot  of  the  peasant  easier  than  it  was  before"  (p.  91). 

Guenther  Stein's  article,  if  read  completely,  is  also  found  to  contain  comments 
critical  of  the  Kuomintang.  In  his  account,  Wartime  Government  in  China,  Mr. 
Stein  stated  at  the  very  start  that  "The  war  has  made  political  reorganization 
necessary  for  China."  Yet  he  found  "a  comparatively  small  number  of  men, 
mostly  well-known  and  prominent  in  Chinese  political  affairs  long  before  the 
war,  held  the  decisive  positions.  Little  new  blood  has  been  added,  and  much 
of  the  expansion  of  government  activity  has  been  carried  out  through  a  com- 
bination of  a  number  of  functions  and  activities  in  the  hands  of  already  im- 
portant political  leaders." 

Mr.  Kohlberg's  own  marginal  notes  on  the  passages  he  lifted  from  the  next 
article  listed — Y.  Y.  Hsu's  China's  First  Two  Years  of  a  Tax  in  Kind — indicate 
the  critical  nature  of  the  article,  despite  the  fact  that  this  is  supposed  to  be 
a  "Communist-Kuomintang  honeymoon  period." 

And  the  Uhlman  article,  Land  of  the  Five  Withouts,  likewise  did  not  "praise" 
the  Kuomintang ;  in  fact,  the  Kuomintang  Gen.  Ho  Ying-ching  was  referred  to 
therein  as  pro-Japanese. 

Mr.  Kohlberg  also  cited  a  statement  by  Under  Secretary  of  State  Welles  on 
American  policy  toward  China.  Although  occasioned  by  an  interview  with  an 
American  Communist  leader,  this  constituted  an  important  diplomatic  declara- 
tion. The  Far  Eastern  Survey  would  certainly  be  unworthy  of  its  name  without 
taking  notice  of  such  an  announcement.  To  link  it  with  a  charge  of  Communist 
leanings  is  tantamount  to  labeling  as  Communist,  all  neii'spapers  headlining  the 
Russian  Army's  advance  against  Hitler. 

There  is  no  evidence  here  of  any  "period"  in  the  sense  indicated  by  Mr.  Kohl- 
berg. It  may  be  noticed,  however,  that  Pearl  Harbor  and  developments  after 
America's  entrance  into  the  war  influenced  writers  in  this  country.  Immediately 
after  the  surprise  attack  on  Pearl  Harbor  by  the  Japanese,  and  the  loss  of  Singa- 
pore and  the  Dutch  East  Indies,  Anglo-Americans  were  overwhelmed  with  a 
sense  of  humiliation.  They  tended  to  become  more  critical  of  themselves  and 
tolerant  of  their  allies.  But  with  the  turn  of  the  war  tide  in  the  Pacific  they 
regained  their  confidence.  With  the  return  of  Stilwell  in  May  1943,  to  confer 
with  the  American  Supreme  Command  on  the  strategy  of  the  war  on  the  Asiatic 
mainland  was  the  occasion  for  the  American  writers  began  to  consider  the  poten- 
tialities of  China  in  the  war. 

Outspoken  criticism  of  China  began  about  this  time.  Mr.  Hanson  Baldwin 
blazed  the  path  by  belittling  China  right  and  left.  In  contrast,  however,  critical 
articles  in  the  Far  Eastern  Survey,  tried  as  a  rule  to  evaluate  not  only  the 
weaknesses  apparent  in  China's  situation,  but  the  positive  sides  as  well. 

Mr.  Kohi.rerg's  Second  Period  of  Abuse  of  China 

Section  IV — The  Period  Since  February  1948  (Abuse  of  China) 

During  the  1940-43  period  in  China,  economic,  political,  and  military  deteriora- 
tion had  seriously  reduced  the  fighting  strength  of  the  Chinese  Government  and 


1636  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

its  central  armies.  Recognition  of  this  fact  occurred  first  in  Washington,  but 
by  1943,  writers  such  as  Pearl  Buck,  Hanson  Baldwin,  and  T.  A.  Bisson  were 
informing  the  American  public  of  the  situation.  In  China  itself,  Kuomintang 
leaders  such  as  Sun  Po  were  voicing  criticisms  of  the  politically  and  economi- 
cally repressive  policies  of  the  Chinese  central  authorities.  These  persons  were 
calling  attention  to  weaknesses  in  the  government  organization  as  the  basic 
problem,  and  not  merely  to  lack  of  military  supplies  as  the  leading  Chinese 
authorities  maintained.  Yet  all  of  the  critics  of  Chungking's  policies  cited  by 
Kohlberg  were  at  the  same  time  demanding  that  more  supplies  be  sent  to  China. 

The  warnings  by  American  publicists  were  borne  out  by  the  military  crisis 
which  developed  in  1944.  In  half  a  dozen  provinces,  large  Kuomintang  armies 
crumbled  in  the  face  of  a  well-planned  Japanese  offensive.  This  collapse  seri- 
ously affected  the  American  position  in  China.  General  Stilwell  was  withdrawn, 
and  Ambassador  Gauss  resigned.  A  new  set  of  American  officials  was  sent  to 
China.  Donald  Nelson  sought  to  ameliorate  economic  conditions,  General  Hurley 
tried  to  overcome  political  disunity,  while  General  Wedemeyer  attempted  to 
strengthen  the  Chinese  armies. 

These  developments  have  proved  to  be  a  central  feature  of  the  Pacific  War 
in  1944-45.  For  their  potential  effects  on  the  remainder  of  the  war,  and  even 
more  on  the  postwar  future  of  the  Far  East,  they  might  well  be  ranked  as  the 
outstanding  feature  of  this  period.  The  question  thus  arises :  Were  those 
writers  and  Far  Eastern  specialists  who  first  called  attention  to  this  problem  in 
1913  at  fault  or  were  they  in  fact  performing  a  necessary  service,  both  to  the 
American  public  and  to  the  United  Nations  as  a  whole?  And  following  from 
this — was  it  out  of  place  that,  among  various  American  writers  calling  attention 
to  the  problem,  some  of  these  should  be  staff  members  of  the  Institute  of  Pacific 
Relations?  Had  this  not  been  the  case,  the  Institute  staff  might  well  be  accused 
of  falling  below  the  level  of  penetration  displayed  by  outside  writers  in  analysis 
of  Far  Eastern  conditions — the  specific  function  of  the  Institute. 
Pp.  2Jf-25  "China's  Part  in  Coalition  War."  Far  Eastern  Survey,  July  1J,,  1948, 
pp.  135-141,  T.  A.  Bisson 

This  is  a  critical  article,  as  Kohlberg  maintains.  Yet  the  article  states  that 
American  aid  to  China  has  been  "pitifully  meager"  and  that  China  has  had 
"legitimate  grievances."     Kohlberg's  document  omits  these  qualifications. 

Note  that  Kohlberg's  "Timing"  as  to  his  parallel  Communist  sources  (p.  25) 
do  not  hold  up,  since  they  are  all  prior  to  the  summer  of  1943.  The  New  Masses 
articles,  as  cited,  are  dated  October  7,  1937,  February  8,  193S,  and  January  28, 
1941,  while  the  article  cited  from  the  Communist  is  dated  March  1941.  These 
citations  thus  Mvc  no  validity  so  far  as  proving  a  pantile]  in  timing  between 
1PR  articles  and  Communist-published  articles.  Moreover,  the  first  two  of  the 
critical  articles  from  the  Communist  press  fall  icithin  the  period  (prior  to  the 
pact  of  August  23,  1939)  when  the  Communist  •'line"  is  stated  by  Kohlberg  to  be 
one  of  praise  for  the  Chinese  government.  In  this  ease,  then,  even  the  Communist- 
published  articles  do  not  conform  to  the  time  divisions  set  up  by  KoJiUicvg. 

Note  also  that  Kohlberg  labels  the  Bisson  article  "Blast  #1."  But  the  timing 
falls  down  here,  too.  Pearl  Unci's  article  in  Life,  critical  of  political  repression 
in  China,  appeared  on  May  10,  1943,  two  months  before  the  Bisson  article. 
Kohlberg  should  therefore  attribute  "Blast  #7"  to  Pearl  Buck,  not  to  an  IPR 
writer.  In  this  article,  "A  Warning  About  China,"  Miss  Buck,  acknowledged  by 
even  Mr.  Kohlberg  as  a  great  friend  of  China,  makes  the  following  statements : 

"American  friendship  for  China  has  at  this  moment  reached  a  popular 
height  which  brings  it  tx>  the  verge  of  sentimentality.  The  Chinese  are  being 
exalted  into  persons  such  as  cannot  exist  in  our  fallible  human  race.  A  dose 
of  common  sense  is  needed.  If  the  close  is  not  taken  in  time  those  who  have 
rushed  to  give  gifts,  those  who  have  sold  valued  possessions,  as  some  have, 
to  make  a  gift,  are  going  to  wake  up  one  morning  condemning  China  and  all 
Chinese,  and  then  they  will  regret  their  possessions  and  feel  ashamed  of  their 
emotionalism,  and  isolationists  will  make  the  most  of  this  disillusionment.  But 
the  Chinese  people  deserve  neither  adoration  nor  condemnation.  They  do  de- 
serve understanding  and  help,  and  that  we  may  give  what  they  deserve,  it  is 
necessary  for  a  friendly  diagnosis  to  be  made  now  of  China's  present  condition" 
(p.  53). 

"Already,  undemocratic  forces,  which  could  not  do  their  evil  work  so  long 
as  China  was  hopeful  of  her  place  as  an  equal  ally  of  the  United  States  and 
England,  have  been  strengthened  by  our  policy  which  has  relegated  Japan  to 
the  place  of  a  secondary  enemy,  allowing  Burma  to  be  lost  and  the  line  to 
China  cut.    In  the  isolation  and  helplessness  of  China  those  in  the  government 


f^TATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1637 

there  who  were  voices  for  the  people  and  for  democracy  cannot  speak  loudly 
and  clearly  as  once  they  did,  as  they  did  when  they  were  promising  their  people 
effective  aid  from  us.  Division  within  China  is  deepening  in  spite  of  the  fact 
that  the  leadership  and  the  genius  of  Generalissimo  Chiang  Kai-shek  are  not 
yet  being  challenged."     (P.  53.) 

"And  now  come  these  reports  from  China,  even  from  Chinese  sources  them- 
selves, that  there  are  signs  that  in  China  this  is  ceasing  to  be  a  people's  war. 
The  great  liberal  forces  of  the  recent  past  in  China  are  growing  silent.  The 
center  of  liberalism  in  China  for  the  past  two  generations  has  been  in  the 
students  and  teachers.  Nowhere  in  the  world  have  the  young  and  intelligent 
played  so  heroic  a  part  as  in  China.  Their  courage,  their  self-sacrifice,  even  to 
the  lives  of  thousands  who  dared  to  oppose  the  officials,  have  provided  the  strong- 
est correctives  to  bureaucracy  and  official  corruption.  Now  those  students  are 
ceasing  to  speak.  As  China  becomes  more  isolated  the  power  of  bureaucrats  is 
growing.  Oppressive  elements  in  the  government  are  becoming  more  oppressive. 
Chungking  is  a  place  where  free  speech  is  less  and  less  possible  and  those  who 
want  to  be  free  are  going  to  other  places. 

"These  oppressive  influences  extend  even  into  the  Generalissimo's  family. 
We  who  are  the  American  people  would  be  better  pleased  if  we  could  hear  the 
voice  of  Madame  Sun  Yat-sen  today.  It  was  Sun  Yat-sen  who  provided  for  the 
Chinese  people  the  clear  direction  toward  modern  democracy.  Why  is  it  neces- 
sary for  Madame  Sun  Yat-sen  to  be  silent?  The  people  believe  in  her.  It  is  not 
only  fear,  it  is  also  hopelessnes  which  deepens  the  people's  silence.  Economic 
conditions  in  China  at  this  hour  are  so  appalling  that  the  persons  who  might 
be  the  leaders  for  freedom  are  turning  away  from  public  service  and  are  taking 
up  better  paid  jobs.  More  and  more  students,  for  example,  are  discreetly 
specializing  in  money  and  banking.  Cynicism  is  killing  the  spirits  and  hunger 
is  killing  the  bodies  of  those  who  were  once  such  a  strong  and  purifying  political 
force. 

"Yet  the  Chinese  people  are  agreed  that  certain  evils  now  existing  must  go 
and  certain  reforms  must  be  established  if  China  is  to  continue  as  a  democracy. 
The  chief  evil  that  must  go  is  official  corruption,  first  in  high  places  but  every- 
where as  quickly  as  possible.  The  only  way  to  get  rid  of  this  corruption  is  to 
put  into  the  hands  of  the  people  the  power  to  accuse  and  dismiss  their  officials 
when  corruption  is  proved"  (p.  54). 

"In  this  state  of  mutual  uncertainty  it  is  inevitable  that  certain  forces  are 
for  the  moment  strengthening  themselves  as  they  tend  to  do  in  similar  periods 
in  any  country.  There  is  now  no  real  freedom  of  the  press  in  China,  no  freedom 
of  speech.  The  official  implement  of  repression  is  an  organization  far  more 
severe  than  the  secret  service  of  a  democracy  ought  to  be,  for  insecurity  of  indi- 
viduals in  power  breeds  repression  upon  the  people.  These  antidemocratic 
forces  are  being  strengthened  now,  and  not  only  by  China's  isolation"  (p.  54). 

Previous  references  to  the  internal  situation  in  China  may  also  be  found,  as, 
for  example,  in  the  leading  article  in  The  Shanghai  Evening  Post  and  Mercury, 
April  23.  1948.  Under  the  heading  'U.  S. -Chinese  Views  Seen  As  Diverging" 
Earl  H.  Leaf,  Managing  Editor,  says  in  part: 

"Misunderstandings  arise  concerning  the  use  or  misuse  of  American  supplies 
sent  to  China.  Communist  sympathizers  repeatedly  charged  that  the  U.  S. 
supplies  were  being  employed  to  arm  Central  Government  troops  against  the 
Chinese  Red  Armies. 

"Independent  check-up  on  these  reports  has  revealed  some  puzzling  aspects 
of  the  internal  Chinese  situation  as,  for  example,  the  fact  that  Gen.  Hu  Tzu-nan's 
troops,  who  face  the  Communists  and  have  never  yet  fought  a  battle  with  the 
Japanese,  turn  out  to  be  the  best-equipped,  best-paid,  and  best-fed  army  in  China. 
Hence,  some  influential  American  officials,  fearing  civil  war  in  China,  reinclined 
towards  holding  back  supplies.  Chinese  army  leaders  have  an  explanation  for 
that  situation,  but  many  Chinese  and  American  officials  do  not  see  eye  to  eye 
about  it." 

In  the  same  issue  of  The  Shanghai  Evening  Post  and  Mercury,  in  an  editorial 
(p.  4),  it  is  stated: 

"The  foregoing  hard  realities  (military)  and  many  others,  notably  the  alarm- 
ing inflationary  situation  and  growing  malnutrition  affecting  even  the  Chinese 
army,  must  be  faced.  There  are  other  factors  of  encouraging  sort.  Nowhere, 
it  is  agreed,  is  there  any  sign  of  surrender  to  or  appeasement  of  the  Japanese. 
(Neither  is  there  much  sign  that  a  war  is  on,  aside  from  high  prices  and  short- 
ages— and  'fighting  fronts'  in  China  are  mostly  nonexistent  except  sporadically.)" 
In  August  1943,  Reader's  Digest  published  an  article  entitled  "Too  Much 
Wishful   Thinking  About   China,"    written   by   Hanson   W.    Baldwin,    military 


1638  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

analyst  of  the  New  York  Times.    The  author  discussed  the  average  American's 
conceptions  of  China,  and  states  (pp.  63,  64)  : 

"Unfortunately,  the  China  of  such  dreams  is  far  from  reality.  Missionaries, 
war-relief  drives,  able  ambassadors,  and  the  movies  have  oversold  us.  China 
has  become  not  merely  China  but  the  royal  road  to  victory  in  the  Pacific. 

"China  has  needed  no  such  overselling.  Her  people  are  plainly  courageous ; 
their  patient  fortitude  and  philosophic  resignation  are  unmatched.  But  an 
enumeration  of  her  virtues  should  not  blind  us  to  her  weaknesses :  above  all, 
it  should  not  lead  us  to  a  fallacious  conception  of  Pacific  strategy." 

******* 

"She  has  as  yet  no  real  army  as  we  understand  the  term ;  most  of  her  troops 
are  poorly  led  and  incapable  of  effectively  utilizing  modern  arms.  They  require 
intensive  and  protracted  training,  and  capable  leaders  bound  together  by  a 
common  loyalty  to  a  common  cause.  Today  there  are  few  such  leaders ;  too 
many  of  them  are  still  old  war  lords,  in  new  clothing,  for  whom  war  is  a  means 
for  personal  aggrandizement  and  enrichment. 

"The  truth  about  China — known  to  a  few,  but  not  to  millions  of  Americans — 
is  that  the  military  situation  there  today  is  bad,  has  been  bad  for  two  years, 
and  will  probably  continue  to  be  bad  for  some  years  to  come." 

******* 

"The  Chinese  communiques  are  almost  worthless  for  obtainng  a  true  picture. 
Had  they  suffered  even  half  the  casualties  the  Chinese  have  claimed,  the  Japa- 
nese would  by  now  have  given  evidence  of  a  manpower  shortage.  Sometimes  the 
Chinese  report  battles  where  there  are  no  battles ;  often  they  exalt  skirmishes 
and  guerrilla  fighting  to  the  status  of  campaigns.  In  the  recent  Tungting  Lake- 
Ichang  fighting,  for  example,  the  Japanese  almost  certainly  never  intended — 
as  reports  from  China  claimed — to  try  to  take  Chungking.  Their  objective 
patently  was  the  rich  Chinese  rice-bowl  region  around  Tungting  Lake ;  they 
took  some  of  it,  sacked  it  and  retired.  Yet  Chinese  communiques  interpreted  the 
Japanese  retirement  as  a  great  victory." 

In  quoting  these  above  statements,  we  neither  endorse  nor  criticize  them. 
They  are  presented  simply  to  disprove  the  assertion  that  in  discussing  the  situa- 
tion in  China  the  I  R  followed  any  "line,"  Communist  or  otherwise.  The  logical 
fallacy  in  attempting  to  prove  by  analogy  was  pointed  out  by  Miss  Buck  in  a  letter 
to  the  New  York  Herald  Tribune,  published  August  20,  1043.  She  begins  by  stat- 
ing that  she  had  welcomed  Rodney  Gilbert's  reply  (Herald  Tribune,  August  16 
and  17,  1043)  to  Mr.  Baldwin's  Reader's  Digest  article.     Then  Miss  Buck  says: 

"Mr.  Gilbert  himself,  however,  falls  into  the  easy  error  of  oversimplification. 
That  is,  because  one  objects  to  Fascist  tendencies  in  China,  as  one  objects  to  them 
elsewhere,  he  leaps  to  the  conclusion  that  one  must  be  pro-Communist.  This 
tendency  to  oversimplification  is  everywhere  seen  in  these  peculiar  times  in 
which  we  live." 

Contrary  to  the  pattern  laid  down  by  Mr.  Kohlberg,  IPR  publications  during 
the  summer  and  fall  of  1043  contained  material  favorable  to  or  praising  the 
Chinese  authorities.     Among  others,  the  following  should  be  noted  : 

The  Far  Eastern  Survey  for  July  28,  1043 — the  issue  immediately  succeeding 
that  containing  Bisson's  article — carries  a  leading  editorial  article  praising  a  set 
of  principles  enunciated  by  Generalissimo  Chiang  Kai-shek  on  July  7.  1043.  The 
following  quotations  from  this  editorial  article  are  pertinent : 

"The  destiny  of  China  is  one  and  the  same  as  that  of  the  United  Nations — so  is 
China's  policy.  Those  are  the  words  of  Generalissimo  Chiang  Kai-shek,  spoken 
on  the  occasion  of  the  sixth  anniversary  of  the  war  in  China. 

"What  China  sees  as  her  policy  and  her  destiny  is  that  of  contributing  her  full 
strength,  not  only  to  bring  the  war  to  ;i  success  i'-il  conclusion,  but  also  to  establish 
a  strong  postwar  organization  which  will  ensure  the  peace. 

«*  *  *  jjjS  (Chiang  Kai-shek's)  statement  of  China's  hopes  in  this  connec- 
tion is  forthright  and  challenging,  and  deserves  wider  attention  than  it  has  had 
in  the  American  press."  There  follows  a  long  series  of  quotations  from  Chiang 
Kai-shek's  address  (pp.  147-48). 

This  editorial  article  was  signed  by  Catherine  Porter,  editor  <>f  the  Far  Eastern 
Survey.  It  would  indicate  that  the  editor  of  the  Survey  was  not  seeking  to 
include  only  materials  critical  of  <  Ihina  in  the  magazine  during  this  period. 

In  a  friendly  analysis  entitled  "China's  Political  Development"  (Far  Eastern 
Survey,  October  6,  1043),  N.  C.  Liu,  Professor  of  Political  Science  at  National 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1639 

Wuhan  University  of  China,  discusses  the  meaning  of  "democracy,"  and  its 
applications  in  China.     He  concludes  by  saying: 

"From  the  foregoing  paragraphs,  we  may  conclude  that,  since  the  downfall  of 
the  monarchy,  popular  support  for  the  republic  has  always  been  strong  and  that 
the  foundation  for  democratic  government  is  thereby  firmly  laid;  that  we  have 
for  the  moment,  indeed,  only  a  partially  representative  government  hut  we  are 
ready  to  organize  true  responsible  government  in  the  near  future;  that  restric- 
tions are,  to  be  sure,  being  imposed  on  popular  rights  and  liberties  in  wartime,  but 
these  will  be  swept  away  in  time  of  peace;  that,  as  the  different  parties  are  now 
reconciled,  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  they  cannot  adjust  their  political 
differences  in  time  to  come;  and  that,  as  we  had  the  traditional  form  of  popular 
participation  in  local  affairs,  legal  codification  is  certainly  a  step  forward.  In 
short,  it  may  be  accurate  to  say  that  China,  being  a  republic,  is  dedicated  to  and 
will  make  great  strides  toward  democracy  in  the  world  of  tomorrow." 

The  September  1&43  issue  of  Pacific  Affairs,  the  first  issue  of  this  quarterly 
which  followed  publication  of  Bisson's  article,  contains  an  article  by  Guenther 
Srein  entitled  "Free  China's  Agricultural  Progress."  The  first  sentence  of  this 
article  reads:  "The  collection  of  rice  and  wheat,  partly  by  way  of  land  tax  pay- 
ments in  kind  and  partly  by  compulsory  purchase,  has  become  one  of  the  most 
successful  economic  policies  of  the  Chinese  Government."  Statistical  data  given 
in  the  rest  of  the  article  is  devoted  mainly  to  proving  the  thesis  stated  in  the  first 
sentence,  although  the  conclusion  stresses  the  need  for  agrarian  reforms  (pp. 
339-343). 

This  article  would  again  indicate  thai  the  IPR  publications  of  the  period  were 
not  concentrating  on  abuse  of  the  Chinese  central  government. 

Many  of  the  criticisms  contained  in  the  Bisson  article  had  been  voiced  by  the 
Chinese  themselves.  Sun  Fo,  president  of  the  Legislative  Yuan  and  Kuomintang 
leader,  spoke  as  follows  on  September  8,  1942  (eight  months  before  the  Bisson 
article),  in  a  lecture  delivered  at  Chungking: 

•At  present,  grain  collection  has  not  yet  reached  its  saturation  point;  the  sys- 
tem employed  in  levying  and  buying  needs  to  be  much  improved.  The  share 
contributed  by  most  of  the  landowning  class  is  still  too  light,  while  self-cultiva- 
tors and  tenant  farmers  are  bearing  too  heavy  a  burden.  Landowners  as  a 
whole  have  reaped  large  fortunes  these  few  years ;  those  who  collect  their  rent 
in  kind  and  receive  grain  amounting  to  several  hundred  piculs  a  year  are  living 
lavishly.    Big  landlords  are  proportionally  much  better  off  than  in  prewar  days." 

"*  *  *  At  present,  big  landlords  are  acquiring  real  estate  with  their  unused 
and  unusable  wealth  from  small  landowners,  mostly  self -cultivators,  so  that  the 
wealth  produced  on  the  land  becomes  harmful  rather  than  beneficial  to  the  nation. 
If  they  invested  their  money  in  industries,  it  would  be  quite  different.  P»ut  in- 
stead of  doing  so,  they  buy  more  and  more  farm  lands.  Land  values  are  thus 
bolstered  up  ten,  twenty,  fifty  times ;  but  the  agricultural  products  gathered 
therefrom  cannot  be  increased  in  any  such  proportion.  Hence,  nine-tenths  of 
the  money  sunk  in  such  investments  is  lying  idle  from  the  nation's  point  of 
view ;  and,  what  is  worse,  the  cost  of  rice,  and  with  it  the  general  cost  of  living, 
are  artificially  raised  to  incredible  heights  in  order  to  pay  proper  interest  on 
their  uneconomic  investments"  (Sun  Fo,  China  Looks  Forward,  John  Day,  1944, 
pp.  145-146). 

Sun  Fo  is  not  averse  to  using  the  word  "feudal,"  which  Kohlberg  takes  excep- 
tion to  in  the  Bisson  article.  On  page  224  he  writes :  "Not  only  the  traditional 
system  of  land  tenure  which  still  smacks  of  peasant  feudalism,  but  also  the 
antiquated  and  inefficient  method  of  small-farm  individual  tilling  shall  be 
abandoned,  and  in  their  places  substitutes  state  or  common  ownership  of  land 
and  collective  and  cooperative  cultivation." 

Note  that  in  the  first  of  the  above  quotations,  Sun  Fo  is  extremely  critical  of 
the  grain  tax  in  kind.  But  Guenther  Stein,  one  of  the  IPR  writers  cited  by 
Kohlberg,  wrote  favorably  in  Pacific  Affairs  (as  cited  above)  of  the  grain  collec- 
tions. In  this  case,  the  "critical"  IPR  writer  falls  behind  Sun  Fo  in  his 
criticism. 

Sun  Fo  is  also  highly  critical  of  the  political  repression  and  lack  of  democracy 
which  characterizes  the  Kuomintang  Government  at  Chungking.  On  pages  108- 
109  of  China  Looks  Forward,  he  writes  : 

"Unfortunately,  we  have  in  the  past  assumed  unwillingly  the  attitude  and  habit 
of  a  ruling  caste.  The  suppression  of  outside  criticism  against  our  party,  and 
even  critisism  by  our  party  members  is  less  than  one  percent  of  the  Chinese  popu- 
lation.    The  Kuomintang  is  simply  a  minority  in  terms  of  population.     But  we 


1640  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

have  come  to  regard  ourselves  as  if  we  were  the  sovereign  power  entitled  to  the 
enjoyment  of  a  special  position  and  to  the  suppression  of  all  criticism  whatsoever 
against  us.  It  is  dictatorship  and  tyranny  which  the  peoples  of  the  world  today 
are  trying  to  destroy  by  means  of  sacrifices  of  their  lives,  and  blood.  For  these 
reasons,  we  must,  first  of  all,  reorientate  our  psychology  and  correct  our  attitude 
of  intolerance." 

On  page  119  of  China  Looks  Forward  he  writes : 

"I  think  there  is  something  wrong  with  our  method  of  approach.  The  San- 
Min-Chu-I  Youth  Corps  is  supposed  to  train  and  organize  the  promising  youth  of 
the  nation  for  national  service  and  leadership.  This  is  done  by  instituting  politi- 
cal training  and  military  discipline.  Instead  of  guiding  them  to  think  for  them- 
selves, it  has  been  drilling  them  to  repeat  by  rote  the  San-Min-Chu-I  political 
creed.  Instead  of  teaching  them  the  methods  of  democratic  practice  and  leader- 
ship, it  has  been  imposing  upon  them  military  regimentation  in  the  name  of 
discipline.  Discipline,  of  course,  is  required  to  habituate  them  to  law  and  order. 
But  the  thing  may  be  overdone.  As  a  result,  the  people  we  are  turning  out  from 
the  various  training  centers  become  rather  like  puppets.  The  first  thing  they 
learn  to  perfection  is  how  to  click  heels  at  the  mention  of,  or  mere  reference  to,, 
the  Supreme  Leader.  Heel-clicking  may  be  proper  in  the  army,  but  it  is  not 
appropriate  in  a  democratic  country.  For  instance,  you  don't  see  Englishmen 
jumping  up  from  their  seats  and  clicking  their  heels  at  the  mere  mention  of  their 
sovereign's  name,  or  have  you  ever  seen  or  heard  that  Americans  at  home  or 
abroad  would  click  heels  every  time  President  Roosevelt's  name  is  mentioned, 
even  at  their  political  party  meetings?  The  only  examples  of  such  practice  that 
I  know  of  were  Russian  emigre  officers  when  they  spoke  of  their  dead  Czar,  and 
the  German  Nazis  heil-Hitlering  their  Fuhrer.  But  why  should  we  adopt  the 
outmoded  practice  of  the  Czarist  Russians  or  imitate  the  behavior  of  our  Nazi 
enemies?" 

P.  26  "Japan's  Army  on  China's  Fronts,"  Gucnther  Stein,  Far  Eastern  Survey, 
July  14,  1943 

Mr.  Kohlberg  here  uses  comparative  "official  Chinese  figures"  to  prove  that 
Guenther  Stein  underestimated  the  number  of  Japanese  troops  in  China.  He 
fails  to  note,  however,  that  Guenther  Stein's  material  was  broadcast  by  short 
wave  from  the  Chinese  government's  station  at  Chungking.  As  such,  his  figures 
were  subject  to  censorship.  If  there  was  any  marked  discrepancy,  the  official 
censors  would  doubtless  have  acted,  especially  on  a  matter  dealing  so  closely 
with  military  affairs.     Actually,  the  discrepancy  is  more  apparent  than  real  . 

Guenther  Stein  counted  a  total  of  30  Japanese  divisions  "in  use"  at  a  given 
moment.  Kohlberg's  figures  state  that  42  divisions  were  "used"  in  1943,  but  not 
all  of  these  may  have  been  "in  use"  at  the  time  Stein  made  his  estimate — based, 
incidentally,  on  Chinese  official  sources. 

P.  26  Far  Eastern  Survey,  May  3,  194-i 

Here  Mr.  Kohlberg  quotes  from  a  statement  by  Sun  Fo  as  cited  in  the  Survey. 
His  quotations  carefully  eliminate  the  serious  political  charges  against  the 
Kuomintang  made  by  Sun  Fo  in  this  statement.  The  quotations  in  the  Survey 
give  Sun  Fo's  full  meaning.  A  comparison  of  Mr.  Kohlberg's  selection  with  the 
Survey  article  in  this  case  offers  the  most  striking  evidence  of  bias  on  the  part 
of  Mr.  Kohlberg  and  not  on  the  part  of  the  Survey.  He  states  one  side ;  the 
Survey  states  both. 

Mr.  Kohlberg  then  omits  all  quotation  from  a  parallel  statement  by  Raymond 
Gram  Swing  included  in  this  Survey  article. 

P.  31  Behind  the  Open  Door,  by  Foster  Rhea  Dulles 

Mr.  Kohlberg  cites  two  paragraphs  from  this  booklet,  which  run  to  32  pages. 
The  citations  indicate  that  the  Soviet  Union  signed  the  neutrality  treaty  with 
Japan  "to  protect  Russia's  eastern  flank  in  order  that  she  might  be  the  more  free 
to  defend  her  western  front  against  the  far  greater  menace  of  Germany."  They 
also  state  that  both  the  United  States  and  the  Soviet  Union  "are  equally  con- 
cerned in  the  defeat  of  Japan  and  the  creation  of  a  strong,  independent  China. 
There  should  therefore  be  no  conflict  in  the  post-war  policies  of  these  two  great 
powers  fronting  the  Pacific.  It  is  highly  important  that  they  should  reach  a  full 
understanding  on  all  Far  Eastern  problems.  A  cordial  American-Russian  rela- 
tionship would  contribute  much  to  the  future  peace  of  Asia." 

It  is  difficult,  indeed,  to  find  anything  objectionable  in  these  statements. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE   LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 


1641 


Exhirit  No.  71 

COMPARISON    (il     MCCABTHY    AND    KoHLREKG 


Kohlberg 

Appointed  Editor  Pacific  Affairs,  1934. 
Accompanied  E.  C.  Carter  to  Moscow. 
"This  trip  apparently  completed  his 
conversion  to  an  admiration  of  the  So- 
viet Union's  system  of  government" 
(China  Monthly.  Oct.  1945). 

"Lattimore  told  a  friend  (Freda  Ut- 
ley)  in  London  in  1930  that  he  almost 
lost  his  job  for  publishing  an  article 
by  Harold  Isaacs,  a  Trotskyite"  (China 
Monthly,  Oct.  1945). 


"Lattimore  continued  with  other  du- 
ties including  service  on  the  editorial 
hoard  of  AMERASIA  and  the  editorship 

of   Pacific  Affair*    until   1941"    (China 
Monthly,  Oct.  1945). 

Kohlberg's  version  of  the  Communist 
line  as  allegedly  followed  by  IPR  and 
IPR  publications  in  reference  to  Chi- 
nese government. 

(Letter  from  Alfred  Kohlberg  dated 
March  18,  1947,  to  members  of  AIPR :) 

(1)  "Beginning  1„37  and  up  to  the 
end  of  1939,  the  IPR  articles  uniformly 
praised  the  government  of  Chiang  Kai- 
Shek." 

(2)  "After  the  Hitler-Stalin  alliance 
of  Aug.  23,  1939,  the  IPR  soured  on 
Chiang  Kai-shek  and  by  1941  were  stat- 
ing that  in  the  government  of  China 
'uncertain  quarters  were  "pro-Nazi" 
and  were  "willing  to  make  peace  with 
Japan."  'Fascist  ideas  were  popular- 
ized among  and  praised  by  Kuomintang 
members'  '  (Compare  Lattimore's 
secret  letter  to  E.  C.  Carter  in  the  en- 
closed article  from  Plain   Talk). 

(3)  "Then  came  the  day  that  shook 
the  pro-Communist  world  when  Hitler 
invaded  Russia,  June  22,  1941.  That 
day  was  a  Sunday  if  I  remember  cor- 
rectly and  it  caught  Frederick  V.  Field, 
formerly  Secretary  and  now  member 
of  the  Executive  Committee  of  the  IPR 
leading  the  picket  line  in  front  of  the 
White  House  with  placards  proclaiming 
'FDR  is  a  War-Monger.  *  *  *' 
This  same  day  caught  the  IPR  and  the 
Communist  press  equally  flatfooted. 
So  the  IPR  and  Communist  line 
switched  again  to  the  most  fulsome 
praise  of  Chiang  Kai-shek  and  the 
Kuomintang.  *  *  *  No  longer  did 
they  charge  Chiang  Kai-shek  with 
'negotiating  to  join  the  Axis.'  This 
praise  of  Chiang  Kai-shek's  government 
continued  until  the  summer  of  1943." 

(4)  "Beginning  in  the  summer  of 
1943,  both  IPR  and  the  Communist 
press  changed  to  abuse  of  China." 


McCarthy 

McCarthy  notes  somewhere  on  page 
231-35  in  a  hearing  that  Lattimore  was 
editor  of  Pacific  Affairs  from  1  !i:  ',4-1941 . 


McCarthy,  in  a  hearing  (p.  194) 
quotes  from  Freda  Utley's  book  Lost 
Illusion  "he  [Lattimore]  told  me  a  few 
months  later  in  London  how  he  almost 
lost  his  position  as  Editor  of  Pacific 
Affairs  because  he  had  published  an  ar- 
ticle by  the  Trotskyist,  Harold  Isaacs.'' 

P.  220  (Hearing  Record)  introduced 
Exhibit  L-2  which  connected  Lattimore 
with  Amerasia  editorial  board. 


(Page  4440,  Cong.  Record,  March  30, 
1950:)  "In  1935  at  the  World  Commu- 
nist meeting  in  Moscow  *  *  *  the 
so-called  United  Front  or  Trojan  horse 
policy  was  adopted — a  policy  calling 
for  the  Communists  to  combine  with 
the  governments  in  power  and  to  get 
into  strategic  positions  so  that  Moscow 
could  control  or  at  least  exert  influence 
on  governments  in  question.  At  this 
time  in  1935  *  *  *  Chiang  Kai- 
shek  made  an  agreement  with  the  Chi- 
nese Communists. 

"From  1935  to  1939  the  Communist 
line  was  pro-Chiang  Kai-shek. 

"In  1939  after  the  signing  of  the 
Hitler-Stalin  Pact  and  the  Stalin-Mat- 
souka  Pact,  the  Communist  Party  line 
again  became  anti-Chiang  Kai-shek. 

"As  the  Senate  will  recall,  this  con- 
tinued until  June  22, 1941,  the  day  Hitler 
invaded  Russia,  at  which  time  the  Com- 
munist Party  line  again  switched  and 
was  pro-Chiang  Kai-shek. 

"This  continued  until  1943.  The 
Senate  will  recall  the  Russian  victory 
at  Stalingrad  in  the  early  spring  of 
1943  and  the  reversal  in  the  course  of 
the  war  at  that  point.  *  *  *  The 
Communist  Party  line  again  definitely 
became  anti-Chiang  Kai-shek." 


1642 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 


Lattimore  Defended  Purse  Trials 
(China  Monthly,  Oct.  1945)  :  The  real 
point,  of  course,  for  those  who  live  in 
democratic  countries,  is  whether  the 
discovery  of  the  conspiracies  was  a 
triumph  for  democracy  or  not.  I  think 
that  can  he  easily  determined.  The  ac- 
counts of  the  most  widely  read  Moscow 
correspondents  all  emphasize  that  since 
'the  close  scrutiny  of  every  person  in  a 
responsible  position,  folowing  the  trials, 
a  great  many  abuses  have  been  dis- 
covered and  rectified.  A  lot  depends  on 
whether  you  emphasize  the  discovery  of 
the  abuse  or  the  rectification  of  it ;  but 
habitual  rectification  can  hardly  do  any- 
thing but  give  the  ordinary  citizen  more 
courage  to  protest,  loudly,  whenever  in 
the  future  he  finds  himself  being  vic- 
timized by  "someone  in  the  party"  or 
'■someone  in  the  Government."  That 
sounds  to  me  like  democracy.  Pacific 
Affairs,  Sept.  1938,  p.  371. 

Book  jacket  Solution  In  Asia  quoted 
by  Kohlberg  (China  Monthly,  Oct. 
1945)  :  He  shows  that  all  the  Asiatic 
peoples  are  more  interested  in  actual 
democratic  practices,  such  as  they  see 
in  action  across  the  Russian  border, 
than  they  are  in  the  fine  theories  of 
Anglo-Saxon  democracies  which  come 
coupled  with  ruthless  imperialism.  He 
inclines  to  support  American  newspaper- 
men wlio  report  that  the  only  real  de- 
mocracy in  China  is  found  in  Commu- 
nist areas. 

Solution  in  Asia.    The  jacket. 

Article,  "I.  P.  R. — Tokyo  Axis"  by 
Sheppard  Marley  in  Plain  Talk,  Dec.  19, 
1946  (attached).  In  which  was  dis- 
cussed IPR  as  action  and  pressure 
group. 

Letter  to  Watertown  Daily  Times, 
Watertown,  N.  Y.,  Dec.  6,  1946:  At- 
tacked Lattimore  for  his  alleged  shift  in 
attitude  toward  Chiang  between  1943 
and  1946. 


Letter  to  members  of  IPR.  March  18, 
1947:  "Members  of  our  Board  of  Trus- 
tees and  our  Staff  managed  to  get  con- 
trol of  the  Far  Eastern  Division  of  the 
State  Dept.,  UXRRA,  and  OWI  where 
they  loaded  all  three  with  pro-Com- 
munists. Two  of  them,  <  Kvi'ii  Lattimore 
and  John  Carter  Vincent,  accompanied 
Henry  Wallace  to  China  in  1!>44  and 
talked  that  adolescent  into  reporting  to 
Roosevelt  that  'we  were  backing  the 
wrong  horse  in  China.     *     *     *'  " 


On  page  237  of  the  Hearing  Record 
McCarthy  says:  "Mr.  Lattimore  praised 
the  net  result  of  tbe  Moscow  trials  and 
the  blood  purge  by  which  Stalin  se- 
cured his  dictatorship  in  1936-1939  'as 
a  triumph  for  democracy.'  " 


I  Page  4447,  Cong.  Record,  March  30, 
1950)  :  "This  is  what  the  editor  says 
about  the  book :  'He  shows  that  all 
Asiatic  people  are  more  interested  in 
actual  democratic  practices  such  as  the 
ones  they  can  see  in  action  across  the 
Russian  border  than  they  are  in  the 
fine  theories  of  Anglo-Saxon  democra- 
cies which  come  coupled  with  ruthless 
imperialism.  *  *  *'  He  inclines  to 
support  American  newspapermen  who 
report  that  the  only  real  democracy  in 
China  is  found  in  Communist  areas." 

Article  read  into  record  by  McCarthy 
( Pages  4461  to  4463,  Cong.  Record ) . 


(Cong.  Record,  p.  4441 :)  •'The  Senate 
will  recall  the  date  of  this  letter,  June 
15,  1943,  the  time  when  Chiang  Kai- 
shek  was  our  very  badly  needed  ally  in 
the  Pacific.  *  *  *  It  was  at  this 
time  that  Lattimore  sends  this  highly 
secret  letter  in  which  he  twice  urges  the 
strictest  secrecy  lie  followed  in  getting 
rid  of  any  Chinese  who  are  loyal  to  our 
ally,   Chiang  Kai-shek.     *     *     *" 

(Cong.  Record,  p.  4447:)  "In  1944  he 
I  Lattimore]  and  John  Carter  Vincent 
accompanied  Henry  Wallace  on  a  tour 
of  China  after  which  Wallace  made  his 
report  to  the  State  Dept.,  recommend- 
ing tlit-  torpedoing  on  Chiang  Kai-shek." 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 


1643 


"Owen  Lattimore,  Director,  School  of 
Internationa]  Relations,  Johns  Hopkins 
University.  Advisor  to  Pros.  Roosevelt, 
Pres.    Truman,    Henry    Wallace,    was 

connected  with  pro-Communist  Nat'l 
Emergency  Conference  for  Protection 
of  Human  Rights;  Washington  Com- 
mittee to  Aid  China,  Writers  Congress. 
Defense  of  Moscow  Purge  Trials,  Asso- 
ciate editor  of  Amerasia.  Maintains 
liaison  with  heads  of  Communist 
Party.  Reportedly  operative  for  So- 
viet Military  Intelligence  in  Far  East." 


See  previous  statement  by  Kohlberg. 


(China  Monthly,  Oct.  1948:)  "Latti- 
more, head  of  OWI  Far  East  Division, 
San  Francisco,  sent  orders  to  his  su- 
perior in  New  York  (Joseph  F.  Barnes, 
later  Foreign  Editor  N.  Y.  Herald 
Tribune  *  *  *)  to  fire  all  Chinese 
staff  members  who  sympathized  with 
their  own  government  and  replace  them 
with  Communist  from  the  newly 
launched  New  China  Daily  News,  New 
York  Chinese  language  daily." 


(Hearing  Record,  pp.  259-62:)  As- 
sociates Lattimore  with  Maryland  Asso. 
for  Democratic  Rights  which  he  alleges 
to  he  an  affiliate  of  the  Nat'l  Emer- 
gency Conference  for  Democratic 
Rights. 

Principal  speaker  at  meeting  of 
Wash.  Committee  for  Aid  to  China. 

On  Oct.  1,  2,  3,  of  1943  meeting  of 
Writers  Congress  and  Hollywood  Writ- 
ers of  Mobilization  at  the  Univ.  of 
Calif.,  L.  A.,  campus  in  Westwood  "ap- 
pearing as  the  representative  of  the 
Office  of  War  Information  was  Mr. 
Owen  Lattimore." 

"In  the  magazine  Pacific  Affairs  of 
Sept.  1938,  Owen  Lattimore  described 
the  Moscow  Purge  Trials  as  a  'triumph 
for  Democracy.'  " 

(Pages  333-334,  Hearing  Record:) 
"It  perhaps  should  be  mentioned  here 
that  Owen  Lattimore  was  formerly  an 
editor  of  Amerasia. 

(Page  4445,  Cong.  Rec. :)  "The  tes- 
timony will  be  that  the  head  of  the 
Russian  Intelligence  told  this  witness 
[the  Russian  General]  *  *  *  that 
they  were  having  excellent  success 
through  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Rela- 
tions which  the  Soviet  Intelligence 
through  Communists  in  the  U.  S.  had 
taken  over.  In  connection  with  this  he 
particularly  mentioned  Owen  Latti- 
more.    *     *     * " 

(Cong.  Record,  p.  4440:)  "This  is  a 
letter  *  *  *  dated  6-15-1943  which 
is  when  the  line  had  again  swung  to 
anti-Chiang  Kai-shek.  This  is  a  letter 
from  Owen  Lattimore,  Director  of 
Pacific  Operations,  OWI.  The  odd  thing 
is  that  he  is  writing  to  his  boss  in  the 
government  service,  telling  the  story  to 
him,  not  writing  to  someone  who  is 
working  for  him.     *     *     * 

"In  it  he  directs  the  recipient  of  the 
letter  to  get  rid  of  the  Chinese  in  OWI 
who  were  loyal  to  either  the  Nationalist 
gov't  or  Wang  Ching-wei.     *     *     * 

"He  then  issues  instructions  that  the 
personnel  be  recruited  from  the  share- 
holders of  the  New  China  Daily  News, 
a  Chinese  Communist  paper  in  New 
York." 

(Cong.  Record,  p.  4460  :)  "In  1947  one 
of  the  members  of  the  Board  [of  IPR], 
one  of  the  good  American  members  in- 
sisted that  there  be  an  investigation  to 
determine  the  extent  to  which  the  Com- 
munists had  taken  over  control  of  the 
American  Council  of  IPR." 


68970— 50— pt.  2- 


-11 


1644 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 


(China  Monthly,  Dec.  1049,  p.  243:) 
"The  White  Paper  and  the  State  Dept. 
categorically  deny  that  Vice  President 
Wallace  made  any  written  report  to 
Pres.  Roosevelt  on  his  return  from 
China.  In  spite  of  this  denial,  Amb. 
Hurley  states  that  he  read  Mr.  Wal- 
lace's report  which  was  shown  to  him 
by  John  Carter  Vincent  who  accom- 
panied Wallace." 

(China  Monthly,  Sept.  1946,  p.  325:) 
"Editorial  suggestions  (according  to  the 
introduction)  were  made  by  John  Haz- 
ard, Owen  Lattimore,  Joseph  Barnes, 
Albert  Rhys  Taylor,  and  Dr.  Treadwell 
Smith.     *     *     *" 

Kohlberg's  article  "China  via  Stilwell 
Road,"  China  Monthly,  Oct.  1948,  has 
the  central  idea  that  Stilwell  was  a 
sucker  for  Owen  Lattimore  and  others 
such  as  Theodore  White,  John  Fairbank, 
and  Joseph  Barnes. 


(Cong.  Record,  p.  4447:)  "Inciden- 
tally in  this  connection  the  State  Dept. 
issued  a  press  release  *  *  *  denying 
the  existence  of  such  a  report  and  stat- 
ing as  follows :" 


(Article  entitled  "Who  Is  Respon- 
sible for  Chinese  Tragedy"  China 
Monthly,  Dec.  1949:)  Main  thesis  is 
that  a  pro-Soviet  clique  headed  by 
Dean  Acheson  was  responsible  for 
yielding  China  to  Communists. 


(Letter  to  members  of  IPR.  March 
18,  1947  : )  "Our  Board  of  Trustees  (47) 
scattered  all  over  the  country  never 
meets.  The  Executive  Committee  (10) 
is  chairmaned  by  a  Californian  who 
never  attends.  The  connections  of  the 
others  are  as  per  attached  sheet.  Most 
of  our  Trustees  are  of  course  not  Com- 
munists.    *     *     * 


(China  Monthly,  Dec.  1949:)  "The 
White  Paper  reveals  in  reports  of  Em- 
bassy attaches  Ludden,  Davies,  Service, 
and  George  Atcheson  a  determination 
to  discredit,  the  National  Government 
and  to  build  up  a  picture  of  the  Chinese 
Communists  as  ardent  fighters  for  de- 
mocracy." 


(Cong.  Record,  p.  4447:)  Upon  his 
return  from  this  trip,  Henry  Wallace 
wrote  a  book  entitled  Soviet  Asia 
Mission  in  which  he  pay  tribute  to 
Owen  Lattimore  for  his  invaluable 
assistance. 

(Cong.  Record,  p.  4445:)  "I  think 
Lattimore  was  as  much  responsible  if 
not  more  so  for  Stilwell's  activities  in 
China  than  any  other  one  individual." 


(Cong.  Record,  p.  4446:)  "He  [a  mys- 
tery witness]  points  out  that :  the  Lat- 
timore crowd  was  responsible  for  the 
indoctrination  of  Stilwell  against 
Chiang  Kai-shek." 

(Cong.  Record,  p.  4445:)  "*  *  *  I 
am  sure  that  if  the  Senator  will  sit 
here  and  will  listen  to  the  material 
which  I  am  presenting  he  will  be  con- 
vinced that  the  clique  of  Lattimore, 
Jessup,  and  Service  has  been  respon- 
sible, almost  completely — under  Ache- 
son  of  course — for  what  went  on  in  the 
Far  East.     *     *     *" 

(Cong.  Record,  p.  4463:)  "Since  its 
creation  it  has  had  on  both  Board  of 
Trustees  and  Executive  Committee  a 
very  sizeable  number  of  outstanding 
and  loyal  Americans.  Membership  on 
the  Board  of  Trustees  or  on  the  Execu- 
tive Committee  in  no  way  in  and  of  it- 
self indicates  any  Communist  sympa- 
thies or  leanings.  *  *  *  However, 
as  far  as  I  know,  the  Board  actually 
never  meets  but  does  its  business  by 
having  the  various  members  send  in 
their  proxies. 

(Cong.  Record,  p.  4447:)  "*  *  * 
the  reports  from  its  foreign  service  of- 
ficials in  China  during  the  war  as  given 
in  the  White  Paper  read  like  extracts 
from  Lattimore's  books.  *  *  *  These 
Chinese  Communists  are  represented 
by  Lattimore  and  his  friends  in  the 
State  Dept.,  as  'democrats',  'liberal 
agrarian  reformers',  'progressives  not 
under  Moscow's  direction'  or  more  re- 
cently as  'detachable  from'  Soviet 
Russia." 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1645 


(China  Monthly.  A.ug.  1949:)  "Under 
Philip  Jessup's  direction  the  Far  East- 
ern Survey  of  July  14,  1943,  the  first 
blast  in  the  campaign  against  the  Na- 
tionalist government  of  China  was  pub- 
lished." "Referring  to  what  is  called 
the  two  Chinas,  it  said  in  an  article 
Signed  by  T.  A.  Bisson.     *     *     •" 

(China  Monthly,  Any.  1949:)  "One 
is  now  generally  called  Kuomintang 
China,  the  other  is  called  Communist 
China.  However,  these  are  only  Party 
labels.  To  be  more  descriptive,  the  one 
might  be  called  feudal  China,  the  other 
democratic  China."  (Bisson's  state- 
ment ) . 

"This  theme  song  of  Democratic  Com- 
munist China  and  'feudal  fascist  reac- 
tionary' Nationalist  China  was  taken 
up  the  following  month  by  the  Daily 
Worker,  the  New  Masses,  and  others." 


(China  Monthly,  Aug.  1949:)  "When 
charges  of  Communist-line  activities 
were  made  against  the  1PR  in  1947  he 
signed  a  letter  denying  the  charges  and 
questioning  motives  behind  such 
charges.  When  the  question  of  ap- 
pointing a  committee  to  investigate 
came  before  a  membership  meeting,  he 
voted  against  any  investigation." 


(China  Monthly,  Aug.  1949,  p.  168:) 
"Professor  Jessup  must  therefore  be 
honored  by  our  State  Dept.,  as  the  initi- 
ator of  the  smear  campaign  against  Na- 
tionalist China  and  Chiang  Kai-shek, 
and  the  originator  of  the  myth  of  the 
democratic  Chinese  Communists." 


(China    Monthly,    August    1949, 
168:)    Communist  fronts  sponsored 
Jessup  according  to  Kohlberg : 
The  American-Russian  Institute 
National  Emergency  Conference 
American  Law  Students  Asso. 
Nat'l  Emergency  Conference  for 

ocratie  Rights 
Coordinating    Committee    to    Lift 

Embargo 


P. 
by 


Dem- 


(Cong.  Record,  p.  4463:)  "The  first 
blast  in  this  campaign  was  fired  in  Jes- 
sup's publication  on  July  14,  1943,  in  an 
article  signed  by  T.  A.  Bisson." 


"Under  him  [Dr.  Jessup]  the  Council 
bi-weekly  publication,  Far  Eastern  Sur- 
vey, pioneered  the  smear  campaign 
against  Chiang  Kai-shek,  and  the  idea 
the  Communists  in  China  were  merely 
agrarian  reformers  and  not  Commu- 
nists at  all." 

(Page  4464:)  "Prof.  Jessup  must, 
therefore,  be  credited  by  the  American 
people  with  having  pioneered  the  smear 
campaign  against  Nationalist  China 
and  Chiang  Kai-shek,  and  with  being 
the  originator  of  the  myth  of  the  "Demo- 
cratic" Chinese  Communists.  From 
that  time  onward  we  witness  the  spec- 
tacle of  this  3-horse  team  of  smears  and 
untruths  thundering  down  the  stretch — 
Jessup's  publications,  Far  Eastern  Sur- 
vey, the  Daily  Worker,  and  Isvestzia." 

(Jessup)  (Cong.  Record,  p.  4460:) 
"In  1947  one  of  the  members  of  the 
board,  one  of  the  good  American  mem- 
bers, insisted  that  there  be  an  investi- 
gation to  determine  extent  to  which 
the  Communists  had  taken  over  con- 
trol of  the  American  Council  of  IRP 
[sic].  That  was  very  vigorously  op- 
posed. Keep  in  mind  that  at  that  time 
Frederick  V.  Field  was  a  member  of  the 
Board.  Hiss  was  then  a  member  or  was 
shortly  thereafter.  One  of  the  men  who 
vigorously  protested,  and  sent  a  letter 
over  his  name,  which  I  have,  objecting 
strenuously  to  any  such  investigation, 
was  our  Ambassador  at  Large,  Philip 
Jessup." 

(Cong.  Record,  p.  4464:)  "Prof.  Jes- 
sup must,  therefore,  be  credited  by  the 
American  people  with  having  pioneered 
the  smear  campaign  against  Nationalist 
China  and  Chiang  Kai-shek,  and  with 
being  the  originator  of  the  myth  of  the 
'democratic'  Chinese  Communists." 

(Cong.  Record,  p.  4465:)  McCarthy's 

list: 

American  Law  Students  Asso. 

United  Students  Peace  Conference 

Nat'l  Emergency  Conference  for  Dem- 
ocratic Rights 

National  Emergency  Conference 


the 


1646  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

(China  Monthly,  August,  1949,  p.  (Cong.  Record,  p.  4465:)  "I  have  in 
168  •)  "[Jessup  was]  signer  of  letter  in  my  hand  a  photostat  of  the  N.  Y.  Times 
the  N  Y.  Times,  Feb.  16,  1946,  urging  dated  Feb.  16,  1946.  *  *  *  In  this 
'the  cessation  of  atomic  bomb  produc-  letter  the  brilliant  Dr.  Jessup  urges  not 
tion  >  »  only    that   we   quit   producing   atomic 

bombs  but  that  we  eliminate  the  neces- 
sary ingredients  which  were  produced 
for  the  atomic  bomb  by  'means  such  as 
dumping  them  in  the  ocean.'  " 

(Letter  to  Mr.  E.  C.  Carter  Dec.  26,        (Cong.   Record,  p.  4464-65:)      "The 

1946:)  "In  my  opinion  this  organization  magazine  Amerasia  about  whose  Com- 

( Committee  for  a  Democratic  Far  East-  munist  line  there  can  be  no  question  for 

ern     Policy)  ■  was     set     up     by     the  a  period  of  time  had  its  offices  right 

IPR.     *     *     *     just  as  much  as  Amer-  next  to  the  offices  of  the  Jessup  publi- 

asia  was  (which  was  also  not  officially  cation  for  IPR." 
connected  although  it  made  its  office 
with  you  in  the  early  years)." 


Exhibit  No.  72 

A  CONFERENCE  ON  DEMOCRATIC  RIGHTS 

June  14  and  15,  1940,  at  the  Parish  Hall  of  Emmanuel  Church,  Cathedral  and 

Read  Streets,  Baltimore,  Maryland 

"freedom  of  religion,  speech,  press,  assembly  ...  no  unreasonable 
search  ...  no  arrest  without  warrant  .  .  .  right  to  trial  by 
jury    .     .     .     equal  protection  to  all  persons." 

Called  by  Maryland  Association  for  Democratic  Rights,  19  Medical  Arts  Building 

Program 

friday  evening,  june  14 

Opening  Meeting  8 :  30  p.  m. 

"Democratic  Rights  and  National  Defense" 

Presiding   Chairman:   Rev.    Theodore   P.    Ferris,    Temporary    Vice   Chairman, 

Maryland  Association  for  Democratic  Rights. 
Speakers: 

Josephine  Truslow  Adams,  Swarthmore  College,  Descendants  of  the  American 

Revolution. 
Walter  White,  Secretary,  National  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Col- 
ored  People. 
Charles  I.  Stewart,  Member  New  York  Board  of  Education,  Director  Ameri- 
can Union  for  Democracy,  Inc. 
Morris  Watson,  Vice  President,  American  Newspaper  Guild. 

SATURDAY   AFTERNOON,    JUNE    15 

Registration  1 :  00  p.  m. 

General  Session  1 :  30-2 :  00  p.  m. 

Presiding  Chairman:  Rev.  Theodore  P.  Ferris. 
Address:  Samuel  L.  M.  Barlow,  National  Emergency  Conference  for  Democratic 

Rights. 
Round  Table  Discussions  2 :  00-4  :  00  p.  m. 

ROUND  TARLE  I.    DEMOCRATIC  RIGHTS  AND  LABOR 

Issues  Involved :  National  Defense  and  Civil  Liberties ;  the  industrial  mobiliza- 
tion plan  ;  legislation  and  trade-unions  ;  antitrust  prosecutions  : 

Chairman:  Merle  Vincent,  President,  Washington  Committee  for  Democratic 
Action. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 


1647 


Speakers: 

Richard  Lindsley,  United  Electrical  Radio  &  Machine  Workers. 

Charles  W.  Mitzel,  Brotherhood  of  Railway  Trainmen. 

George  Engeman,  Baltimore  Newspaper  Guild. 

Harry  Cohen,  President,  Teamsters  Joint  Council  No.  62,  A.  F.  of  L. 

ROUNO   TABLE    II.    DEMOCRATIC   RIGHTS    AND    MINORITIES 

Issues  involved :  The  attack  upon  the  foreign  born ;  Discrimination  against  the 
Negro;  the  anti-lynehing  Bill;  anti-Semitism;  civil  rights  of  political  minori- 
ties ;  intellectual  freedom  in  the  schools. 

Chairman:  Dean  George  C.  Grant,  Morgan  State  College. 
Spcakeis: 

Alan  Cranston,  Foreign  Language  Information  Service. 
Dr.  Floyd  Banks,  Morgan  State  College. 
E.  Foster  Dowell,  Hollins  College. 
Wilfred  T.  McQuaid,  Attorney. 

ROUND   TABLE  III.    DEMOCRATIC   RIGHTS   AND   THE   CHURCH 

Issues  involved :  The  Church  and  intolerance ;  religion  in  a  democratic  society ; 
freedom  of  speech  for  the  clergy ;  the  responsibility  of  the  Church  in  the  face 
of  attacks  upon  minorities. 

Chairman:  Jesse  A.  Stanfield,  Council  of  the  Fellowship  of  reconciliation. 
Speakers: 

Rev.  Gottleib  Siegenthaler,  Pastor,  St.  Matthew's  Evangelical  Reform 

Church. 
Roland  Watts,  President,  Baltimore  Peace  Congress. 
Rev.  Jolm  O.  Spencer,  Former  President,  Morgan  State  College ;  Former 
Chairman,  Maryland  Interracial  Commission. 
Business  Session  4  :  00-5 :  30  p.  m. 

Reports  by  the  Chairmen  of  Round  Tables,  with  recommendations  for  action. 
Election  of  Officers  and  Executive  Committee. 

The  purposes  of  the  Round  Table  Discussions  will  be : 

(1)  To  point  out  the  dangers  threatening  civil  rights  and  the  security  of 
democratic  institutions  in  daily  life  and  in  the  legislative  assemblies  of  the 
state  and  nation ; 

(2)  To  determine  the  best  and  most  fruitful  methods  of  coping  with  these 
dangers,  suggesting  a  program  of  action  to  be  developed  by  churches,  schools, 
labor  unions,  fraternal  orders  and  other  organizations. 

Maryland  Association  for  Democratic  Rights 

Affiliated  to  the  National  Emergency  Conferenc  for  Democratic  Rights 

Franz  Boas,  National  Honorary  Chairman 

TEMPORARY   OFFICERS 

Wm.  F.  Cochran,  Chairman 

Rev.  Theodore  P.  Ferris,  Vice  Chairman 

Edna  R.  Walls,  Secretary 

Albert  Lion,  Jr.,  Treasurer 

Bert  L.  Clarke,  Executive  Secretary 


Mr.  &  Mrs.  Leo  Alpert 
Mr.  &  Mrs.  I.  Duke  Avnet 
Dr.  Floyd  Bank 
Walter  Bohanan  ■ 
Gertrude  C.  Bussey 
Marthe-Ann  Chapman 
Savilla  Cogswell 
J.  Marjorie  Cook 
Mrs.  Henry  E.  Corner 
Dorothy  Currie 


SPONSORS  OF  THE  CONFERENCE 

Fred  D'Avila 
Carrington  L.  Davis 
Mrs.  Emond  S.  Donoho 
Jacob  J.  Edelman 
Daniel  Ellison 
Dr.  Ernst  Feise 
Mr.  &  Mrs.  Bliss  Forbush 
Dr.  Jonas  Friedenwald 
Helen  Garvin 
Mrs.  Leon  Ginsberg 


Mr.  &  Mrs.  A.  Goldman 
Richard  Goodman 
Sarah  Hartman 
Mary  Hastings 
Dr.  Dwight  O.  W.  Holmes 
Mrs.  Anne  G.  Huppman 
Owen  Lattimore 
Mrs.  Owen  Lattimore 
Clare  Leighton 
Edward  S.  Lewis 


1648  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

sponsors  of  the  conference — continued 

Dr.  &  Mrs.  Richard  Lyman  Maizie  Rappaport  H.  Bowen  Smith 

Charles  W.  Mitzel  Leon  Rubenstein  William  Smith 

Dr.  Samuel  Morrison  Dr.  Leon  Sachs  Win.  F.  Stark 

Samuel  R.  Morsell  C.  A.  B.  Shreve  Arthur  K.  Taylor 

Rev.  Joseph  S.  Nowak,  Jr.  Dr.  Henry  E.  Sigerist 

In  his  last  speech  to  the  Senate  the  late  Senator  William  E.  Borah  said: 
"So  long  as  the  Bill  of  Rights  stands  and  is  preserved  in  its  integrity,  so  long 
as  we  live  up  to  its  terms  and  conditions,  there  can  be  no  denial  of  free  speech, 
of  free  press,  no  religious  persecution,  no  arbitrary  government,  no  concentration 
camps,  no  breaking  into  homes,  no  unlawful  arrests,  no  denial  of  personal  liberty. 
When  so-called  emergency  legislation  strikes  at  this  sacred  document  in  any 
particular  it  should  be  stricken  down  without  hesitancy.  If  doubts  are  to  be 
indulged  in,  they  should  be  resolved  against  all  possible  encroachments." 

This  Conference  has  been  called  to  provide  an  opportunity  in  these  difficult, 
hysterical  times  for  people  to  stop  and  think  things  out  clearly,  for  what  is  needed 
now  is  clarity  and  courage,  not  suspicion  and  fear.  The  Maryland  Association 
for  Democratic  Rights  hopes  and  believes  that  individuals  and  organizations 
will  want  to  join  with  it  in  its  program  for  the  defense  of  democratic  institutions. 


Exhibit  No.  73 

(Note. — The  excerpts  from  letters  included  within  this  exhibit  reflect  the  views 
of  the  outstanding  scholars  and  experts  on  Far  Eastern  history  and  politics. 
Some  of  these  letters  were  mailed  directly  to  Mr.  or  Mrs.  Lattimore  or  Mr.  Lat- 
timore's  attorneys,  and  others  are  copies  of  letters  sent  to  various  Members  of 
Congress,  the  copies  being  sent  to  Mr.  or  Mrs.  Lattimore  or  Mr.  Lattimore's 
attorneys.) 

Excerpts  From  Letters  and  Telegrams  From  Scholars  With  a  Professional 
Knowledge  of  Owen  Lattimore's  Work 

Nathaniel  Peffer,  Prof,  of  International  Relations,  Columbia  Univ.  Author: 
Basis  for  Peace  in  the  Far  East;  America's  Place  in  the  World. 

I  think  if  you  canvass  all  the  Far  Eastern  people  in  this  country,  including 
all  who  have  known  Lattimore  long  and  well,  that  you  will  have  an  almost 
unanimous  vote  of  confidence  as  to  his  character  and  integrity.  I  doubt  whether 
you  will  find  anybody  in  that  class  in  whose  mind  the  question  has  ever  arisen. 

To  say  that  he  is  a  Russian  agent  is  fantastic  or  lunatic.  In  any  event  it 
mu,st  be  clear  that  the  effect  on  himself,  his  family,  and  his  career  is  or  can  be 
tragic.     In  that  sense  the  whole  episode  is  dreadfully  unfair. 

If  I  seem  to  use  strong  language,  please  believe  me,  it  is  not  stronger  than 
the  feeling  of  most  of  us. 

Derk  Bodde,  Asso.  Prof,  of  Chinese,  Univ.  of  Penna.  Author:  China's  First 
Unifier,  etc. 
I  hope  you  will  forgive  me  for  speaking  my  mind  very  strongly  but  I  can  no 
longer  refrain  from  expressing  my  disgust  and  abhorrence  at  the  antics  taking 
place  in  Washington  which  have  culminated  in  the  case  of  Owen  Lattimore. 
Knowing  Mr.  Lattimore  as  I  have  for  many  years,  the  charges  are  so  utterly 
ridiculous  that  it  is  hard  for  me  to  believe  that  any  seriously  minded  person 
can  take  them  at  their  face  value.  If  they  deserved  a  hearing  at  all,  the  least 
that  could  be  done,  on  the  grounds  of  common  decency,  would  be  to  conduct  the 
hearings  in  camera.  The  present  policy  of  splashing  them  across  the  headlines 
of  the  world  press  not  only  throws  unjustified  villiftcation  on  loyal  Americans  who 
are  doing  their  best  for  their  country,  and  drives  intelligent  men  out  of  govern- 
ment employment  at  a  time  when  their  knowledge  and  skills  are  most  needed. 
It  also  weakens  our  foreign  policy  by  presenting  the  outside  world  with  a  pic- 
ture of  a  divided  America,  and  most  important  of  all.  makes  a  farce  of  the  demo- 
cratic process  as  it  operates  in  this  country.  I  speak  with  some  feeling  on 
this  last  point,  having  recently  returned  from  a  year  in  China  where  I  had  the 
chance  to  have  contacts  with  numerous  non-Communist  Chinese  intellectuals 
who  were  once  favorably  disposed  to  the  United  States  but  no  longer  are  so 
today.     I  can  well  imagine  these  men,  as  they  read  the  accounts  of  the  Washing- 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1649 

ton  investigations  well  played  up  in  the  Chinese  Communist  press,  saying  to 
themselves:  "If  this  is  the  best  American  democracy  can  show  for  itself,  we 
want  no  part  of  it."  In  short,  what  is  new  happening  in  Washington  provides 
Communists  in  China  and  elsewhere  with  unparalleled  anti-American  propa- 
ganda. 

Paul  M.  A.  Ltnerargeh,  Professor  of  Asiatic  Politics,  School  of  Advanced  Inter- 
national Studies,  Washington,  D.  C.  Author  :  The  Political  Doctrines  of  Sun 
Tat-Sen;  The  Ch'nia  of  Chiang  Kai-Shek,  etc.: 

Having  opposed  the  views  of  Owen  Lattimore  for  some  years  with  respect 
to  America's  China  policy,  1  feel  that  I  am  entitled  to  protest  the  fantastic  way 
in  which  Lattimore  has  heen  injured  without  opportunity  of  previous  hearing 
or  of  subsequent  redress  commensurate  to  the  damage  done  him. 

I  have  opposed  the  weak  and  silly  policy  of  the  State  Department  toward  the 
Kuomintang,  which  I  respect.  I  have  regarded  the  Marshall  mission  as  a  wild- 
goose  chase.  I  have  supported  the  pro-Chiang  and  anti-Lattimore  viewpoint 
for  some  years.     But  I  draw  the  line  at  hearing  the  issue  in  this  fashion. 

If  Lattimore  is  a  "master  spy,"  the  Saturday  Evening  Post  is  a  voice  of  Mos- 
cow, General  Marshall  a  traitor,  and  Elmer  Davis  a  rascal. 

There  is  a  case  against  Lattimore's  views.  I  have  tried  to  make  it  as  a 
Federal  Employee,  as  a  G-2  officer  in  Stilwell's  headquarters,  as  a  Joint  Chiefs 
of  Staff  liaison  officer  to  the  OWI,  and  as  a  postwar  private  scholar.  But  the 
case  is  one  which  can  be  made  honestly  against  the  views.  To  make  it  a  charge 
against  the  man  reduces  our  republican  and  democratic  processes  to  absurdity. 

Allow  me,  sir,  as  a  known  opponent  of  Lattimore's  viewpoint,  to  protest  the 
tactless  melodrama  with  which  he  has  been  attacked.  The  Senate  of  the  United 
States  will  be  the  ultimate  sufferer  if  careful  and  exact  justice  is  not  done 
in  this  case. 

May  I  recommend,  sir,  that  when  the  charges  of  Senator  McCarthy  are  aired 
and  dismissed,  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  consider  a  resolution  of  apology 
to  each  individual  who  has  been  hurt  by  this  exercise  of  a  prerogative  which  is, 
after  all.  sacred  first  to  the  Senate  as  a  whole  and  only  thereafter  to  its 
individual  members.  Such  a  resolution  might  help  Lattimore  somewhat ;  it 
will  be  enough  if  it  deters  comparable  attacks  in  the  future. 

Andrew  G.  Truxal,  President,  Hood  College,  Frederick,  Md. : 

May  I  respectfully  request  that  Dr.  Owen  Lattimore,  on  his  return  to  this 
country,  be  granted  every  privilege  and  opportunity  to  clear  himself  of  the 
charges  being  currently  made  aaginst  him.  As  a  former  colleague  of  his  dis- 
tinguished father,  Professor  David  Lattimore,  at  Dartmouth  College,  I  know 
the  family  and  the  charge  that  Dr.  Owen  Lattimore  is  the  "top  Soviet  espionage 
agent"  is  simply  fantastic. 

John  K.  Fairbank,  Professor  of  History,  Harvard  University.  Author :  The 
United  States  and  China: 

Senator  McCarthy's  allegation  that  Owen  Lattimore  is  a  "top  Soviet  agent" 
seems  to  me  completely  incredible,  on  the  basis  of  my  long  acquaintance  with  Mr. 
Lattimore  and  with  his  writings.  I  have  specialized  on  Chinese  history  since 
1929,  have  known  Owen  Lattimore  since  1932,  and  in  the  course  of  my  professional 
work  have  had  occasion  to  read  a  very  considerable  amount  of  what  he  has  writ- 
ten, both  in  books  and  in  articles.  I  have  also  heard  him  speak  many  times  and 
have  had  conversations  with  him  many  times.  I  have  never  heard  him  express 
views  or  make  statements  which  were  disloyal  in  character,  and  I  firmly  believe 
him  to  be  a  thoroughly  loyal  and  law-abiding  American  citizen  who  is  devoted 
to  the  free,  democratic  way  of  life  in  this  country. 

Considering  our  urgent  national  need,  in  the  dire  struggle  against  Russia  in 
Asia,  for  expert  knowledge  of  Asia  such  as  Mr.  Lattimore  demonstrably  possesses, 
it  seems  to  me  the  national  interest  demands  that  the  accusation  of  disloyalty 
against  him  he  thoroughly  investigated  and  publicly  disproved,  as  I  am  confident 
it  will  be,  so  that  his  future  usefulness  to  his  country  will  be  impaired  as  little  as 
possible. 

H.  H.  Fisher,  Chairman  of  the  Herbert  C.  Hoover  Institute  and  Lihrary,  Stanford 
University;  Director,  Civil  Affairs  Training  School,  1943-1945;  Director, 
Belgian-American  Educational  Foundation.  Author :  The  Famine  in  Soviet 
Russia;  A  Toicer  to  Peace,  etc. : 

I  have  known  Mr.  Owen  Lattimore  and  Mrs.  Esther  Caulkin  Brunauer  for  many 
years.     I  know  them  to  be  citizens  of  wide  knowledge  and  exceptional  ability, 


1650  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

which  they  have  employed  in  the  service  of  our  country.     They  are  incapable  by 
character  and  temperament  of  being  Communists  or  Communist  sympathizers. 

Frederic  C.  Lane,  Professor  of  History,  The  Johns  Hopkins  University ;  Editor, 
Journal  of  Economic  History: 

From  one  source  or  another  during  the  last  twenty-five  years  I  have  heard  the 
Communist  line  and  observed  its  gyrations.  Lattimore  has  not  followed  the  Com- 
munist line.  He  is  an  independent  thinker  with  whom  I  have  sometimes  agreed, 
sometimes  disagreed.  But  I  never  had  any  reason  to  think  him  a  Communist 
or  to  doubt  his  good  faith  and  loyalty. 

B.  C.  Hopper,  Professor  of  Government,  Harvard  University.  Author :  Sover- 
eignty  in  the  Arctic ;  The  War  for  Eastern  Europe. 

I  worked  intimately  with  Owen  Lattimore  for  three  years  in  the  Council  on 
Foreign  Relations,  New  York.  And,  naturally,  I  know  his  writing.  It  is  beyond 
belief  that  he  could  be  a  spy,  a  Communist  (definitely  a  card-bearing  member 
of  the  party),  or  could  have  worked  for  the  Soviet  government  against  his  own 
country. 

The  use  of  such  high-powered  labels,  upon  what  seems  to  be  conjecture  as 
evidence,  discredits  the  government  machinery  set  up  for  social  protection. 

Robert  I.  Crane,  Department  of  History,  University  of  Chicago. 

I  do  not  know  Dr.  Lattimore  personally,  but  I  know  his  views  and  writings. 
In  them  he  is  clearly  not  a  pro-Communist.  In  fact,  he  has  stood  forth  as  an 
unselfish  American  citizen  trying  to  advise  a  more  viable  foreign  policy  that 
would  prevent  China  from  going  Communist.  One  may  even  differ  with  Dr. 
Lattimore's  opinions  and  still  realize  that  he  is  sincerely  trying  to  think  our 
foreign  policy  out  in  a  constructive,  pro-American  fashion. 

Mary  C.  Wright  (Mrs.  A.  F.),  The  Hoover  Institute  and  Library,  Stanford 
University,  Calif. 

You  are  not  here  dealing  with  an  obscure  individual  whose  views  and  connec- 
tions are  diffieut  to  pin  down.  Nor  are  you  dealing  with  a  politically  naive 
individual  whose  research  is  remote  from  contemporary  issues  and  who  might 
therefore  be  the  dupe  of  foreign  agents.  The  way  in  which  Mr.  Lattimore's 
views  have  developed  and  the  direction  in  which  he  has  made  his  influence 
felt  are  perfectly  plain,  and  they  are  sharply  and  fundamentally  at  variance 
with  Communist  and  Communist-front  programs.  Mr.  Lattimore's  work  is  char- 
acterized to  perhaps  a  greater  degree  than  that  of  any  other  scholar  in  the  Far 
Eastern  field  by  precisely  that  kind  of  free-ranging,  creative  thinking  which  is  the 
chief  bulwark  of  free  peoples  against  the  subversion  of  their  institutions.  He  is 
the- last  man  who  would  tolerate  any  kind  of  strait-jacket,  and  it  is  literally  im- 
possible that  he  could  associate  himself  with  the  ruthless  discipline  and  dogma- 
tism of  the  Communist  Party. 

This  completely  unfounded  and  unwarranted  attack  on  him  is  itself  a  grave 
threat  to  American  liberty.  I  earnestly  hope  that  your  committee  will  lose  no 
time  in  investigating  the  facts  and  making  public  your  findings. 

Marion  J.  Levy,  Jr.,  Assistant  Professor  of  Sociology,  Princeton,  N.  J. 

I  am  writing  you  about  Senator  McCarthy's  accusation  that  Owen  Lattimore 
was  a  "top  Soviet  agent."  I  have  not  known  Mr.  Lattimore  intimately,  but  I 
have  long  used  his  scholarly  works,  and  I  have  had  a  number  of  personal  con- 
tacts with  the  man.  At  no  time  in  my  knowledge  of  either  the  man  or  his  work 
have  ever  know  him  to  express  views  which  were  disloyal  to  our  country. 

Woodbridge  Bingham,  Columbia  University.    Letter  to  Senator  Tydings. 

At  this  time  when  Mr.  Lattimore's  good  name  is  under  suspicion  I  wish  to 
go  on  record  as  having  the  utmost  confidence  in  his  integrity  as  a  scholar  and 
as  a  person.    I  cannot  think  of  him  in  any  way  but  as  a  loyal  American. 

May  I  take  the  liberty  of  appealing  to  you  to  see  that  Mr.  Lattimore  is  com- 
pletely cleared  of  whatever  is  unfounded  in  the  current  charges  against  him. 
By  so  doing  you  will  not  only  be  of  service  to  Mr.  Lattimore  and  to  those  who 
have  a  personal  interest  in  him  but  also  to  those  who  are  working  for  the  best 
interests  of  the  United  States  in  its  international  relations. 

Harold  Vinacke,  Professor  of  Political  Science,  University  of  Cincinnati. 
Author:  Far  E<i*t  in  Modern  Times. 

As  a  student  of  Far  Eastern  history  and  politics  over  a  period  of  twenty-five 
years,  I  have  had  occasion  to  examine  Mr.  Lattimore's  writings  with  some  care. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1651 

I  have  found  myself  in  disagreement  with  Mr.  Lattimore's  views  and  findings 
«n  occasion.  1  have  also  found  myself  in  agreemenl  with  him  on  occasion,  in 
case  of  either  agreement  or  disagreement,  I  have  never  had  any  reason  to  be- 
lieve that  his  views  were  not  honestly  and  objectively  arrived  at.  It  is  obvious 
that  there  is  a  wide  area  of  national  foreign  policy  in  which  there  may  be  honest 
difference  of  opinion  as  to  the  expedient  course  to  follow  in  protecting  and  ad- 
vancing the  interests  of  the  United  states.  A  case  in  point  is  the  question  of 
recognition  of  the  Chinese  Communist  regime.  It  does  not  follow  that  because 
recognition  lias  been  extended  by  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  tb.it  an  advocate  of  recognition 
by  the  United  Stales  would  be  seeking  to  promote  Russian  rather  than  American 
interests.  There  is  plenty  of  historical  evidence  that  individuals  of  unquestioned 
loyalty  honestly  come  to  what  prove  to  be  unwise  or  unsound  conclusions  as  to 
what  the  national  interest  requires.  I  believe  that  the  record  will  show  that  Mr. 
Lattimore's  views,  whether  correct  or  incorrect,  as  to  national  policy,  have  been 
derived  from  his  own  independent  analysis  of  the  existing  situation  in  the  Far 
East  and  the  response  to  the  policy  situation  which  he  honestly  believes  will  best 
advance  the  interests  of  the  United  States.  There  is  no  evidence,  on  the  record 
as  I  know  it,  which  would  sustain  the  allegation  that  be  is  or  has  been,  seeking  to 
promote  the  interests  of  the  Soviet  Union  rather  than  the  interests  of  the  United 
States.  As  I  have  stated  above,  I  have  on  occasion  found  myself  in  disagreement 
with  some  of  his  conclusions  as  to  what  would  best  serve  American  interests. 
But  that  has  never  led  me  to  conclude  that  be  was  not  fundamentally  motivated  by 
loyalty  to  the  United  States. 

Hymax  Kubijn,  Assistant  Professor  of  History,  Brooklyn  College. 

The  serious  allegations  made  by  Senator  McCarthy  of  Wisconsin  impugning  the 
loyalty  of  Owen  Lattimore  can  appear  only  as  fantastic  to  those  familiar  with  his 
scholarly  career.  As  a  student  of  the  Far  Eastern  field  for  the  past  twelve  years 
and  a  close  follower  of  Mr.  Lattimore's  work,  I  wish  to  state  that  at  no  time 
have  I  had  cause  to  question  his  devotion  to  this  country  and  the  democratic  way 
of  life.  His  numerous  books  and  articles  have  in  my  opinion  clearly  presented 
an  over-all  pattern  of  opposition  to  the  policies  of  Soviet  Russia.  Charges  of 
"pro-Soviet"  inclinations  and  beliefs  against  Mr.  Lattimore  based  on  bis  pub- 
lished writings  can  only  proceed  from  distortion  of  his 'theses  and  removal  of 
quotations  from  context. 

George  B.  Cressey,  Chairman,  Department  of  Geography,  Syracuse  University ; 

Member.  Presbyterian  Board  of  Foreign  Missions.    Author :   Field  Work  in 

Mongolia,  Tibet,  and  Interior  of  China — 1932-1929;  Asia's  Lands  and  Peoples, 

etc. 

May  I  express  my  deep  concern  over  the  unsupported  attacks  which  are  being 

made  on   Owen  Lattimore,   Haldore   Hanson,   and   others,   without   supporting 

evidence.     I  am  under  the  impression  that  under  Anglo-Saxon  law  a  person 

is  to  be  regarded  as  innocent  until  proven  guilty,  or  certainly  until  specific 

evidence  is  forthcoming.     In  a  police  state,  on  the  other  hand,  guilt  is  assumed 

as  soon  as  anyone  mentions  rumor  or  suspicion. 

I  consider  that  these  whole  proceedings,  including  the  attacks  on  the  Secretary 
of  State,  are  the  most  effective  device  to  impair  our  standing  abroad  and  to 
create  a  situation  favorable  to  communistic  propaganda.  One  might  make  a  good 
case  for  an  assertion  that  Senator  McCarthy  and  his  associates  are  the  most 
effective  agents  for  communistic  agitation  which  are  currently  operating  in  the 
United  States. 

Langdox  Waexer,  Curator  of  Oriental  Art,  Fogg  Museum,  Harvard  University 
I  have  known  him  (Mr.  Lattimore)  intimately,  both  in  China  and  this  country, 
for  some  twenty-five  years.  I  know  him  to  be  loyal  and  intelligent  with  an 
uncommonly  courageous  and  penetrating  attitude  and  a  sound  analytical  mind. 
I  have  seen  him  in  his  social  and  professional  contacts  with  Europeans  and 
orientals  and  can  best  describe  his  talk  and  his  privately  held  opinions  as  being 
unequivocally  and  patriotically  American. 

You  have  but  to  read  his  many  books  of  travel  and  of  political  analysis  to  be 
persuaded  that  the  impression  he  firmly  intends  to  convey  is  distrust  of  Commu- 
nist and  other  authoritarian  policies.  This  is  quite  as  obvious  in  those  passages 
in  which  he  is  seeking  a  reasonable  and  sympathetic  explanation  of  their  psy- 
chology as  in  those  where  he  is  more  drastically  critical  of  them.  No  doubt 
among  such  voluminous  writings,  where  the  author  bears  constantly  in  mind 
the  need  to  be  judgmatical,  paragraphs  may  be  lifted  from  their  context  in  an 
attempt  to  demonstrate  sympathy  with  the  enemy.     But  there  cannot  be  any 


1652  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

doubt  with  all  the  evidence  before  you,  that  even  such  passages  are  additional 
proof  of  the  author's  sensitive  regard  for  American  democratic  ideals. 

It  should  not  detract  from  the  cogency  of  my  argument  to  add  that  I  have 
frequently  disagreed  with  Mr.  Lattimore's  conclusions. 

Laurence  Sickman,  Vice  Director  and  Curator  of  Oriental  Art,  Wm.  Rockhill 
Nelson  Gallery  of  Art,  Kansas  City,  Mo. 

The  extremely  serious  implications  of  Senator  McCarthy's  charges  against 
Owen  Lattimore  compel  me  to  write  urging  a  complete  investigation  of  these 
charges  which,  in  my  opinion,  are  utterly  false  and  incomprehensible.  I  have 
known  Owen  Lattimore  personally  since  1931  and  as  a  specialist  in  Far  Eastern 
studies,  I  have  had  occasion  to  read  many  of  his  writings.  I  consider  Mr.  Latti- 
more to  be  not  only  a  loyal  and  forthright  citizen  but  also  a  brilliant  credit  to 
our  country. 

George  Grassmuck,  Boston  University,  Assistant  Professor  of  Political  Science. 

It  is  my  fervent  hope  that  the  current  damaging  attacks  on  the  loyalty  and 
integrity  of  Owen  Lattimore  receive  an  early  investigation  and  that  his  expected 
exoneration  gets  as  much  publicity  as  did  the  remarks  of  his  protected  accuser. 

Upon  my  return  from  wartime  naval  service  in  the  South  Pacific  and  occupied 
Japan,  I  studied  for  three  years  (1946-49)  at  the  Johns  Hopkins  University, 
and  took  several  Far  Eastern  seminars  under  Mt.  Lattimore's  direction.  I 
became  well  acquainted  with  his  political  and  economic  ideas  by  reading  his 
books  and  through  informal  conversations  with  him.  During  my  last  year  at  the 
university,  my  office  was  next  to  his,  premitting  even  more  frequent  discussions. 

At  no  time  during  my  stay  at  the  Johns  Hopkins  University  did  Lattimore 
impress  me  as  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  or  as  a  "Russian  espionage 
agent." 

Since  leaving  Hopkins  I  have  been  giving  courses  in  international  politics  and 
in  governments  of  the  Far  East  at  Boston  University.  I  use  Lattimore's  recent 
book,  The  Situation  in  Asia,  (Little,  Brown  &  Co.,  1949)  as  one  of  several 
references  in  the  Far  Eastern  course.  There  have  been  no  classroom  allegations 
whatever  that  the  book*  was  "Communist"  or  "pro-Russian." 

Instead  passages  from  the  book  show  Lattimore's  desire  to  see  Oriental  nations 
become  independent  and  free  of  Russian  domination.  On  page  167  of  The  Situa- 
ation  in  Asia,  he  states  : 

"Nor  do  the  Russians  start  out  with  the  advantage  of  being  the  'favorite 
foreigners'  of  the  Chinese,  as  the  Americans  have  long  been.  In  the  Chinese 
folk  tradition,  the  Russians  have  always  been  the  most  barbarian  of  the  'foreign 
barbarians',  the  'dangerous  neighbors'  with  a  common  frontier.  The  fact  is 
that  the  Russians,  like  the  Americans,  are  going  to  find  that  what  counts  in 
China  is  the  kind  of  government  evolved  by  the  play  of  Chinese  political,  economic, 
social,  and  military  forces." 

In  proposing  a  possible  plan  for  dealing  with  Asia  by  helping  to  establish  a 
group  of  independent  third  force  countries,  Lattimore  summarizes  the  scheme's 
purported  advantages  by  saying  (p.  237)  : 

"On  our  side,  we  shall  have  given  a  fresh  impetus  to  both  capitalism,  and 
political  democracy.  We  shall  have  a  strong  competitive  advantage  in  being 
able  to  help  more  people  get  what  they  want  than  the  Russians  can.  We  shall 
have  turned  the  disadvantage  of  an  Asia  that  we  are  not  strong  enough  to 
control  into  the  advantage  of  an  Asia  strong  enough  to  refuse  to  be  controlled  by 
Russia." 

Mr.  Lattimore's  point  of  view  is  obvious  to  those  who  read  his  books.  To 
my  mind  it  is  not  based  on  espionage  but  on  knowledge,  analysis,  and  loyalty. 

Arthur  F.  Wright,  Assistant  Professor  of  Chinese  History,  Stanford  University, 
Stanford,  Calif. 

I  am  sure  you  and  your  committee  must  be  aware  that  Mr.  Lattimore  is  the 
author  of  many  books.  These  writings,  which  are  basic  works  for  the  under- 
standing of  Inner  Asia,  are  not  the  work  of  a  "Russian  Agent" ;  they  are 
unmistakably  the  work  of  a  free  creative  American  intellect.  They  are  honest, 
clear  presentations  of  the  results  of  mature  scholarship  and  profound  thought. 
I  realize  that  investigating  committeemen  have  no  time  to  read  books,  but  these 
hooks  :ire  the  "documents"  on  Mr.  Lattimore.  and  they  completely  exonerate 
him  from  the  contemptible  and  malicious  slanders  of  Senator  McCarthy. 

We  in  university  circles  in  northern  California  are  gravely  concerned  over 
the  threat  to  our  free  institutions  presented  by  Senator  McCarthy  and  his  fellow 
witch-hunters.     Many  of  us  feel  that  the  traditions  and  the  prestige  of  the 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1653 

Senate  are  jeopardized  by  the  completely  conscienceless  behavior  of  Senator 
McCarthy  and  his  ilk.  I  think  you  owe  it  to  the  august  body  of  which  you  are 
a  Member  and  to  the  people  of  this  country  to  see  this  investigation  through  to 
the  end  with  maximum  publicity  on  all  findings.  So  far  the  practice  of  investi- 
gating committees  lias  hen  to  publicize  charges,  give  some  publicity  to  rebuttals, 
and  then  leave  the  case  and  rush  off  on  another.  It  is  time  that  this  shoddy  and 
on-American  practice  is  brought  to  an  end  and  that  some  semblance  of  fairness 
and  justice  is  introduced.  We  look  to  you.  Senator,  to  see  that,  in  the  conduct 
of  the  hearings  on  Mr.  Lattiinore,  the  dignity  and  good  name  of  the  Senate  are 
maintained  and  the  principles  of  our  common  law  heritage  preserved. 

Dr.  George  Boas,  Professor  of  Philosophy.  Johns  Hopkins  University.  Author: 
The  Major  Traditions  of  European  Philosophy;  Philosophy  and  Poetry;  etc. 
It  may  be  of  interest  to  your  committee  that  the  undersigned  is  a  veteran  of 
both  wars,  having  served  in  the  Infantry  in  the  First  World  War  and  in  the  Navy 
in  the  second.  As  for  his  political  opinions,  they  are,  as  you  know,  those  of 
a  continued  Democrat.  He  is  horrified  to  find  in  the  United  States  Senate 
a  man  who  will  not  hesitate  to  blacken  the  name  of  one  who  is  at  present,  as 
so  often  in  the  past,  serving  the  interests  of  the  United  States  and  the  western 
democracies  unselfishly  and  tirelessly.  Those  of  us  who  hold  no  political  position 
can  do  little  but  appeal  to  those  who  are  in  the  Government  for  help  in  such 
matters  as  these.  It  is  with  such  an  appeal  in  view  that  I  am  writing  you, 
trusting  that  the  force  of  public  opinion  may  back  you  up  in  seeing  that  justice 
is  done. 

John  A.  Pope,  Smithsonian  Institution,  Freer  Gallery  of  Art. 

The  investigations  now  being  conducted  by  your  subcommittee,  necessary  as 
they  may  be,  could  do  no  greater  disservice  to  our  country  than  to  deprive  it  of 
the  services  of  a  man  of  the  stature  of  Owen  Lattimore. 

Shannon  McCtne,  Department  of  Geography,  Colgate  University. 

Mr.  Lattimore's  recognition  of  the  strength  of  Russian  influence  in  Asia  and 
his  labor  to  make  this  important  fact  known,  and  appreciated  by  American  cit- 
izens, so  as  to  guarantee  a  more  workable  foreign  policy  in  Asia  certainly  does 
not  make  him  "an  agent  of  Russia"  and  hardly  constitutes  "disloyalty"  to  the 
United  States.  His  early  analysis  of  the  situation  in  Asia  and  his  plea  for  a 
more  aggressive  American  policy  coupled  with  reform  in  various  areas  of  Asia, 
which  would  negate  the  Russian  influence,  cretainly  should  merit  praise  rather 
than  condemnation. 

If  defamatory  practices  such  as  Mr.  McCarthy  has  used  are  continued,  the 
United  States  is  going  to  find  itself  either  without  trained  specialists  in  foreign 
affairs  or  with  a  group  of  spineless  yes  men  who  will  counsel  us  falsely.  The 
result  will  be  the  loss  of  this  country's  present  position  as  the  leader  of  those 
countries  and  peoples  who  believe  in  democracy. 

Prof.  William  R.  Amberson,  University  of  Maryland. 

I  wish  to  express  to  you  my  confidence  in  my  good  friend,  Owen  Lattimore,  and 
my  conviction  that  he  is  a  loyal  and  devoted  citizen  of  this  country-  These 
are  indeed  strange  days  when  a  scholar  of  Mr.  Lattimore's  high  standing  can  be 
so  irresponsibly  attacked.  I  have  known  him  in  the  work  of  the  Chinese  Indus- 
trial Cooperatives  as  a  man  with  wide  knowledge  and  broad  human  sympathies, 
contributing  much  to  the  study  of  pressing  political  and  social  problems,  par- 
ticularly in  the  Far  East.  He  is  an  able  representative  of  the  American  liberal 
tradition.  I  trust  that  you  and  other  Senators  who  also  hold  that  attitude,  or  at 
least  respect  it,  will  see  that  he  has  full  opportunity  to  explain  his  position,  and 
establish  his  integrity,  as  we,  his  friends,  know  that  he  can  do. 

L.  Carrington  Goodrich,  Professor  of  Chinese,  Columbia  University.     Author: 
A  Short  History  of  the  Chinese  People: 

As  one  who  has  known  Mr.  Owen  Lattimore  both  in  China  and  the  United 
States  for  well  over  twenty  years,  I  would  like  to  associate  myself  with  those 
who  believe  wholeheartedly  that  he  is  every  inch  a  loyal  American. 

Earl  Swisher,  Director,  Institute  of  Asiatic  Affairs,  University  of  Colorado. 
I  have  known  Mr.  Lattimore  for  many  years  both  in  China  and  in  the  United 
States,  and  am  personally  convinced  that  there  is  no  question  of  his  loyalty 
and  certainly  he  is  no  Communist.  Moreover,  as  a  scholar  and  authority  on 
the  northwest  frontier  of  China,  Dr.  Lattimore  is  a  valuable  man  to  the  State 


1654  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

Department  and  to  the  Nation,  at  a  time  when  every  expert  we  have  is  needed. 
It  seems  to  me  a  grave  mistake  to  malign  able  and  patriotic  statesmen  for 
political  or  publicity  motives. 

For  the  last  few  years,  it  happens  that  I  have  disagreed  with  certain  phases 
of  the  policy  which  Mr.  Lattimore  has  advocated  for  the  United  States  in  the 
Far  East.  We  have  had  arguments  about  this  and  if  occasion  offers  shall 
probably  argue  again,  but  this  is  certainly  no  reason  for  me  or  anyone  else  to 
smear  his  good  name  or  to  call  him  a  Communist,  which  would  mean  nothing 
more  nor  less  than  saying  that  he  disagreed  with  me.  He  may  be  right,  but  cer- 
tainly both  of  us  can  have  our  opinion.  I  should  hate  to  have  my  character 
damaged  because  others  are  of  a  different  opinion.  If  individual  Americans  and 
particularly  qualified  experts  are  not  allowed  to  develop  and*  express  opinions 
on  vital  American  questions,  the  functioning  of  democracy  will  be  seriously  im- 
paired. 

Thomas  C.  Smith,  Assistant  Professor  of  Far  Eastern  History,  Stanford  Uni- 
versity, California. 

There  is  not  the  slightest  evidence  to  support  the  charges  of  Senator  McCar- 
thy in  the  whole  of  Mr.  Lattimore's  extensive  published  works :  nothing  that 
remotely  suggests  the  Communist  Party  line  and,  indeed,  the  very  quality  of  Mr. 
Lattimore's  thinking — tentative,  empirical,  and  open-minded,  is,  quite  aside  from 
the  question  of  content,  distinctly  uncommunist. 

The  clear  intent  of  Mr.  Lattimore's  more  controversial  books  is  an  informed 
public  and  an  effective  American  foreign  policy,  to  both  of  which  he  has  made 
a  distinguished  contribution.  It  is  perhaps  unnecessary  to  add  that  this  is  not 
the  way  of  a  man  such  as  Senator  McCarthy  alleges  Mr.  Lattimore  to  be,  but  of  a 
man  who  takes  the  responsibilities  of  his  citizenship  seriously. 

Harold  J.  Weins,  Assistant  Professor  of  Geography,  Yale  University. 

Like  many  other  Far  Eastern  scholars,  I  have  known  three  of  the  individuals 
singled  out  by  Senator  McCarthy  in  his  attacks.  During  my  service  in  the  U.  S. 
Navy  and  the  OSS  I  have  had  some  contact  with  each  of  them.  These  men  are 
Owen  Lattimore,  John  Service,  and  Haldore  Hanson.  I  am  convinced  of  their 
American  loyalty.  These  men  have  had  occasion  personally  to  learn  about 
both  the  Chinese  Nationalist  regime  and  the  Chinese  and  other  Communist 
regimes  and  the  effect  of  their  operations  upon  the  welfare  of  the  Chinese  and 
other  Asiatic  peoples.  In  the  course  of  their  official  duty  with  the  Government 
they  were  required  to  give  objective  appraisals  of  the  situation  as  they  observed 
it.  Because  the  evolution  of  reform  under  previous  regimes  or  under  the 
Chinese  Nationalist  regime  has  been  slow  and  even  retrogressive,  an  objective 
observer  did  not  need  to  be  "leftist"  or  even  very  "liberal"  to  discover  that 
in  the  contemporary  scene  the  Communist  regimes  often  served  the  people  under 
their  control  in  a  more. beneficial  manner.  Such  a  conclusion  on  his  part  need 
have  no  bearing  upon  his  political  affiliation  or  loyalty.  I  am  anti-Communist 
and  I  believe  that  communism  in  the  long  run  will  harm  the  Chinese  if  it  is 
not  eliminated.  Neverthless,  although  many  of  my  interpretations  of  the  Far 
Eastern  situation  differ  from  theirs,  I  have  come  to  some  of  the  same  conclusions 
as  have  Service  or  Hanson  or  Lattimore. 

Alexander  Laing,  Librarian,  Dartmouth  College.  Author:  The  Sea  Witch; 
Clipper  Ship  Men;  Jonathan  Eagle. 

The  other  possible  explanation  is  that  Senator  McCarthy  is  deliberately  en- 
dangering his  country  in  the  conduct  of  its  foreign  policy,  his  Republican  Party 
in  its  public  reputation,  the  repute  and  dignity  of  Congress,  and  the  good  name 
of  a  distinguished  scholar  and  public  servant,  all  to  make  dubious  political 
capital  of  some  sort  for  the  Senator  personally.  If  this  is  the  case,  he  is  a 
depraved  scoundrel,  a  dangerous  and  deeply  evil  man. 
Claude  A.  Buss,  Professor  of  History,  Stanford  University,  Palo  Alto,  Calif. 

Through  conversations  with  him  (Lattimore)  and  through  careful  study  of  his 
books  and  articles,  I  respect  him  as  one  of  our  most  profound  and  original  Ameri- 
can thinkers  about  the  situation  in  Asia.  Whether  he  has  seen  fit  to  support 
or  criticize  any  particular  aspect  of  our  policy  in  the  Far  East,  I  have  always 
noted  that  his  attitude  has  stemmed  from  his  fundamental  regard  for  our  na- 
tional welfare  and  our  national  interest.  Whenever  I  have  disagreed  with 
hirn,  I  have  never  doubted  the  sincerity  of  his  conviction  that  his  ideas  were 
best  for  the  United  States. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1655 

I  like  to  think  that  I  worked  closely  with  him  in  the  Office  of  War  Information. 
When  I  succeeded  him  as  Director  of  the  San  Francisco  Office,  I  found  the  Office 
permeated  with  a  spirit  of  contributing  wherever  we  could  to  the  winning  ot 
the  war  We  all— British,  Chinese,  and  Americans— cooperated  against  a  com- 
mon enemy  No  one  was  more  jealous  of  American  rights— wherever  threat- 
ened—than Mr.  Lattimore.  Our  broadcasts  to  China  were  dedicated  to  the 
help  of  our  ally  and  it  was  deemed  essential  to  stiffen  the  morale  of  the  armies 
of  the  Kuomintang  under  Chiang  Kai-shek.  Most  of  our  Chinese  employees 
were  naturally  sympathetic  with  the  Kuomintang,  and  the  Chinese  Consul  Gen- 
eral and  the  head  of  the  official  Kuo  Min  News  Agency  were  always  accorded 
both  the  most  cordial  welcome  at  our  office  and  the  most  liberal  use  of  our 
facilities. 

Nobtjtaka  Ike— .Former  student  of  Mr.  Lattimore  and  Curator,  Japanese  Collec- 
tion, The  Hoover  Institute  and  Library,  Stanford  University,  Stanford,  Calif. 
As  a  student  of  his  I  had  almost  daily  contact  with  Mr.  Lattimore.  I  saw 
him  not  only  at  the  university,  but  on  many  occasions  at  his  home.  Thus,  I 
came  to  know  him  very  well  as  a  teacher  and  a  friend.  For  a  period  of  three 
years,  I  heard  him  discuss  the  grave  problems  that  confront  us  as  a  world  power. 
His  ideas  were  always  creative  and  original,  scarcely  the  kind  that  would  be  tol- 
erated in  Russia  today.  I  feel  certain  that  if  you  would  carefully  examine 
the  things  that  Professor  Lattimore  has  stood  for,  you  would  come  to  the  con- 
clusion that  the  eharges  made  against  him  are  entirely  without  foundation, 

Virginia  Thompson  Adloff,  Author,  30  Sutton  Place,  New  York  22,  N.  Y.     Au- 
thor: French  Inrlo-China;  Thailand;  The  New  Siam;  Postmortem  on  Malaya. 

I  should  like  to  offer  my  testimonial  as  to  the  devotion  to  democratic  ideals 
and  the  hrilliant  scholarship  in  regard  to  East  Asian  affairs  which  Mr.  Lattimore 
has  consistently  shown.  Such  an  irresponsible  attack  as  Senator  McCarthy  has 
made  upon  Mr.  Lattimore  is  not  only  crudely  unjust,  but  a  hlow  to  other  scholars 
striving  to  stmlv  the  Far  East  from  an  objective  viewpoint. 

(Note. — Excerpts  from  various  communications  from  people  with  a  knowledge 
of  Owen  Lattimore's  work:) 

Frederica  de  Lacuna,  Associate  Professor,  Anthropology,  Bryn  Mawr  College. 

Senator  McCarthy's  attacks  on  the  State  Department  and  on  Prof.  Owen  Latti- 
more have  been  truly  vicious.  Have  we  indeed  come  to  such  a  pass  that  the  cit- 
izen who  tries  to  serve  his  country  loyally  in  a  position  of  importance,  as  Sec- 
retary Acheson  and  Professor  Lattimore  have  done,  are  to  be  branded  as  traitors, 
without  the  protection  of  our  courts,  by  any  Member  of  Congress  hiding  behind 
his  immunity?  Not  only  do  such  attacks  make  it  impossible  for  us  to  carry  out 
any  coherent  foreign  policy,  and  so  play  into  the  hands  of  those  who  would  like 
to  see  the  United  States  divided  and  impotent,  but  they  are  subversive  to  the 
rights  and  dignities  of  our  citizens.  Again  and  again  we  have  seen  loyal  Gov- 
ernment servants  slandered,  what  good  work  they  might  do  nullified,  their  fam- 
ilies subjected  to  anguish  and  to  actual  threats  of  violence,  as  a  result  of  such  ill- 
considered  accusations.  How  are  we  to  get  able  men,  or  keep  them,  in  respon- 
sible Government  positions  if  they  are  to  be  treated  in  this  way? 

Franz  Michael,  Professor,  Far  Eastern  History,  University  of  Washington. 

Through  radio  and  newspaper  reports,  I  have  learned  that  Senator  McCarthy 
has  accused  Mr.  Owen  Lattimore  of  being  a  bad  security  risk  and  has  attempted 
to  throw  doubt  upon  Mr.  Lattimore's  character  and  loyalty  to  the  United  States, 
indicating  that  he  has  betrayed  this  country  by  spying  for  Soviet  Russia. 

I  have  been  deeply  shocked  by  the  carelessness  with  which  the  Senator  is  en- 
dangering the  honor  and  reputation  of  a  citizen  who  happens  to  be  a  colleague 
of  mine  in  the  field  of  Far  Eastern  studies.  I  have  known  Mr.  Lattimore  since 
1039  when  I  was  a  research  asistsant  at  Johns  Hopkins  University  at  the  Walter 
Hines  Page  School  of  International  Relations  of  which  Mr.  Lattimore  is  the 
director.  During  the  time  of  my  work  there,  I  came  to  know  Mr.  Lattimore 
well  and  have  the  fullest  confidence  in  his  character  and  in  his  loyalty  to  this 
country. 

I  have  the  greatest  respect  for  your  committee  and  have  no  doubt  that  Mr. 
Lattimore  will  be  able  to  refute  without  difficulty  the  charges  made  by  Senator 
McCarthy.  However,  I  want  to  express  my  deep  concern  over  a  state  of  affairs 
in  which  Senator  McCarthy  should  think  it  permissible  to  play  so  irresponsibly 
with  a  person's  honor  and  good  name. 


1656  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

Li.otd  D.  Musolf,  Graduate  Student,  The  Johns  Hopkins  University. 

I  am  writing  this  entirely  unsolicited  letter  in  protest  against  the  serious 
charges  made  against  Prof.  Owen  Lattimore  by  Senator  McCarthy.  As  a  grad- 
uate student  at  the  John  Hopkins  University  between  1946  and  1949,  and  as  a 
student  in  one  of  Professor  Lattimore's  classes  for  one  of  those  years,  I  wish 
to  express  my  strong  belief  that  the  charges  are  utterly  groundless.  In  his  bril- 
liant lectures  Mr.  Lattimore  followed  no  one's  line.  As  a  matter  of  fact  his  is 
the  most  independent  and  original  mind  I  have  ever  encountered.  If  his  writ- 
ings and  actions  are  studied  as  a  whole  instead  of  by  calculated  and  dishonest 
exegesis,  this  readily  will  become  apparent. 

Schuyler  Van  R.  Cammann,  Assistant  Professor,  University  of  Pennsylvania. 

In  the  first  place,  it  is  ridiculous  to  call  Professor  Lattimore  a  Communist.  His 
writings  show  that  he  has  no  illusions  about  the  present  government  of  Russia. 
In  such  books  as  Situation  in  Asia  he  has  presented  the  stupidities  and  limitations 
of  the  Russian  rulers  just  as  shrewdly  as  he  has  pointed  out  mistakes  in  our  own 
Far  Eastern  policies.  As  a  distinguished  scholar  with  high  integrity  he  does 
not  let  ideological  arguments  distract  him  from  seeking  out  and  presenting  the 
truth  as  he  sees  it,  and  we  all  know  that  such  freedom  is  denied  to  members  of 
the  Communist  Party.  Furthermore,  he  speaks  freely  of  Russian  imperialism, 
which  would  be  heresy  for  a  Communist.  In  any  case,  as  a  determined  indi- 
vidualist and  shrewd  thinker,  with  a  keen  sense  of  humor,  it  would  be  tempera- 
mentally impossible  for  him  to  follow  the  strict  (though  amusingly  shifty)  dog- 
mas of  the  "party  line,"  or  to  hold  to  the  fanatic,  pseudo-religious  beliefs  of 
Russian  communism. 

As  to  the  idea  of  his  being  an  espioriage  agent,  that  is  extremely  laughable  to 
anyone  who  knows  him  and  his  manifold  activities.  With  the  amount  of  time 
he  puts  into  teaching,  writing,  and  lecturing,  and  the  amount  of  energy  he  pours 
into  these  tasks,  it  should  be  plain  that  he  would  have  no  time  or  energy  left  over 
for  a  spy's  duties  even  if  he  were  so  minded,  which  of  course,  he  is  not. 

I  hope  that  a  review  of  Professor  Lattimore's  real  achievements  and  his  free- 
dom from  the  charges  leveled  at  him  by  Mr.  McCarthy  will  put  the  latter  in  his 
place.  It  is  rather  low  to  try  to  cover  one's  own  bad  record  by  reflecting  on  the 
reputations  of  others,  but  it  is  doubly  contemptible  to  have  made  public  accusa- 
tions of  Professor  Lattimore  when  he  was  out  of  the  country  and  unable  to 
answer  the  slanderous  attacks  as  soon  as  they  were  made.  His  conduct  reflects 
on  his  party  as  well  as  his  country  at  a  time  when  we  urgently  need  constructive 
forces  to  lead  us. 

George  McTurnan  Kahin,  Lecturer  in  Political  Science,  Johns  Hopkins  Uni- 
versity. 

I  am  shocked  at  the  outrageously  false  charges  of  Senator  McCarthy  that  Owen 
Lattimore  is  pro-Communist  and  a  Russian  spy.  I  would  like  to  make  the  fol- 
lowing statement. 

For  the  last  three  and  a  half  years  (except  the  period  June  1948-June  1949 
when  I  was  in  Indonesia  on  a  fellowship  of  the  Social  Science  Research  Council) 
I  have  as  a  graduate  student,  and  recently  as  a  faculty  member,  been  a  member 
of  the  Walter  Hines  Page  School  of  International  Relations  at  the  Johns  Hopkins 
University.  During  this  period  I  have  been  closely  associated  with  Owen  Latti- 
more. My  field  is  political  science  with  special  emphasis  on  the  Far  East.  This 
has  meant  that  my  frequent  contact  with  Professor  Lattimore — in  class,  in  semi- 
nar, and  in  personal  conversation — has  largely  concerned  discussion  of  the  domi- 
nant social  and  political,  problems  of  the  Far  East.  Communism  and  Soviet  Far 
Eastern  policy,  being  among  the  most  important  of  these  problems,  were  fre- 
quently discussed  by  Professor  Lattimore.  Never  in  such  discussions,  or  at  any 
time,  have  I  heard  Professor  Lattimore  indicate  sympathy  for  communism  or  for 
Soviet  policies.  He  certainly  did  show  strong  and  vigorous  anti-Communist 
feelings  repeatedly,  sustainedly,  and  unequivocally.  Consistently  he  was  severe 
;in<l  incisive  in  his  criticism  of  Russian  policies. 

James  P.  Warburg,  Financial  Adviser,  World  Economic  Conference,  London, 
1933;  Director  Philharmonic  Symphony  Society  of  New  York;  Author:  The 
Money  Muddle;  Foreign  Policy  Begins  at  Home;  etc. 

As  one  who  is  proud  to  be  a  friend  of  Owen  Lattimore  and  as  a  citizen  deeply 
concerned  over  the  irreparable  damage  done  to  innocent,  loyal,  and  in  this  case 
exceptionally  valuable  citizens,  by  irresponsible  denunciation,  may  I  respectfully 
urge  you  to  see  to  it  that  your  committee  after  due  investigation  take  whatever 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1657 

action  it  may  deem  appropriate  affirmatively  to  clear  Lattimore  in  such  a  way 
as  to  leave  no  rioulit  in  the  public  mind.  When  citizens  of  the  character  of  Sec- 
retary Acheson,  Ambassador  Jessup,  and  Owen  Lattimore  are  denounced  by  a 
United  States  Senator  as  bad  security  risks  it  is  time  for  the  Senate  to  reassert 
its  own  dignity  and  to  repair  as  best  it  may  the  damage  done  to  the  prestige  of 
the  United  States. 

Yi i.h.i ai.mkr  Stefansson,  Explorer  and  Arctic  Specialist 

Protest  most  strongly  McCarthy's  Lattimore  attack.  Lattimore  and  men  like 
him  are  our  best  defense  against  communism  and  fascism. 

Pearl  Buck.  Author:  The  Good  Earth,  etc. 

Richard  J.  Walsh,  President  of  John  Day,  Publishers. 

We  are  indignant  and  dismayed  at  completely  false  charges  against  Owen  Lat- 
timore. We  have  known  him  for  nearly  twenty-five  years  both  in  China  and 
United  States  and  have  read  his  books  and  kept  informed  of  all  his  activities. 
We  have  often  and  recently  discussed  with  him  his  views  on  Asia  on  which  he  is 
leading  expert  today.  We  know  that  he  is  opposed  to  communism.  The  false 
charges  are  all  the  more  unfortunate  for  the  United  States  because  this  country 
needs  the  services  of  a  man  of  his  experience  and  wisdom.  We  urge  immediate 
investigation  of  what  persons  and  interests  are  behind  this  destructive  attack. 

E.  Cowles  Andrus,  M.  D.,  Baltimore,  Md. 

My  wife  and  I  have  known  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Lattimore  since  his  association  with 
the  Johns  Hopkins  University.  I  have  full  confidence  in  his  integrity  and 
patriotism. 

Mrs.  Sanford  V.  Larkey,  President  City-County  Democratic  Club,  1010  Winding 
Way,  Baltimore  10,  Md. 

We  are  your  constituents.  We  appeal  to  you  to  take  appropriate  action  to  pro- 
tect one  of  your  constituents — Owen  Lattimore,  a  resident  of  Baltimore  County. 
We  refer  to  the  slanderous  statements  made  on  and  off  the  Senate  floor  by  Sen- 
ator McCarthy  whose  irresponsible  accusations  against  Mr.  Lattimore  have 
shocked  this  entire  community. 

He  has  not  as  yet  been  able  to  present  evidence  for  any  of  his  charges  and 
when  his  victims  have  been  able  to  reply  he  has  been  proved  guilty  of  misrepre- 
senting facts  which  are  easily  available  to  those  who  might  wish  the  truth.  It 
is  our  opinion  that  such  conduct  is  unworthy  of  a  Senator.  We  therefore  call 
upon  you  to  make  your  stand  in  this  matter  unequivocal  and  to  initiate  expulsion 
proceedings  against  Senator  McCarthy. 

Edward  A.  Parks,  M.  D.,  Former  Director  Harriet  Lane  Clinic,  The  Johns  Hop- 
kins Hospital,  Professor  of  Pediatrics. 
It  is  a  tragedy  that  Senator  McCarthy  is  enacting.  From  his  position  of  sen- 
atorial immunity  he  is  mortally  injuring  splendid  American  citizens.  Although 
Mr.  Lattimore  will  be  completely  exonerated  for  the  simple  reason  that  he  is 
completely  innocent  of  the  charges  made,  he  can  never  recover  from  the  wound 
inflicted  and  I  am  afraid  that  his  great  usefulness  to  this  country  with  his  vast 
knowledge  of  conditions  in  the  Far  East  will  be  permanently  impaired.  It  is  easy 
for  Senator  McCarthy  from  a  height  which  cannot  be  reached  to  toss  out  atomic 
bombs  indiscriminately  but  he  ought  to  be  made  to  pay  in  some  way  for  damage 
to  the  lives  of  patriotic  citizens. 

Margaret  O.  Young,  Mr.  Lattimore's  secretary  from  1938  to  1941. 

No  doubt  you  will  receive  many  letters  testifying  to  the  integrity  of  Owen 
Lattimore,  and  expressing  indignation  at  the  charges  placed  against  him. 

I  want  to  add  one  more,  and  to  say  that  I  worked  as  Mr.  Lattimore's  secretary 
from  November  1938  until  August  1941,  and  at  no  time  was  there  the  least  indi- 
cation of  subversive  activity.  In  my  opinion  he  is  a  man  of  high  principles  and 
broad  outlook,  and  the  charges  against  him  are  grossly  unjust.  Every  effort 
should  be  made  to  clear  his  good  name. 

Robert  E.  Sherwood.  Playwright ;  Author  :  The  Petrified  Forest;  Idiot's  Delight; 
Roosevelt  and  Hopkins. 

During  the  Se -ond  World  War,  I  became  closely  personally  associated  with 
Lattimore  in  the  Offi-e  of  War  Information.  He  directed  the  part  of  our  over- 
seas activities  concerned  with  the  war  in  Asia  and  the  Pacific.  He  was  important 
as  a  policy  maker.  I  therefore  have  had  ample  opportunity  to  gain  knowledge  of 
his  opinions  and  his  general  processes  of  thought  and  I  respectfully  beg  to  assure 


1658  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

you  of  my  conviction  that  any  charges  or  insinuations  against  his  loyalty  to  our 
country,  our  Constitution  and  our  American  way  of  life  are  as  outrageous  as 
they  are  fantastic. 

Elmer  Davis,  American  Broadcasting  Co.,  Washington  9,  D.  C.  Director,  Office 
War  Information  (1942-1945)  ;  News  Analyst,  American  Broadcasting  Co. 
Lattimore  is  accused  of  promoting  chaos  and  ruining  Christianity  in  Asia,  of 
apparently  preferring  totalitarian  government  in  Japan  to  the  kind  of  democracy 
Mac-Arthur  is  giving,  of  being  a  bad  security  risk  and  an  old-time  pro-Communist. 
1  have  known  Owen  Lattimore  for  years ;  he  was  one  of  my  leading  associates 
in  the  Office  of  War  Information.  He  may  have  overestimated  the  nationalistic 
aspects  of  the  present  Chinese  Communist  regime,  but  if  he  did.  so  did  many 
other  people.  To  call  him  a  pro-Communist  or  to  say  that  he  prefers  totalitarian 
government  anywhere,  is  as  ridiculous  as  to  say  that  he  is  trying  to  ruin  Chris- 
tianity. 

Rev.  Louis  M.  J.  Schkam,  Immaculate  Heart  Missions. 

I  am  a  scholarly  Roman  Catholic  priest,  student  of  the  University  of  Louvain, 
Belgium,  and  the  University  of  Leyden,  Holland,  and  have  spent  the  last  forty 
years  in  Mongolia  and  on  the  borders  of  Tibet.  I  am  in  America  now  to  publish 
the  material  on  which  I  have  worked  for  the  past  forty  years. 

It  is  in  this  connection  that  I  am  glad  to  cooperate  with  the  Walter  Hines  Page 
School  of  International  Relations,  so  that  this  part  of  the  world  can  be  made 
known  through  our  publications  to  the  Western  World. 

Edgar  Snow,  Contributing  Editor,  Saturday  Evening  Post. 

I  should  like  to  add  my  protest  to  the  hundreds  you  have  doubtless  received 
from  other  loyal  citizens,  against  the  unfair  and  un-American  persecution  of 
Owen  Lattimore  (and  others)  being  currently  conducted  under  the  cloak  of 
senatorial  immunity  by  Joseph  R.  McCarthy. 

I  believe  you  wish  to  be  scrupulously  just  in  your  own  part  in  this  hearing  and 
for  that  reason  may  welcome  this  voluntary  statement. 

I  happen  to  have  known  Mr.  Lattimore  for  17  years.  In  that  period  I  have  had 
numerous  opportunities  to  study  and  judge  his  character,  as  well  as  his  work. 
In  my  opinion  he  represents  the  highest  type  of  American— devoted  to  democratic 
ideals  and  principles,  superior  in  his  intelligence,  a  first-rate  scholar,  and  wise  in 
the  judgments  he  has  offered  to  the  American  people  concerning  events  which 
affect  our  future  and  our  lives. 

I  myself  was  born  in  Missouri  in  a  family  descended  from  generations  of 
Americans.  Whatever  I  know  of  Americanism,  and  how  to  identify  it  in  others, 
derives  fundamentally  from  what  I  learned  from  my  parents'  teachings  and  in 
American  schools.  I  know  Mr.  Lattimore  so  well  that  I  can  say  that  if  he  is 
"disloyal"  then  my  own  teachers  and  parents  were  likewise.  I  do  not  find  in  any 
of  Lattimore's  writings,  nor  in  my  recollections  of  any  of  our  many  conversations, 
nor  in  my  knowledge  of  his  behavior,  anything  which  would  violate  the  good 
conscience  or  the  best  standards  of  Americanism. 

Aside  from  that,  in  my  own  work  as  a  journalist  I  have  been  concerned  with 
matters  on  which  Mr.  Lattimore  is  regarded  as  a  specialist.  This  experience  as 
a  foreign  correspondent  has  also  equipped  me  to  judge  whether  anyone  is,  or  is 
not,  a  Communist  or  a  spy  or  an  agent  for  Russia  in  an  objective  or  a  subjective 
sense.  In  the  present  instance  it  is  Senator  McCarthy,  not  Lattimore,  who  is 
serving,  objectively,  as  a  tool  of  Russia,  however  unwitting.  They  could  not 
(the  Russians)  conceive,of  anything  better  calculated  to  advance  their  propa- 
ganda aims  than  Senator  McCarthy's  current  campaign,  which  is  making  a 
shambles  of  the  integrity  and  dignity  of  the  entire  United  States  Government. 

Mr.  Lattimore  could  not  possibly  be  a  spy  for  Russia.  No  Communist  could 
write  the  books  he  has  written.  No  one  could  read  them  and  assert  that  he  has 
been  the  "architect  of  our  Far  Eastern  Policy." 

Stanley  Salem,  Executive  Vice  President,  Little  Brown  &  Co.     Telegram  to 
Senator  Aiken. 

As  editor  of  Owen  Lattimore's  last  three  books  I  can  vouch  for  the  fact  that 
his  greatest  concern  has  been  that  the  United  Stales  should  not  lose  its  position 
as  the  leader  of  democratic  principles  in  the  Far  East.  I  know  you  have  been 
thinking  about  the  same  problem  within  the  United  States  and  I  hope  you  will 
do  everything  possible  to  give  Lattimore  a  chance  to  set  forth  the  truth. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1659 

Theodore  Weeks,  Editor  of  the  Atlantic  Monthly.  (Letter  to  Senator  Tydings.) 
Forgive  me  if  I  speak  personally,  but  so  men  must  do  when  they  arc  troubled. 
This  is  my  twenty-fifth  year  on  the  start  of  the  Atlantic  and  the  twenty-fourth 
in  my  friendship  with  Owen,  and  it  saddens  me  to  sec  what  a  reckless  accusation 
flapping  in  the  wind  for  a  few  days  can  do  to  smirch  the  record  and  the  authority 
Of  a  man  who  has  given  so  much  of  his  life  to  the  work  be  loves.  Owen  Latti- 
more  is  no  Communisl  :  anyone  who  knows  him  knows  that  be  is  loyal  to  this 
country  ami  that   he  has  written  and  worked  for  its  best  interest. 

Throughout  Ids  career,  lie  lias  believed  in  The  Open  Door  policy  for  the  Chinese 
and  in  the  early  l'.i-iO's.  it  was  his  hope  as  it  was  that  of  many  Americans  that 
the  country  could  he  unified  under  Chiang  Kai-shek.  Even  as  recently  as  Jan- 
uary 1950,  in  the  Atlantic  he  wrote:  "The  Kuomintang,  under  the  increasingly 
jeaious  and  narrow  leadership  of  Chiang,  put  up  the  worst  possible  defense  of 
cause  that  was  originally  good  and  should  have  won."  He  could  not  fail  to 
detect  the  increasing  corruption  in  Nationalist  China  ;  in  this  he  was  not  alone — 
ask  any  American  who  flew  the  Hump.  *  *  *  We  accuse  the  Politburo  of 
telling  Stalin  only  what  Stalin  wants  to  hear.  Now  it  seems  to  me  appalling  that 
there  should  be  Americans  in  high  places  who  try  to  make  Mr.  Lattimore  the 
scapegoat  because  he  told  the  truth. 

Sample   Misquotations   in    Senator   McCarthy's    References    to   Lattimore 

Writings 

1.  Senator  McCarthy  (Congressional  Record,  p.  4448)  quoting  from  Solution 
in  Asia,  p.  139,  said  Lattimore  wrote  that  the  Russians  had  "a  greater  power  of 
attraction"  for  Asiatic  peoples. 

The  correct  phrase  in  the  book  is  "a  great  power  of  attraction."  The 
book  then  adds  that  the  United  States  has  a  potentially  greater  power  of 
attraction  for  the  same  peoples. 

2.  Senator  McCarthy  (Congressional  Record,  p.  4458)  quoting  from  Situation 
in  Asia,  p.  53,  said  Lattimore  agreed  with  Stalin's  formula  for  revolution. 

In  the  book,  Lattimore  explains  this  formula  and  points  out  that  America 
can  prove  it  wrong. 

3.  Senator  McCarthy  (Congressional  Record,  p.  4448)  quoting  from  Situation 
in  Asia,  p.  89,  in  reference  to  the  Russian  gutting  of  Manchurian  factories,  said 
Lattimore  claimed  that  "this  has  not  diminished  the  Russian  power  of  attraction 
in  Asia." 

In  the  book,  Lattimore  called  it  "a  ruthless  example  of  the  sacrifice  of  the 
interests  of  non-Russian  Communists  to  the  paramount  interest  of  the  Soviet 
Union."  In  an  entirely  different  paragraph,  the  book  says  "On  the  whole, 
however,  the  Russian  power  of  attraction  has  not  diminished,  at  least 
potentially." 

4.  Senator  McCarthy  (Congressional  Record,  p.  4459)  quotes  correctly  from 
Solution  in  Asia,  p.  94,  but  says  "The  period  referred  to  is  the  late  thirties." 
The  period  actually  is  the  early  thirties  and  Senator  McCarthy  has  thereby 
misapplied  the  quotation  to  distort  my  position. 

(See  explanation  in  last  sentence  above.) 

5.  Senator  McCarthy  (Congressional  Record,  p.  444S)  quotes  correctly  from 
The  Situation  in  Asia,  p.  23S,  but  exactly  contradicts  the  meaning  of  the  pas- 
sage by  his  remark  "In  other  words,  he  says  to  America,  'Keep  your  hands  off.'  " 

He  further  contradicts  the  meaning  by  not  quoting  the  immediately  pre- 
ceding paragraph  which  expresses  my  confidence  in  American  participation 
in  Asiatic  affairs. 

6.  Senator  McCarthy  (Congressional  Record,  p.  4469)  quotes  from  a  Lattimore 
"article  'Asia  Conquers  Asia'  in  March  of  this  year  in  which  Lattimore  refers 
to  Russian  communism  only  as  a  'hypothetical  threat — a  card  unplayed.'  " 

The  article  was  actually  titled  "Asia  Reconquers  Asia."  It  included 
several  different  references  to  Russian  communism.  One  passage,  perhaps 
distantly  related  to  what  Senator  McCarthy  quoted,  reads :  "As  it  is,  we  do 
not  even  have  a  measuring  stick  for  assessing  what  kind  of  strength  Russia 
has  in  the  Far  East  or  how  much  of  it  there  may  be.  Whatever  the  Russian 
strength,  it  remains  behind  the  Russian  frontier — undeployed,  unexposed, 
a  card  unplayed." 

7.  Senator  McCarthy  (Congressional  Record,  p.  444S)  quotes  correctly  from 
Situation  in  Asia,  p.  147,  about  supplies  going  to  the  Kuomintang  and  then  com- 
ments, "This  is  Communist  propaganda  pure  and  simple."  On  the  contrary  this 
statement  is  based  upon  the  most  reliable  eyewitness  sources :  American  news- 
papermen working  in  China  and  is  so  credited  in  a  footnote. 

**8970 — 50 — pt.  2 12 


1660  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

Exhibit  No.  74 

[Columbia,  September  1949] 

Disaster  in  China 

(By  James  F.  Kearney,  S.  J.) 

Who  or  what  has  so  vitiated  the  opinion  of  intelligent  Americans  on  the 
China  question?  Until  recently,  despite  the  dust  that  has  been  deliberately 
thrown  in  American  eyes  by  pink  correspondents,  the  question  could  be  stated 
so  clearly  and  simply  that  grammer  school  students  could  grasp  it.  Having 
explained  it  to  grammar  school  students,  I  know.  Here  it  is,  expressed  in  mono- 
syllabic words :  "If  the  Reds  win  out  there,  we  lose.  If  they  lose,  we  win." 
Well,  for  all  practical  purposes,  the  Reds  have  now  won,  and  in  consequence 
we  and  the  Chinese  have  lost.  For  communism  it  is  the  greatest  triumph  since 
the  Russian  Revolution ;  for  us,  though  few  Americans  yet  fully  realize  it,  it  is 
perhaps  the  greatest  disaster  in  our  history ;  and  the  end  is  not  yet.  Who  is 
responsible?  It  wasn't  a  one-man  job;  short-sighted  Chinese  officials  contributed 
some  50  percent  to  the  catastrophe,  we  the  other  50  percent.  There  are  those 
who  believe,  though,  that  no  Americans  deserve  more  credit  for  this  Russian 
triumph  and  Sino-American  disaster  than  Owen  Lattimore  and  a  small  group 
of  his  followers. 

Owen  Lattimore,  confidant  of  two  United  States  Presidents,  adviser  to  our 
State  Department,  author  of  ten  books  about  the  Far  East,  where  he  has  twenty- 
five  years  of  travel  and  study  to  his  credit,  was  born  in  Washington,  D.  C,  but 
after  a  few  months  was  taken  to  North  China.  At  twelve  Iip  went  to  study 
in  Switzerland,  then  in  England,  and  returned  to  China  as  a  newsman  before 
taking  up  exploration,  particularly  in  Manchuria  and  Mongolia.  He  then 
studied  in  Peiping,  first  on  a  fellowship  from  the  Harvard  Yenching  Foundation 
and  later  on  a  John  Simon  Guggenheim  Memorial  Foundation  fellowship,  knows 
the  Chinese,  Mongolian,  and  Russian  languages  well. 

Returning  to  the  United  States  at  the  outbreak  of  the  Sino-Japanese  war 
in  1937,  a  year  later  he  became  director  of  the  Walter  Hines  Page  School  of 
International  Relations  of  Johns  Hopkins  University,  a  post  he  still  holds.  In 
1941  he  was  for  six  months  President  Roosevelt's  political  adviser  to  Generalis- 
simo Chiang  Kai-shek,  then  returned  to  the  States  to  enter  OWI,  becoming 
deputy  director  to  the  overseas  branch  in  charge  of  Pacific  Operations.  In 
June  1944  he  and  J.  Carter  Vincent,  later  to  head  the  Far  Eastern  Bureau  of 
the  State  Department,  accompanied  Henry  Wallace  on  a  diplomatic  tour  of 
Siberia  and  Free  China. 

So  high  does  Owen  Lattimore  stand  in  Washington  that  it  is  said  the  only 
two  books  on  President  Truman's  desk  when  he  announced  Japan's  surrender 
were  newsman  John  Gunther's  Inside  Asia  and  Lattimore's  Solution  in  Asia. 
Lattimore  was  next  named  special  economic  adviser  to  Edwin  V.  Pauley,  head 
of  the  postwar  economic  mission  to  Tokyo.  Though  not  an  authority  on  Japan, 
he  did  not  hesitate  to  criticize  former  Ambassador  Joseph  C.  Grew's  plan, 
adopted  by  MacArthur,  to  govern  the  Japanese  people  through  the  Emperor. 
He  believed  that  the  Emperor  and  all  his  male  heirs  should  be  interned  in  China 
and  a  republic  set  up  in  Japan. 

In  this  thoroughly  distinguished  orientalist's  career  there  are  many  disturb- 
ing features.  For  example,  in  former  Red  Louis  Budenz'  March  19,  1949, 
Collier's  article,  entitled  "The  Menace  of  Red  China,"  we  read,  "Most  Americans, 
during  World  War  II,  fell  for  the  Moscow  line  that  the  Chinese  Communists 
were  not  really  Communists  *  *  *  but  'agrarian  reformers'.  *  *  *  That 
is  just  what  Moscow  wanted  Americans  to  believe.  Even  many  naive  Govern- 
ment officials  fell  for  it.  *  *  *  This  deception  of  United  States  officials  and 
public  was  the  result  of  a  planned  campaign  ;  I  helped  to  plan  it.  *  *  *  The 
number  one  end  was  a  Chinese  coalition  government  in  which  Chiang  would 
accept  the  'agrarian  reformers' — at  the  insistence  of  the  United  States.  *  *  * 
We  could  work  through  legitimate  Far  East  organizations  and  writers  that  were 
recognized  as  Oriental  authorities.  Frederick  V.  Field  emphasized  use  of  the 
Institute  of  Pacific  Relations.  *  *  *  The  'agrarian  reformers'  idea  started 
from  there.  It  took  root  in  leading  Far  East  cultural  groups  in  the  United 
States,  spread  to  certain  policy-making  circles  in  the  State  Department  and 
broke  into  prominent  position  in  the  American  press.  *  *  *  The  Communists 
were  successful  in  impressing  their  views  on  the  United  States  State  Department 
simply  by  planting  articles  with  the  proper  slant   in  such  magazines  as  Far 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1661 

Eastern  Survey.  Pacific  Affairs,  and  Amerasia.  Both  Far  Eastern  Survey  and 
Pacific  Affairs  are  publications  of  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations.  Tins  is  not 
a  Communist  organization." 

Where  does  Mr.  Lattimore  come  in?  From  1034  to  P.)41  he  was  editor  of 
Pacific  Affairs.  Freda  Utley  mentions  him  in  two  of  her  hooks.  In  her  Last 
Chance  in  China  she  tells  how  Moscow,  where  she  then  worked  as  a  Communist, 
was  able  to  help  ils  friends  and  discomfit  its  enemies  in  the  Far  East  thanks 
to  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations,  and  that  Mr.  Lattimore  was  anions  those 
Americans  who  came  to  Moscow  for  help  and  advice  (p.  193).  In  her  Lost 
Illusion  (p.  1!>4)  she  refers  to  the  same  1936  Moscow  meeting:  "The  whole 
staff  of  our  Pacific  Ocean  Cabinet  had  an  all-day  session  at  the  Institute  with 
E.  C.  Cartel-.  Owen  Lattimore,  and  Harriet  Moore,  leading  lights  of  the  Institute 
of  Pacific  Relations.  I  was  a  little  surprised  at  the  time  that  these  Americans 
should  defer  so  often  and  so  completely  to  the  Russian  viewpoint.  *  *  * 
Owen  Lattimore  found  it  difficult  at  first  to  submit  to  the  discipline  required 
of  the  Friends  of  the  Soviet  Union.  He  told  me  a  few  months  later  in  London 
how  he  had  almost  lost  his  position  as  editor  of  Pacific  Affairs  because  he  had 
published  an  article  by  the  Trotskyist  Harold  Isaacs.  In  later  years  in  the 
United  States  it  did  not  astonish  me  to  find  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations 
following  the  same  general  lines  as  the  Daily  Worker  in  regard  to  China  and 
1  Japan." 

Henry  Wallace  never  claimed  to  be  an  expert  on  the  Far  East.  How  much, 
if  any,  of  his  report  after  returning  from  the  Siberia-China  visit  was  written 
or  suggested  by  the  oriental  expert,  Mr.  Lattimore,  I  do  not  know.  One  thing 
emerges,  however:  after  their  return,  the  American  policy  which  has  proved 
•so  disastrous  for  both  Chinese  and  American  interests  and  so  helpful  to  Russia 
was  put  into  effect  and  is  still  being  pursued.  Lattimore's  Solution  in  Asia 
was  described  by  one  reviewer  as  "an  appeal  to  Chiang  Kai-shek  to  free  himself 
from  the  galling  yoke  (of  the  Kuomintang)  and  to  set  free  the  democratic 
forces  which  have  proved  effective  in  northwestern  China,"  i.  e.,  the  Chinese  Reds. 
"That  book  is  again  referred  to  in  an  article  by  ex-Communist  Max  Eastman 
and  J.  B.  Powell  in  a  June  1945  Reader's  Digest  article,  "The  Fate  of  the  World 
Is  At  Stake  in  China,"  wherein  they  blast  the  deception  "that  Russia  is  a 
'democracy'  and  that  the  Chinese  can  therefore  safely  be  left  to  Russian  influ- 
ence.-' Owen  Lattimore  is  perhaps  the  most  subtle  evangelist  of  this  erroneous 
conception. 

Mr.  Lattimore  praised  the  net  result  of  the  Moscow  trials  and  the  blood  purge 
by  which  Stalin  secured  his  dictatorship  in  1936-39  as  "a  triumph  for  democracy." 
UIe  now  urges  our  government,  in  Solution  in  Asia,  to  accept  cheerfully  the 
spread  of  the  "Soviet  form  of  democracy"  in  Central  Asia.  His  publishers  thus 
indicate  the  drift  of  his  book:  "He  (Mr.  Lattimore)  shows  that  all  the  Asiatic 
peoples  are  more  interested  in  actual  democratic  practices,  such  as  the  ones  they 
can  see  in  action  across  the  Russian  border,  than  they  are  in  the  fine  theories 
of  Anglo-Saxon  democracies  which  come  coupled  with  ruthless  imperialism." 
Does  that  sound  as  if  Mr.  Lattimore,  a  top  adviser  on  our  Far  Eastern  affairs, 
is  on  our  team? 

The  same  article  continues  with  a  prophecy  which  has  just  about  come  true: 
"If  Russian  dictatorship  spreads  its  tentacles  across  China  the  cause  of  de- 
mocracy (i.  e.,  United  States  style)  in  Asia  is  lost.  As  is  well-known,  these 
tentacles  need  not  include  invading  Soviet  troops,  but  only  the  native  Communist 
parties  now  giving  allegiance  to  the  Soviet  Union  and  taking  their  directives 
•from  Moscow.  When  these  Communist  parties  get  control  of  a  neighboring  state 
the  Moscow  dictatorship  and  its  fellow-travelers  call  that  a  'friendly  govern- 
ment." It  is  by  means  of  these  Communist-controlled  'friendly  governments' — 
not  by  Soviet  military  conquest — that  Russian  power  and  totalitarian  tyranny 
is  spreading  from  the  Soviet  Union,  in  Asia  as  in  Europe." 

That  is  perhaps  good  background  for  the  current  slogan  of  Mr.  Lattimore  and 
his  loyal  followers,  Edgar  Snow,  Ted  White,  Richard  Lauterback,  Harvard's 
JFairbank,  and  many  an  ex-OWI  man — that  there's  nothing  much  for  America  to 
worry  about  because  Mao  Tse-tung's  communism  is  a  nationalist  movement. 
A  moment's  reflection  should  make  it  clear  that  the  very  last  thing  a  real 
Chinese  nationalist  would  do  would  be  to  swallow  hook,  line,  and  sinker  the 
•  doctrine  of  Karl  Marx,  a  German  Jew,  who  besides  being  a  foreigner  has 
a  system  that  goes  counter  to  every  Chinese  instinct  and  every  tradition  in  the 
Chinese  concept  of  society. 

This  recalls  an  incident  a  Belgian  priest  related  to  me  in  Shanghai  a  year 
and  a  half  ago.    He  had  become  a  Chinese  citizen,  and  when  the  Chinese  Reds 


1662  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

occupied  his  church  in  North  China  they  followed  the  usual  custom  (which  is 
probably  news  to  Mr.  Lattimore)  of  putting  up  the  pictures  of  Marx  and  Stalin 
in  the  place  of  honor  above  the  high  altar,  with  those  of  Mao  Tse-tung  and 
Chu  Teli  below.  A  Chinese  Red  then  told  the  priest  flatly,  "We  are  going  to 
get  rid  of  absolutely  all  foreign  influence  in  China.  Our  policy  is  China  for 
the  Chinese."  I  can  imagine  Mr.  Lattimore  saying,  "Just  what  I  told  you!" 
But  the  Belgian-Chinese  replied,  "And  those  two  foreign  gentlemen  up  there, 
Marx  and  Stalin?  When  did  they  become  Chinese  citizens'?"  The  Red  slunk 
silently  away. 

If  anyone  is  still  puzzled  by  the  contention  that  Chinese  Mai'xists  are  pri- 
marily nationalists,  a  glance  at  the  Communist  Manifesto  will  clear  matters  up, 
"Though  not  in  substance,  yet  in  form,"  we  read  there,  "the  struggle  of  the 
proletariat  with  the  bourgeoisie  is  at  first  a  national  struggle.  The  proletariat 
of  each  country  must,  of  course,  first  of  all  settle  matters  with  its  own  bour- 
geoisie." That,  I  believe,  shows  us  what  is  back  of  the  present  national  slogan 
our  United  States  pinks  apply  to  China's  Reds.  It's  not  authentic  nationalism, 
of  course,  as  the  Manifesto  explains  later :  'The  Communists  are  reproached 
with  desiring  to  abolish  countries  and  nationality.  The  workingmen  have  no 
country.    We  cannot  take  from  them  what  they  have  not  got." 

The  spurious  nature  of  the  nationalism  of  Mao  Tse-tung  was  admitted  by  Mr. 
Lattimore  himself,  perhaps  unintentionally,  in  a  tape-recorded  speech  he  gave  in 
San  Francisco,  December  7,  1948:  "The  Chinese  Communists  never  made  any 
bones  about  the  fact  that  they  are  Marxists.  They  are  Marxist  Communists 
in  their  international  relations.  They  never  question  the  Russian  line.  They 
follow  every  twist  and  turn  of  it."  That  is  an  important  admission  by  Mr. 
Lattimore,  since  so  many  of  his  followers  have  been  trying  to  tell  us  there  is  no 
Moscow  control  over  China's  Reds.  If  they  follow  every  twist  and  turn  of  the 
Moscow  line  they  are  evidently  not  Chinese  nationalists  as  we  understand  the 
term,  but  pseudo  nationalists. 

A.  T.  Steele  and  Andrew  Roth,  of  the  New  York  Herald  Tribune  and  the 
Nation,  respectively,  after  getting  out  of  Red  Peiping  recently,  declared  that 
the  Chinese  Red  leaders  are  in  every  sense  of  the  word  Communists  who  stand 
squarely  and  faithfully  for  the  Moscow  Party  line,  and  will  join  the  Kiemlin 
in  the  coming  world  war  III  against  the  imperialist  powers,  particularly  America. 
They  likewise  agree  that  while  Mao  might  possibly  become  an  extreme  nationalist 
at  some  future  date,  another  Tito,  there  is  absolutely  no  evidence  that  this  is 
a  factor  to  be  seriously  reckoned  with  for  a  long  time,  Mr.  Lattimore  to  the 
contrary  notwithstanding.  Spencer  Moosa,  latest  newsman  out  of  Peiping, 
confirms  their  statements.  The  very  first  movie  put  on  by  the  Reds  in  the 
auditorium  of  the  Catholic  University  in  Peiping  after  they  moved  in  this  year 
was  the  Life  of  Stalin.  Need  we  say  it  was  not  anti-Russian?  And  so,  instance 
after  instance  shows  the  very  close  connection  between  Moscow  and  Chinese 
communism  that  has  been  witnessed  throughout  the  last  twenty-eight  years 
by  intelligent  observers  who  have  lived  in  Red  China — where  Mr.  Lattimore 
has  never  lived. 

To  the  average  American,  whom  pro-Red  propaganda  is  intended  to  victimize, 
it  seems  quite  natural  that  Mao  Tse-tung,  a  native  of  China  who  has  never 
visited  Moscow,  should  think  first  of  China's  instead  of  Russia's  interests.  Yet 
how  many  native-born  Americans  are  there  who,  once  they  join  the  party, 
think  nothing  of  selling  out  their  country  and  its  secrets  to  the  Kremlin?  Such 
is  the  strange  mesmerism  exercised  by  their  Moscow  masters.  It  is,  then,  no 
harder  to  understand  Mao's  utter  devotion  to  the  party  line  than  it  is  to 
understand  that  of  Foster,  or  Dennis,  or  Earl  Browder.  After  all,  remember, 
a  real  Communist  has  no  country.  And  surely  Mao  has  proved  he  is  a  one 
hundred  percent  Communist.  Let's  not  be  deceived  any  longer,  then,  by  this 
fake  "nationalism"  of  China's  Reds,  which  is  the  central  thesis  of  Mr.  Lattimore's 
recent  book,  The  Situation  in  Asia. 

If  a  man  who  had  written  ten  volumes  about  Africa,  and  thereby  won  a  name 
for  himself  as  an  authority,  should  nevertheless  maintain  that  the  Negroes 
in  Africa  aren't  really  black  but  white,  it  would  be  a  cause  for  wonder.  Mr. 
Owen  Lattimore,  who  has  written  ten  books  on  Asia  and  is  called  "the  best-in- 
formed American  on  Asiatic  affairs  living  today,"  is  doubtless  well-informed 
on  many  Asiatic  matters  but  unfortunately,  if  we  are  to  take  his  written  words 
as  an  index  of  his  knowledge  of  China's  Reds,  he  is  very  badly  misinformed 
about  the  true  color  of  that  most  important  body  of  individuals  and  their 
whole  way  of  acting.  Which  reminds  me  of  a  recent  conversation  with  one  of 
Mr.  Lattimore's  OWI  boys  who  had  just  returned  from  a  three-years'  corres- 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1663 

pondent  assignment  in  China.  I  asked  him  why  it  was  that  practically  all  our 
foreign  uewsmen,  though  supposedly  educated  in  the  American  tradition  of 
fair  play,  spoke  entirely  of  corruption  in  the  Chiang  regime,  but  said  nothing 
about  the  corruption  in  the  Mao  regime?  And  this  man,  who  was  being  paid 
for  giving  his  American  readers  an  honest  picture  of  conditions  in  the  vital 
Far  East,  answered,  "Because  there  is  no  corruption  in  the  Red  regime!"  I 
laughed  at  him  for  wasting  his  three  years  in  the  Orient  and  passed  him  an 
article  showing  that  not  only  is  the  Red  regime  corrupt,  but  from  every  con- 
ceivable American  standpoint  it  is  conservatively  ten  times  more  corrupt  than 
its  corrupt  opposite  number. 

It  is  probably  of  such  men  that  Mr.  Lattimore,  in  his  Situation  in  China  (p. 
177  i.  writes:  "Hitherto  American  observers  who  have  been  acutely  conscious 
of  secret  police  activities  in  Kuomintang  China  have  had  nothing  comparable 
to  report  from  Communist  China."  The  reason  is  that  these  official  observer's 
were  allowed  the  freedom  to  observe  the  limited  activities  of  KMT  secret 
police,  while  they  weren't  even  permitted  to  enter  Red  China.  Had  they  wished, 
though,  they  could  have  learned  a  lot  from  people,  some  of  them  Americans, 
who  had  lived  in  Red  China.  They  would  have  heard  for  instance  about  the 
"T'ing  chuang  hui,"  or  eavesdropper  corps,  who  after  killing  off  all  watchdogs, 
creep  up  at  night,  next  to  the  wall  or  on  the  flat  roofs  of  North  China  homes, 
to  hear  what  is  being  said  inside  the  family  about  the  Communists.  Children 
.are  rewarded  for  spying  on  their  parents  and,  if  anyone  is  believed  to  be  guilty 
of  anti-Communist  remarks,  a  terror  gang  swoops  down  at  midnight  and  the 
chances  are  the  unfortunate  victim  will  be  discovered  next  morning  buried  alive 
outside  his  home.  This  sort  of  secret  police  and  terrorism  combined  has  been 
so  universal  in  Red  China  that  if  Mr.  Lattimore  doesn't  know  about  it  he  knows 
extremely  little  of  Chinese  communism. 

As  far  back  as  1945  the  predominant  sentiment  everywhere  in  Red  areas  was 
fear,  universal  fear,  fear  at  every  instant,  according  to  an  official  report  of  a 
Frenchman,  a  former  university  professor  from  Tientsin  who  spent  the  years 
from  1941  to  1945  in  Red  territory,  and  had  been  hailed  before  both  Japanese 
and  Red  tribunals.  "It  is  not  terror,"  he  says,  "for  terror  is  a  fear  which  shows 
itself  exteriorly.  Here  one  must  not  allow  his  fear  to  be  seen ;  he  must  appear 
satisfied  and  approve  everything  that  is  said  and  done.  It  is  a  hidden  fear, 
but  a  creeping,  paralyzing  fear.  The  people  keep  quiet.  They  do  not  criticize ; 
they  avoid  passing  out  any  news.  They  are  afraid  of  their  neighbor,  who  may 
denounce  them.  They  are  afraid  of  the  Reds  who  might  hear  and  imprison 
them.  When  the  Reds  impose  a  tax,  it  is  paid  without  a  word.  If  they  requisition 
anyone  for  public  work,  the  work  is  done  carefully  and  rapidly,  without  need 
of  any  blows  and  curses  as  in  the  time  of  the  Japanese,  and  wonderful  to  say, 
without  any  need  of  supervision.  (This  is  amazing  to  anyone  who  knows  the 
easy-going  Chinese  character.)  I  have  witnessed  groups  of  workers  along  the 
big  highways  built  by  the  Japanese,  doing  exactly  the  same  kind  of  work  they 
did  for  the  Japanese;  but  how  different  their  attitude!  There  was  no  foreman 
there  to  supervise,  and  yet  everything  was  done  carefully,  with  hardly  a  word, 
without  the  least  bit  of  joking."  Mr.  Lattimore,  with  his  lack  of  background, 
might  interpret  this  as  a  sign  of  enthusiasm  for  the  Red  masters.  But  the 
report  states  simply,  "They  were  afraid." 

What  was  true  in  1945  in  Red  areas  is  also  true  today  according  to  the  very 
latest  1949  reports  that  have  filtered  through  the  Bamboo  Curtain :  "There  isn't 
too  much  suffering  from  hunger  in  the  city,  but  it  is  impossible  to  lay  up  any 
reserves.  The  Communists  search  every  house  methodically  and  confiscate  any 
surplus.  Anyone  who  complains  or  criticizes  them  disappears  mysteriously, 
"buried  alive,  it  is  said.  No  one  dares  say  a  word,  even  to  his  best  friend.  In  the 
country  districts  conditions  are  terrible.  The  Reds  take  everything :  grain, 
livestock,  clothing,  tools,  and  now  all  are  being  mobilized  for  army  service. 
Famine  reigns  everywhere  together  with  fear.  The  people  endure  this  with 
clenched  teeth,  but  when  asked  how  things  are  going  always  answer,  'Every- 
thing is  going  well.'  "    They  had  better  ! 

These  reports  come  from  reliable  people  who  were  there  and  know  what  they 
are  talking  about,  and  who  ridicule  the  fairy  tales  Mr.  Lattimore  from  his  distant 
and  comfortable  chair  in  Johns  Hopkins  spins  for  eager  young  Americans  who 
believe  he  is  an  authority  on  China's  Reds.  What,  for  example,  could  be  further 
from  the  truth  than  this  statement  in  The  Situation  in  China,  p.  100 :  "In  China 
it  may  be  conceded  (not  by  anyone  who  knows  the  situation,  though,  if  I  may 
interrupt)  that  the  Communists  hold  the  confidence  of  the  people  to  such  an 
extent  that  they  can  probably  do  more  by  persuasion,  with  less  resort  to  coercion, 


1664         STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

than  any  previous  revolutionaries  in  history.  But  the  Communists  cannot 
indulge  in  experiments  which  the  people  do  not  accept,  because  the  armed  and 
organized  peasants  would  be  able  to  resist  them  just  as  they  have  hitherto 
resisted  the  return  of  the  landlords,"  Sheer  nonsense !  The  only  real  landlords 
left  in  Red  areas  are  the  Red  leaders  themselves,  and  the  people  know  enough 
not  to  try  to  resist  these  ruthless  masters.  For  some  reason,  no  one  seems  to 
relish  being  buried  alive ;  and  so  the  Communists  can  indulge  in  absolutely  any 
experiment  they  choose  without  the  slightest  open  resistance  from  the  peasants, 
who  are  merely  waiting  patiently  for  better  days. 

Since  Mr.  Lattimore  is  patently  in  error  on  so  many  vital  points  connected 
with  the  China  Red  question,  it  becomes  more  and  more  strange  that  his  advice 
on  Red  China  should  be  followed  almost  slavishly  by  the  United  States  State 
Department.  It  has  already  brought  China  to  disaster  and  may,  if  we  continue 
to  follow  it,  also  ruin  America.  It  might  be  well  to  consider  what  advice  he 
has  given  for  future  United  States  policy  so  we  shall  know  what  a  new  litany  of 
Lattimore  disasters  awaits  us. 

He  has  a  chapter  on  Japan  in  his  Situation  in  Asia  and,  though  he  admits 
General  MacArthur  is  a  first-class  administrator,  he  dislikes  his  "fatherly 
mysticism"  and  "old-line  Republicanism,"  hints  it  would  have  been  wiser  to  give 
the  Russians  more  say,  considers  the  present  policy  as  pseudo  realistic  and 
bound  to  fail.  "It's  likely  to  blow  up  in  our  faces,  like  a  humiliating  stink 
bomb,"  damaging  MacArthur's  reputation  in  the  end.  He  doesn't  like  keeping 
the  Emperor,  nor  the  type  of  democracy  MacArthur  is  giving,  apparently  pre- 
ferring for  Japan  the  totalitarian  type  Mao  Tse-tung  is  employing  in  China. 
Mr.  Lattimore  doesn't  like  to  see  Japan  made  a  bulwark  against  Russian  expan- 
sion, and  believes  that  since  she  is  possessed  of  the  most  advanced  technical  and 
managerial  know-how  in  Asia  she  will  eventually  make  her  own  terms  with 
both  Russia  and  China,  without  consulting  the  United  States.  "The  Japanese, 
watching  America's  failure  to  control  the  situation  in  China  through  the  Kuomin- 
tang,  have  been  giggling  in  their  kimono  sleeves.  In  a  queer  way  it  has  helped 
to  restore  their  self-respect  for  their  own  failure  on  the  continent."  He  sees 
no  future  for  Japan  apart  from  the  future  of  Asia,  since  she  needs  the  iron 
and  coal  of  Manchuria  and  the  markets  of  China. 

In  this  he  is  probably  right;  that  is  why  it  was  always  to  America's  vital 
interest  to  see  that  the  Open  Door  policy  and  the  territorial  integrity  of  China 
were  preserved,  though  this  adviser  to  our  State  Department  did  not  think  them 
very  imporant.  He  considers  East  Asia  now  definitely  out  of  control  by  either 
Russia  or  America,  stating  that  it  forms  a  group  of  "third  countries,"  which 
seem  to  resemble  Nippon's  ill-fated  "East  Asia  Co-prosperity  Sphere."  He 
believes  Japan,  then,  will  come  to  terms  both  with  Communist  Russia  and  Com- 
munist China,  and  will  end  up  by  being  more  anti-American  than  anti-Russian. 
If  we  had  only  adopted  his  plan  for  a  Japanese  "democracy"  right  after  the  war,, 
what  a  deal  of  trouble  we  would  have  saved  ! 

What,  now,  are  his  plans  for  the  mainland?  He  was  long  in  favor  of  a  Chiang 
coalition  with  the  Reds,  and  blames  our  Eightieth  Congress  for  spoiling  that. 
The  result  is  now  Communist  control — which  of  course  would  have  eventuated 
just  as  well  had  his  original  coalition  idea  gone  through.  "We  mustn't  lay  down 
our  own  conditions  for  dealing  with  a  Red  China,  he  says,  or  we  shall  spoil 
our  favorable  position  with  the  Chinese.  Has  he  never  heard  how  Mao's  Reds 
detest  Americans,  and  hold  half  a  dozen  United  States  consuls  under  house1 
arrest?  "We  must  at  all  costs  avoid  the  appearance  of  wanting  to  punish  the 
Chinese  people  for  having  a  government  which  we  didn't  approve  for  them  in 
advance."  As  if  the  Chinese  were  really  anxious  for  a  puppet  Red  regime. 
We  must  not  support  any  rump  government,  for  that  would  be  dividing  China. 
We  must  extend  credits  to  poor  Red  China  and  help  build  it  up  by  trade  and 
American  engineering  "know-how"  as  "Ford  Motors  and  General  Electric  did 
in  Russia  in  the  period  between  wars."  But  let's  not  lay  down  any  conditions-, 
for  our  aid,  by  insisting  that  Red  China  be  hostile  to  Red  Russia. 

And  if  all  that  isn't  enough  to  make  Uncle  Sam  snspect  that  Owen  Lattimore 
is  making  a  fool  out  of  him  in  the  interests  of  world  communism,  the  expert 
goes  much  further:  "The  new  government  of  China  will  claim  China's  Big  Five 
position  in  the  United  Nations,  including  the  right  of  veto.  By  the  use  of  our 
own  veto  we  could  delay  China  in  moving  into  this  position,"  but  of  course  it 
would  be  unfair  to  deprive  Russia  of  another  vote,  especially  since  Russia  has 
had  nothing  whatsoever  to  do  with  imposing  communism  on  China.  See  now 
why  the  pinks  are  so  strong  on  their  insistence  that  the  Bed  movement  in  China 
is  purely  nationalistic?    And  another  vote  for  Mother  Russia? 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1665 

Let's  take  Outer  Mongolia,  that  voted  unanimously  to  be  annexed  to  Russia 
in  1945 — each  voter  being  required  to  sign  his  name  on  Ins  ballot.  "Mongolia," 
he  says,  "is  between  a  Communist-ruled  Russia  and  a  Communist-controlled 
China.  Ii  would  be  an  advantage  to  American  policy  to  be  able  to  emphasize  that 
there  is  a  country  occupying  600,000  square  miles  of  territory  *  *  *  inhabited 
by  people  who  are  neither  Chinese  nor  Russians.  It  is  impossible  to  make  use 
of  this  advantage  unless  the  separation  of  outer  Mongolia  is  emphasized  by 
membership  in  the  United  Nations.  *  *  *  it  is  true  that  Mongolia  as  a 
member  of  the  United  Nations  would  mean  another  vote  for  Russia;  but  would 
tbis  be  a  greater  disadvantage  than  our  present  complete  lack  of  access  to  this 
key  country  between  China  and  Russia?"  (p.  226). 

Yes.  Mr.  Lattimore.  it  would.  Considering  that  the  whole  United  States  has: 
but  one  vote  in  the  United  Nations,  while  Russia  started  out  with  three,  it  is 
simply  wonderful  of  Owen  Lattimore  to  give  a  couple  more  Far  East  satellite 
votes  to  our  "cold  war"  enemy.  Since  he  is  one  of  the  chief  advisers  to  our 
Far  Eastern  State  Department  Bureau,  is  it  any  wonder  that  disaster  has  been 
piled  on  disaster  in  Asia  for  Americans  while  world  communism  engages  in 
frenzied  applause?  If  Mr.  Lattimore  is  permitted  to  turn  over  one  Far  Eastern 
vote  after  another  to  Russia,  Moscow  will  soon  dominate  the  United  Nations, 
and  then  can  safely  discard  the  veto.  Why  should  one  man,  whose  writings 
show  he  has  no  knowledge  of  the  character  of  China's  Reds,  be  allowed  to  go 
on  unchallenged  promoting  chaos  and  ruining  Christianity  in  Asia?  True,  he 
doesn't  say  he  wants  a  Red  Asia;  but  the  publisher  of  his  Situation  in  Aria 
indicates  his  intentions  when  on  the  jacket  of  the  book  they  print  a  map  of 
Lattimore's  Asia,  including  Japan,  Sakhalin,  all  of  China,  the  Philippines,  1  Qe 
Dutch  East  Indies,  Siam,  Burma,  Malaya,  and  India,  in  nice  Soviet  Red. 


Exhibit  No.  75 

[From  the  New  Masses,  October  12,  1937] 

China's  Communists  Told  Mb — A  Specialist  in  Fab  Easteen  Affaibs  Inteb- 
views  the  Leading  Men  of  Red  China  in  Theib  Home  Teekitobies 

(By  Philip  J.  Jaffe) 

Fifteen  days  before  Japanese  troops  opened  fire  on  a  Chinese  garrison  near 
Peiping.  I  was  seated  in  the  one  bare  room  which  is  the  home  of  Mao  Tse-tvngr 
the  political  leader  of  the  Chinese  Communist  Party.  In  the  course  of  the  in  ;er- 
view  Mao  Tse-tung  said  to  me:  "Japan  cannot  stop  now.  Japan  wants  to 
swallow  China.  Its  next  stept  will  not  be  long  delayed.  You  ask  about  the 
future  of  the  united  front?  The  united  front  is  inevitable  because  Japan's 
invasion  farther  into  the  heart  of  China  is  inevitable." 

Twenty-four  hours  later,  in  the  military  headquarters  of  the  former  Chinese 
Red  Army,  only  two  big  rooms,  walls  covered  with  huge  military  maps,  I  asked 
the  most  famous  of  the  Communist  commanders,  General  Chu  Teh :  "Why  do 
you  think  that  General  Chiang  Kai-shek  will  have  to  accept  the  aid  of  the  Red 
Army?" 

Chu  Teh  replied :  "A  form  of  the  united  front  has  now  existed  for  several 
months  and  has  resulted  in  a  large  measure  of  internal  peace.  The  Chinese 
bourgeoisie,  however,  is  not  easily  able  to  forget  its  ten-year  fight  against  the 
Red  Army.  But  when  the  war  with  Japan  eventually  begins,  it  will  not  be  a 
question  of  what  the  bourgeoisie  wants ;  they  will  have  to  have  the  Red  Army. 
In  a  war  with  Japan,  it  will  not  only  be  a  question  of  regular  troops.  China 
must  also  depend  on  its  peasants  and  workers  whom  the  Communists  alone  can 
lead.  It  is  not  merely  the  numbers  of  the  army  which  count ;  it  is  the  mass 
population  as  well.  If  Chiang  Kai-shek  thinks  that  he  can  raise  a  large  army 
to  fight  Japan,  without  at  the  same  time  enrolling  the  masses  as  the  backbone 
of  the  struggle,  then  he  will  be  rudely  disappointed.  No  war  against  Japan  can 
be  successful  without  a  correct  organization  of  the  peasants  and  workers,  and 
this  only  the  Red  Army  can  successfully  carry  out." 

Two  weeks  later  I  knew  that  the  prophecy  made  by  the  two  famous  leaders  of 
the  former  Chinese  Red  Army  had  been  fulfilled.  On  July  7,  Japan  invaded 
North  China.  On  August  22,  the  first  stage  of  the  united  front — that  of  military 
cooperation — was  concluded  between  the  Nanking  and  Red  Armies.  In  the 
words  of  the  official  communique  from  Nanking,  "the  Chinese  government  and 


1666  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

the  Communist  army  have  been  fighting  for  the  last  ten  years ;  this  is  the  official 
conclusion  of  the  war."  Mao  Tse-tung  has  since  been  appointed  governor  of  the 
former  Soviet  region,  now  renamed  the  Special  Administrative  District.  Chu 
Teh  has  been  appointed  commander-in-chief  of  the  former  Red  Army,  now  called 
the  Eighth  Route  Army.  Chou  En-lai,  another  outstanding  Communist  with 
whom  I  spoke,  is  the  official  Communist  representative  on  the  general  staff  in 
Nanking. 

Mao  Tse-tung,  political  leader. — Yenan  is  the  capital  of  the  former  Soviet  re- 
gion. On  June  21,  after  four  days'  travel  from  Sian,  the  capital  of  Shensi 
province,  scene  of  the  Chiang  Kai-shek  incident  of  last  December,  through  semi- 
starved  villages,  on  bridgeless  rivers  and  roads  deep  with  gullies,  we  finally 
passed  through  the  beautiful,  ancient  main  gate  of  Yenan.  We  were  greeted 
at  the  gate  by  Agnes  Smedley,  the  distinguished  American  writer  and  an  old 
friend  of  the  Chinese  people.  While  in  Yenan,  our  party  which  included  beside 
myself,  T.  A.  Bisson  of  the  Foreign  Policy  Association,  and  Owen  Lattimore, 
editor  of  Pacific  Affairs,  stayed  at  the  Foreign  Office.  The  building  was  soon 
buzzing  with  excitement.  We  had  barely  finished  our  first  dinner  in  Yenan, 
when  guests  arrived:  Ting  Ling,  China's  foremost  woman  writer;  Li  Li-san, 
an  old  associate  of  Dr.  Sun  Yat-sen ;  the  only  two  non-Chinese  then  in  the  region, 
Agnes  Smedley  and  Peggy  Snow,  wife  of  the  American  writer,  Edgar  Snow,  and 
many  Communist  leaders.  Before  long,  we  were  talking  and  singing  in  a  variety 
of  languages.  In  the  midst  of  our  animated  discussion,  somebody  entered 
quietly  and  sat  down.  "Comrade  Mao,''  someone  said — Mao  Tse-tung,  the  polit- 
ical leader  of  the  then  Cbinese  Soviet  Government. 

We  spent  many  hours  with  him  after  that  evening — at  interviews,  during 
meals,  at  the  theater — and  we  were  increasingly  impressed  by  the  complete 
sincerity  and  lack  of  ostentation  that  is  so  typical  of  him  and  of  the  other  leaders 
we  saw.  It  was  during  these  visits  that  we  grew  to  feel  his  tremendous  force, 
a  force  likely  to  be  overlooked  at  first  because  of  the  low,  even  voice,  the  quiet 
restraint  of  his  movements,  and  the  beautiful  hands,  almost  too  delicate  for  a 
soldier,  but  so  dexterous  with  the  writing  brush.  But  the  quiet  voice  speaks 
with  brilliance  and  authority,  the  movements  of  the  tall  slim  body  with  slightly 
stopped  shoulders  are  sure  and  well  coordinated.  Like  all  other  Red  Army  com- 
manders, Mao  wears  exactly  the  same  uniform  as  the  rank-and-file  soldiers,  eats 
the  same  food,  sleeps  on  the  same  sort  of  k'ang  (a  low,  long  bed  of  stone),  avoids 
all  social  ceremonies,  and  altogether  lives  an  extremely  simple  life.  It  becomes 
easy  to  understand  the  tremendous  personal  appeal  which  Mao  has  as  a  leader. 
This  leadership  dates  from  the  first  organizational  meeting  of  the  committee 
ivhich  organized  the  Chinese  Communist  Party  in  Shanghai  in  1920.  Mao 
was  an  important  figure  at  that  meeting. 

Our  interviews  with  Mao  Tse-tung  were  many  and  on  a  host  of  topics :  the 
evolution  of  Nanking's  policy;  the  inner  political  struggle  within  Nanking;  the 
Sian  incident ;  the  united  front ;  the  student  movement ;  the  role  of  other 
powers  in  Far  Eastern  affairs ;  and  the  perspectives  of  China's  future  develop- 
ment, etc.  But  since  Mao  Tse-tung  asked  me  to  transmit  a  message  to  the 
American  people,  it  is  perhaps  best  to  confine  his  remarks  to  those  concerning 
America  and  its  isolationist  policy. 

"Though  there  are  many  Americans  who  are  isolationist  in  principle,"  he 
began,  "America  is  not  and  cannot  be  isolationist.  America  is  in  this  respect 
like  other  capitalist  countries:  part  proletariat,  part  capitalist.  Neither  one 
nor  the  other  can  be  isolationist.  Capitalism  in  the  imperialist  countries  is 
world-wide,  and  so  is  the  problem  of  liberation  which  needs  the  effort  of  the 
world  proletariat.  Not  only  does  China  need  the  help  of  the  American  prole- 
tariat, but  the  American  proletariat  also  needs  the  help  of  the  Chinese  peasants 
and  workers.  The  relation  of  American  capitalism  to  China  is  similar  to  that 
of  other  capitalist  countries.  These  countries  have  common  interests  as  well 
as  conflicting  ones — common  in  that  they  all  exploit  China,  conflicting  in  that 
each  wants  what  the  oilier  has,  as  exemplified  by  the  conflict  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States,  as  well  as  between  Japan,  Britain,  and  the  United 
States.  If  China  is  subjugated  by  Japan,  it  will  not  only  be  a  catastrophe  for 
the  Chinese  people,  but  a  serious  loss  to  other  imperialist  powers." 

At  this  point  Mao  was  handed  a  wireless  message  announcing  both  the  fall 
of  Bilbao  and  the  resignation  of  France's  premier,  Leon  Blum.  We  discussed 
the  probable  causes  of  both  these  events.  Mao  clearly  showed  his  grasp  of  the 
world  situation,  despite  the  isolating  distance.  We  took  time  off  to  answer  a 
host  of  questions,  this  time  by  him.  What  is  the  comparative  strength  of  the 
Socialist  and  Communist  Parties  in  America?    Did  we  know  the  life-stories  of 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1667 

John  L.  Lewis  and  Karl  Browder?  The  strength  of  the  American  labor  unions? 
The  Trotskyites?    American  official  opinion  on  the  Far  Bast? 

Then  Mao  Tse-tung  continued:  "The  Chinese  revolution  is  not  an  exception,  it 
is  one  part  of  the  world  revolution,  it  lias  special  characteristics,  but  funda- 
mentally it  is  similar  to  the  Spanish,  French,  American,  and  British  struggles. 
These  struggles  are  all  progressive.  Therein  lies  their  similarity.  It  is  this 
similarity  that  evokes  the  broad  sympathy  of  the  American  masses  and  their 
concern  with  the  fate  of  the  Chinese  people.  We,  on  our  part,  are  also  con- 
cerned with  the  fate  of  the  American  people.  Please  convey  this  message  to  your 
people.  The  difference  between  our  peoples  lies  in  this  :  the  Chinese  people,  unlike 
the  Americans,  are  oppressed  by  outside  invaders.  The  American  people  are,  of 
course,  oppressed  from  the  inside,  but  not  by  feudal  forces.  It  is  the  hope  com- 
mon to  all  of  us  that  our  two  countries  shall  work  together." 

Chu  Teh,  military  leader. — Though  Chu  Teh  is  known  to  the  outside  world  for 
his  military  exploits,  his  other  activities  are  many  and  varied.  We  first  met 
Chu  Teh  in  a  class  he  was  teaching  on  the  "Fundamental  Problems  of  the  Chi- 
nese Revolution."  Wearing  spectacles,  he  could  very  well  have  been  mistaken 
for  a  professional  teacher.  At  the  People's  Anti-Japanese  Military  Political 
University  at  Tenan,  he  teaches  both  military  tactics  and  Marxist-Leninist 
principles.  From  1022  to  1925,  Chu  Teh  studied  political  and  economic  science, 
philosophy,  and  military  strategy  in  Germany.  As  a  result  he  speaks  German 
freely.  His  favorite  recreations  are  reading,  conversation,  horseback  riding, 
and  basketball.  The  latter  sport  is  a  subject  for  much  fun  among  the  troops. 
His  love  for  the  game  is  greater  than  his  ability  and  he  can  often  be  found 
hanging  about  a  group  which  is  choosing  sides.  If  he  is  not  picked,  he  quietly 
moves  on  to  the  next  court  in  the  hope  that  there  his  luck  will  turn.  My  greatest 
disappointment  at  Yenan  was  that  rain  ruined  an  appointment  we  had  to  play 
basketball  with  him. 

Chu  Teh,  commander-in-chief  of  the  Eighth  Route  Army,  is  the  personifica- 
tion of  the  spirit  of  these  armies  which  for  ten  years  have  been  continuously 
victorious  in  the  face  of  overwhelming  odds.  His  career  has  been  devoted 
mainly  to  the  military  side  of  revolutionary  activities.  Fifty-one  years  old,  he 
has  taken  part  in  the  entire  development  of  modern  China,  from  the  overthrow 
of  the  Manchu  dynasty  in  1911  to  the  present  struggle  against  Japan.  Begin- 
ning with  August  1,  1927,  when,  together  with  another  famous  Red  commander, 
Ho  Lung,  he  organized  the  Nanchang  uprising,  he  participated  in  exploits  which 
have  now  become  legend.  In  November  1931,  the  first  All-Soviet  Congress  in 
Juikin,  Kiangsi,  bestowed  upon  him  the  title  of  commander-in-chief  of  the  army. 
Even  in  Nanking  I  heard  many  call  Chu  Teh  the  greatest  military  genius  in  all 
China. 

There  is  strength  and  assurance  in  that  square,  stocky  figure,  in  that  strong 
peasant  face,  weather  beaten  by  a  life  of  campaigning,  and  in  those  small  bright 
eyes  which  are  quite  hidden  when  he  laughs,  and  he  laughs  frequently.  We  took 
a  picture  of  him  standing  with  legs  apart  and  hands  on  hips.     That  is  Chu  Teh. 

"The  Red  Army  in  this  region  under  our  direct  command  numbers  about  ninety 
thousand,"  he  began.  "This  force  occupies  a  contiguous  territory  extending 
from  North  Shensi  to  East  Kansu  and  South  Ninghsia.  From  Yenan  to  Sanyan 
there  are  some  partisan  troops  in  Kuomintang  uniforms.  In  this  region  pro- 
fessional full-time  partisans  number  from  ten  to  twenty  thousand.  The  number 
of  part-time  partisans  is  much  larger ;  their  duties  are  to  maintain  order  in  their 
districts. 

"Of  the  ninety  thousand  regular  troops  here,  only  twenty  to  thirty  thousand 
come  from  the  original  Kiangsi  district.  About  thirty  thousand  were  recruited 
on  the  way,  chiefly  in  Szechwan,  and  the  rest  are  from  local  areas. 

"In  other  partisan  areas  there  are  various  groups  numbering  from  one  to  three 
thousand  soldiers,  but  it  is  bard  to  estimate  the  total  figure ;  we  ourselves  are 
not  certain  about  this.  These  partisan  areas  are  located  in  southern  Shensi 
(southwest  of  Sian),  the  Fukien-Kiangsi  border,  the  Honan-Hupeh-Anhwei 
border,  northeastern  Kiangsi.  the  Hunan-Hupeh-Kiangsi  border,  the  Kwang- 
tung-Hunan  border,  the  Kiangsi-Hunan  border,  and  the  Shensi- Szechwan  border. 
Connections  with  several  of  these  are  still  maintained,  but  not  with  all  ;  and 
these  connections  are  irregular  and  uncertain."  Asked  if  we  might  publish  this, 
Chu  Teh  replied :  "It  doesn't  matter.  The  fact  is  well  known  throughout 
China." 

Having  seen  many  Red  troops  carrying  on  their  maneuvers  with  excellent  new 
rifles,  machine  guns,  automatic  rifles,  and  the  ubiquitous  Mausers,  we  were 
curious  to  know  how  well  armed  they  were  as  a  whole.     Chu  Teh  replied,  "Our 


1668  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

regular  ninety  thousand  troops  in  the  Shensi-Kansu-Ninghsia  region  are  in 
general  well  armed.  Other  equipment,  such  as  clothes,  food,  and  supplies,  is 
not  satisfactory.  Although  it  greatly  improved  after  the  Sian  incident,  it  is  still 
far  from  sufficient.  Though  we  had  established  contact  with  Chang  Hsueh- 
liang  before  the  Sian  affair,  it  was  only  during  the  two  weeks  following  the 
actual  incident  that  any  large  quantity  of  munitions,  clothing,  and  food  reached 
us." 

As  Ohu  Teh  continued  the  conversation,  punctuated  frequently  by  his  broad, 
genial  smile,  he  came  to  the  discussion  of  his  well-known  theory  of  the  military 
tactics  necessary  to  defeat  Japan,  namely,  to  avoid  decisive  engagements  in  the 
early  stages  in  favor  of  guerrilla  tactics  to  encircle  the  enemy  and  harass  it 
until  its  morale  was  shattered.  We  wanted  to  know  something  about  the  Man- 
churian  volunteers.  Were  they  really  well,  organized  or  were  they  mere  hungry 
^'bandits"? 

"At  first,"  Chu  Teh  said,  "the  Manchurian  volunteers  were  largely  impoverished 
peasants  and  the  scattered  remnants  of  the  defeated  Manchurian  troops.  They 
operated  without  a  plan,  could  not  accomplish  much,  and  finally  were  almost 
destroyed.  The  Communist  Party  then  began  to  organize  new  peasant  detach- 
ments who  were  later  joined  by  what  remained  of  the  original  volunteers.  As 
a  result,  most  of  these  formerly  leaderless  forces  have  been  converted  into 
important  detachments  with  wide  popular  support.  This  year  there  has  been 
some  increase  in  the  number  of  volunteers  along  the  Korean  border,  in  eastern 
Fengtien,  and  in  eastern  Kirin.  The  increase  has  been  more  systematic  than 
hitherto.  New  groups  have  recently  been  formed  in  Jehol  and  Chahar.  About 
three  months  ago  a  report  to  me  stated  that  the  total  number  of  Manchurian 
volunteers  ranged  from  fifty  to  sixty  thousand."  In  reply  to  a  statement  made 
by  the  Japanese  to  the  effect  that  70  percent  of  the  Manchurian  volunteers  are 
Communists,  Chu  Teh  said  that  this  was  not  an  exaggeration. 

On  the  united  front. — Of  all  the  questions  facing  China  and  the  former  Soviet 
area  the  most  important  is  that  of  the  united  front.  No  one  in  Soviet  China 
knows  the  details  of  the  negotiations  more  intimately  than  Chou  En-lai,  vice 
chairman  of  the  Revolutionary  Military  Council,  and  second  in  imi>ortance 
only  to  Mao  Tse-tung.  It  was  he  who  carried  on  all  the  negotiations  with 
Chiang  Kai-shek.  Born  thirty-nine  years  ago  of  a  mandarin  family,  Chou 
En-lai  joined  the  revolutionary  movement  in  1011.  Upon  his  return  to  China 
in  1024  from  a  stay  abroad,  he  became  chief  of  the  political  department  of  the 
Whampoa  Military  Academy  under  the  direction  of  Chiang  Kai-shek.  It  is  said 
that  even  today  the  generalissimo  has  a  great  fondness  for  Chou.  When  asked 
why  the  united-front  conversations  were  then  not  moving  very  fast,  Chou  En-lai 
said :  "The  form  of  the  Chinese  united  front  is  quite  different  from  that  in 
Europe  or  the  United  States.  In  China  two  parties  fought  each  other  for  ten 
years.  The  Communist  Party,  representing  the  proletariat  and  peasantry,  was 
a  revolutionary  party  with  its  own  areas  and  military  forces  as  well  as  its 
own  social,  political,  and  economic  system.  The  Kuomintang  represented  the 
ruling  social  groups  throughout  the  rest  of  China.  But  the  position  of  the 
Chinese  bourgeoisie  was  such  that  the  obstacles  arising  from  their  class  posi- 
tion could  not  forever  bar  a  united  struggle  against  Japan.  The  bourgeoisie 
•of  China  have  at  last  come  to  realize  that  the  Japanese  invasion  harms  all  classes 
and  that,  standing  alone,  they  are  too  weak  to  safeguard  China's  freedom  and 
independence." 

Up  to  the  time  of  Japan's  most  recent  invasion,  the  united-front  negotiations 
had  progressed  quite  slowly  though  not  without  positive  results.  Internal  peace 
had  been  achieved,  and  the  two  armies  no  longer  fought  each  other.  Confiscation 
of  land  in  the  Soviet  regions  was  abolished.  The  name  of  the  Red  Army  was 
changed.  Dramatic  troupes  began  to  tour  the  countryside  to  teach  the  peasants 
the  meaning  of  democratic  elections.  Nanking  began  to  contribute  a  considerable, 
though  as  yet  insufficient,  sum  of  money  monthly  to  the  Soviet  area.  Technical 
difficulties  made  a  complete  united  front  often  seem  impossible.  But  Japan's 
military  aggression  scattered  all  the  major  obstacles. 

The  land  problem. — Ever  since  October  1985,  when  the  main  body  of  the 
Communist  armies  from  Central  and  South  China  began  to  arrive  in  north 
Shensi.  their  immediate  objectives  have  been  twofold.  First,  to  build  a  perma- 
nent base  for  internal  development,  and  second,  and  more  important,  to  use  this 
base  as  a  spearhead  for  unifying  all  elements  in  China  for  a  successful  war 
of  defense  against  the  invading  Japanese  militarists.  Despite  the  fact  that 
the  former  Soviet  area,  the  largest  single  contiguous  territory  ever  held  under 
Communist  rule,  started  as  one  of  the  most  economically  backward  areas  in 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1669 

China,  the  welfare  of  the  peasants  and  workers  has  been  improved  considerably. 
There  is  not  sufficient  room  here  to  tell  all  that  we  saw  and  beard,  but  a  few 
high  spots,  in  the  words  of  Po  K'u,  one  of  the  important  leaders  of  the  region, 
will  perhaps  shed  some  light. 

Po  K'u's  home  and  office  is  in  the  abandoned  compound  of  an  English  Baptist 
mission.  When  we  expressed  surprise  at  finding  religious  pictures  hanging  on 
his  walls,  l'o  K'u  said  that  he  left  the  comi>ound  just  as  he  found  it  in  the  hope 
that  the  missionaries  would  return. 

In  reply  to  several  questions  ou  the  land  confiscation  problem,  Po  K'u  said 
in  quite  good  English:  "When  the  first  Soviets  were  established  in  1933  in 
Shensi,  all  the  good  land  along  the  river  hanks  was  in  the  hands  of  rich 
landlords  who  used  the  great  famine  of  1030  as  a  lever  for  confiscating  this 
land.  From  then  until  the  Sian  incident  in  December  193G,  all  this  land  was 
divided  among  the  peasants ;  all  taxation  and  levies  were  abolished ;  democratic 
liberty  was  extended  to  all ;  peasants  built  up  their  own  armed  forces  for  their 
protection  instead  of  relying  on  landlords'  forces ;  and  peasants  enjoyed  the  aid 
and  direction  of  the  Soviet  government  to  increase  production,  improve  the  land, 
and  develop  consumer  cooperatives. 

"After  the  Sian  incident  when  the  united-front  conversations  had  already 
begun,  the  redivision  of  land  among  the  peasants  was  stopped  in  districts  occupied 
after  the  beginning  of  the  negotiations.  In  general,  the  ownership  of  land  is  not 
the  main  problem  in  this  territory.  Land  is  plentiful,  for  Shensi  is  thinly 
populated,  with  an  average  of  one  family  to  every  thirteen  miles.  The  form  of 
•exploitation  and,  therefore,  the  main  problem  are  usury  and  excessive  interest 
rates  on  money  and  cattle.  Land  rents  and  money  lending  rates,  therefore,  have 
been  reduced  drastically.  The  maximum  rent  now  permitted  in  the  Soviet  areas 
is  30  percent  of  the  land  produce,  and  peasants  can  bargain  with  landlords  to 
further  reduce  this  percentage,  while  the  money-lending  rate  has  been  reduced 
from  a  general  10  percent  monthly  rate  to  a  maximum  of  2  percent.  Even  last 
year,  when  warfare  was  still  going  on,  the  Soviet  government  spent  one  hundred 
thousand  dollars  for  ploughs,  seeds,  etc.,  while  this  year  there  will  be  an  addi- 
tional cash  distribution  of  sixty  thousand  dollars." 

Apparently  there  has  been  a  great  deal  of  confusion  about  this  abandonment  of 
land  confiscation.  Mao  Tse-tung's  pithy  words  perhaps  explain  it  most  simply. 
He  said :  "It  is  not  so  much  a  question  now  of  whether  our  land  belongs  to  the 
peasants  or  the  landlords,  but  whether  it  is  Chinese  or  Japanese."  The  same 
reasoning  is  applied  by  the  Communist  leaders  to  the  larger  question  of  China  as 
•a  whole.  To  all  of  them  "it  is  not  a  question  now  of  which  general  controls  which 
province,  but  whether  the  land  will  remain  Chinese  or  come  under  Japanese 
control.    If  the  latter  should  happen,  the  original  problem  disappears." 

Life  in  the  Special  Administrative  District. — Our  visit,  however,  did  not 
consist  only  of  a  series  of  interviews.  We  visited  stores  and  shops,  noting 
with  interest  how  much  cleaner  and  more  orderly  they  were  than  any  we  had 
seen  on  our  trip,  and  how  relatively  well  stocked  they  were.  And  the  cheesecloth 
covering  the  food  for  sale  stood  in  marked  contrast  to  the  cities  in  non-Soviet 
areas  where  the  only  coverings  we  had  seen  were  armies  of  flies.  Even  the 
■dogs,  the  most  miserable  of  all  living  things  in  China,  were  active  and  barking. 
Anyone  who  has  seen  the  worm-eaten,  starved  gaunt  dogs  of  China,  too  weak  even 
to  move  out  of  the  way  of  a  passing  vehicle,  will  understand  the  meaning  of 
that. 

Culturally,  too,  the  Soviet  region  is  making  great  strides.  Besides  Yenan,  the 
•present  capital,  three  other  cities  are  being  developed  as  cultural  centers: 
Tingpien,  Y'enchang,  and  Chingyang.  Anti-Japanese  academies  and  dramatic 
groups  are  the  axes  around  which  the  cultural  life  is  being  developed.  Study 
classes,  reading  rooms,  theatricals,  dances,  lectures,  and  mass  meetings  are 
regular  features  of  life  in  the  Soviet  territories.  We  were  amused  to  hear  the 
universal  complaint  of  all  librarians.    "They  keep  the  books  out  too  long." 

But  most  interesting  and  important  of  all  was  our  visit  to  the  theater.  A 
troupe  of  players  was  scheduled  to  go  on  the  road  the  following  clay,  and  they 
graciously  went  through  their  repertoire  for  us  as  well  as  for  their  own  delighted 
audience.  In  a  packed  auditorium,  seated  on  low,  narrow,  backless  wooden 
benches,  before  a  crude  stage  whose  footlights  were  flickering  candles,  we  sat 
through  four  hours  of  amazingly  excellent  plays,  superbly  acted.  With  perfect 
realism  (so  different  from  the  classical  Chinese  theater)  and  delightful  humor, 
they  presented  plays  designed  to  teach  the  peasants  how  to  vote  and  how  to 
unite.  They  explained  the  value  of  cleanliness,  of  vaccination,  of  education, 
and  the  stupidity  and  danger  of  superstitions.     At  one  point,  for  instance,  one 


1670  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

character  complained  of  being  tired.  "We  weren't  tired  on  our  seven  thousand- 
mile  march,"  was  the  reply.  And  the  audience  roared  as  did  Mao,  Chu  Teh, 
and  the  rest  of  the  leaders  who  sat  next  to  us,  having  as  good  a  time  as  anyone. 
The  high  spot  of  the  evening  was  a  really  professional  performance  of  a  scene 
from  Gorki's  Mother,  which  had  been  given  at  the  Gorki  memorial  evening 
celebrated  in  Yenan,  and  a  Living  Newspaper  by  the  young  people  on  such  sub- 
jects as  bribery,  bureaucracy,  and  hygiene.  All  these  plays  were  being  sent  out 
to  the  villages. 

Our  visit  to  Yenan  was  climaxed  by  a  huge  mass  meeting,  addressed  by  Chu 
Teh,  Bisson,  Lattimore,  and  myself  and  attended  by  the  one  thousand  five  hun- 
dred cadet  students  of  the  People's  Anti-Japanese  Military-Political  University 
and  about  five  hundred  from  other  schools.  Here  are  some  questions  asked  of 
me.  "What  is  the  position  of  woman  in  the  U.  S.  A.?  How  do  American  workers 
live  and  how  developed  is  their  movement?  What  are  the  results  of  Roosevelt's 
N.  R.  A.  campaign?  What  is  the  present  situation  in  the  Left  literary  movement 
in  America?  What  do  the  American  people  think  of  our  long  march  west?" 
And  innumerable  questions  concerning  America's  attitude  in  the  event  of  a  Sino- 
Japanese  conflict,  the  American  attitude  toward  the  war  in  Spain,  and  what 
Americans  think  of  the  Kuomintang-Communist  cooperation. 

This  stress  on  the  role  of  the  United  States  is  altogether  typical  of  the  reac- 
tion throughout  China.  These  people  have  traditionally  considered  Americans 
as  their  friends  and  they  do  not  want  us  to  fail  them  now.  A  few  days  after 
our  arrival  in  Shanghai,  I  received  a  letter  from  Agnes  Smedley  which  tells  bet- 
ter than  I  am  able  how  much  hope  and  enthusiasm  the  visit  of  Americans  evoked 
in  the  former  Soviet  regions. 

"In  my  imagination  I  follow  your  journey  from  here,  and  my  friends  and  I 
speculate  as  to  your  exact  location  day  by  day,  and  your  exact  occupation.  I 
want  to  tell  you  that  you  left  behind  remarkable  friends.  I  did  not  realize  the 
effect  of  that  meeting  until  two  or  three  days  had  passed.  Then  it  began  to  roll 
in.  I  have  no  reason  to  tell  you  tales.  But  the  meeting,  and  your  speech  in 
particular,  has  had  a  colossal  effect  upon  all  people.  One  was  so  moved  by  it 
that  he  could  not  sleep  that  night  but  spent  the  night  writing  a  poem  in  praise 
of  you  all.  I  enclose  the  poem.  It  is  not  good  from  the  literary  viewpoint.  But 
from  the  viewpoint  of  the  emotion  behind  it.  it  is  of  value.  It  is  a  deeply  pas- 
sionate poem.  It  is  not  good  enough  to  publish,  but  it  is  good  enough  to  carry 
next  to  your  heart  in  the  years  to  come.  To  that  meeting,  it  may  interest  you  to 
know,  came  delegations  sent  by  every  institution.  Many  institutions  could  not 
cross  the  rivers.  But  they  sent  activists,  groups  of  six  to  a  dozen.  They  later 
gave  extensive  reports.  I  am  getting  those  reports  from  instructors  day  by  day. 
All  are  deeply  impressed  and  moved  and  grateful  to  you  and  all  of  you.  There 
has  never  been  anything  like  this  here  before." 


Exhibit   No.    76 


[From  the  Far  Eastern  Survey,  American  Council,  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations. 

June  7,  1944] 

China's  Part  in  a  Coalition  War 

(By   T.    A.   Bisson) 

(Mr.  Bisson  is  a  member  of  the  International  Secretariat  of  the  Institute  of 

Pacific  Relations) 

The  recent  Chinese  victory  helps  to  swell  the  tide  of  United  Nations'  mili- 
tary successes  as  the  decisive  summer  of  1943  begins.  It  coincides  with  the  first 
significant  Anglo-American  triumphs  in  Europe,  and  links  together  the  two 
global  fronts — East  and  West — more  unmistakably  and  more  prophetically  than 
ever  before.  Already,  as  the  Mediterranean  is  cleared  for  United  Nations- 
merchant  shipping,  Japan  girds  herself  for  the  sterner  test  which  her  military 
leaders  see  ahead . 

The  Chinese  victory  is  playing  an  even  mure  important  role  in  the  political 
field,  for  it  tends  to  ease  the  srrimis  friction  which  had  developed  between  China 
and  the  other  members  of  the  United  Nations.  It  was  a  victory  won  mainly  by 
Chinese  armed  forces.  As  such,  it  gives  the  lie  to  the  alarmists,  both  in  and  oat- 
side  China,  who  were  beginning  to  clamor  that  the  economic  situation  had 
become  so  bad  that  the  collapse  of  Chinese  resistance  to  Japan  was  threatened. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1671 

But  tlic  victory  was  also  won  in  collaboration  with  the  United  States  14th  Air 
Force  Command.  As  such,  it  was  a  demonstration  that  some  American  aid — 
little  enough  in  the  face  of  the  wwds  of  the  Chinese  front,  and  pitifully  meager 
when  measured  against  the  past  contributions  of  China  for  the  right  against 
Japanese  aggression — was  being  practically  effective  in  a  current  operation. 

It  is  to  be  hoped  that,  in  the  wake  of  the  recent  Roosevelt-Churchill  strategy 
conferences  at  Washington,  further  military  aid  of  a  similar  practical  nature 
has  been  scheduled  for  China.  More  than  airplanes  are  needed.  Preparations 
for  a  Burma  campaign  should  be  already  well  under  way  if  operations  are  to 
begin  this  fall,  as  our  military  commentators  have  indicated.1 

There  are  no  sound  reasons,  moreover,  for  accepting  the  pessimistic  conclusion 
that  China  is  unable  to  help  herself,  pending  the  arrival  of  military  or  economic 
aid  on  a  large  scale.  In  a  significant  review  of  the  Hupeh  campaign,  General 
Ch'en  Ch'eng  declared  on  June  D,  from  his  headquarters  at  Enshih,  that  the  initial 
Japanese  penetration  of  difficult  terrain  "was  due  to  our  negligence."  2  He  then 
went  on  to  state  that  it  was  necessary  for  China  "to  coordinate  the  military, 
political  and  economic  aspects"  of  the  war,  and  "to  intensify  preparations  for 
a  counterattack." 

From  a  Chinese  commander  in  Ch'en  Ch'eng's  position,  there  are  strong  words. 
They  are  a  double  rebuke.  They  imply,  in  the  first  place,  that  the  Kuomintang 
armies  displayed  a  military  passivity  during  the  first  phase  of  the  Japanese 
advance.  They  suggest,  in  the  second  place,  that  a  more  comprehensive  and- 
energetic  mobilization  of  China's  war  potential  is  required  in  order  to  pass  to 
the  attack.  With  both  China  and  the  other  United  Nations  doing  their  full  share 
in  the  coming  months,  it  should  be  possible  to  make  the  situation  much  more 
difficult  for  the  Japanese  forces  in  China. 

An  easy  attainment  of  these  desirable  ends  should  not  be  expected.  They 
can  be  accomplished  only  if  the  changes  in  policy  required  by  a  united  war  in  the 
Far  East  are  made  by  China,  as  well  as  by  the  other  members  of  the  United 
Nations.  The  disunity  which  featured  this  past  winter  is  the  result  of  a  long 
series  of  mistakes,  omissions  and  failures,  past  and  present,  which  have  com- 
bined to  weave  a  network  of  frustration  around  "the  China  problem."  There 
have  been  legitimate  grievances  on  the  part  of  China.  Some  of  these  still  exist 
and  should  be  remedied.  Others  are  mixed  with  a  past  which  at  this  time  might 
better  be  buried  and  forgotten. 

FEARS  ABOUT  KUOMINTANG  POLICY 

There  have  been  well-justified  fears  and  apprehensions  over  the  trend  of 
Kuomintang  policy  within  China,  shared  by  some  of  the  keenest  and  most  dis- 
cerning friends  of  the  Chinese  people  in  countries  abroad.  These  apprehensions 
are  based  on  a  careful  appraisal  of  conditions  in  China,  as  will  be  indicated  in 
some  detail  later  on  in  this  article.  They  cannot  be  lightly  dismissed.  They 
affect  not  only  the  current  prosecution  of  the  war,  but  also  the  prospects  for  the 
postwar  emergence  of  a  stable,  united  and  democratic  China. 

It  is  essential  that  the  mistakes  of  the  United  Nations  in  dealing  with  China, 
as  well  as  China's  own  shortcomings  should  be  brought  into  the  open  and  sub- 
jected to  critical  examination.  Innuendoes  and  behind-the-scenes  speculation 
and  gossip,  which  have  largely  taken  the  place  of  frank  and  open  statements  in 
recent  months,  have  a  much  more  serious  effect  than  forthright  exchanges  on  the 
issues  now  uppermost.  Frank  appraisal  of  these  issues  becomes  disruptive  and 
harmful  only  if  used  in  bitterness  and  with  a  desire  to  wound.  Critical  exam- 
ination should  rather  be  directed  toward  uncovering  mistakes  and  unhealthy 
tendencies,  and  indicating  the  path  to  be  taken  to  correct  them. 

MISTAKES  IN  UNITED  NATIONS'  POLICY 

Present  Chinese  grievances  are  cast  against  an  historical  background  in  which 
China  suffered  greatly  from  policies  followed  by  western  nations  now  engaged 
in  Che  common  struggle  against  Axis  aggression.  It  is  unnecessary  at  this  time 
t»  eater  into  a  discussion  of  this  background,  including  China's  long  and  painful 
efforts  to  throw  off  the  shackles  imposed  by  the  "unequal  treaties."  Fortunately, 
the  treaties  recently  concluded  with  China  by  Great  Britain  and  the  United 


1  See,  for  example,  Hanson  Baldwin  in  the  New  York  Times,  June  16,  1943. 

;  China  Daily  News,  June  19,  1943.  General  Ch'en  Ch'eng  had  been  previously  trans- 
ferred (probably  in  February)  from  this  vital  sector  to  the  Yunnan  front,  but  was  recalled 
to  command  of  the  Hupeh  operations  after  the  Japanese  offensive  had  developed. 


1672  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

States,  which  provide  for  the  abolition  of  the  extraterritorial  system,  promise- 
a  speedy  termiantion  of  this  long-standing  injustice. 

Proper  appreciation  of  this  historiacl  factor  should  lead  to  somewhat  more- 
generous  policies  in  working  out  arrangements  already  made  and  others  which 
may  prove  necessary.  It  is  advisable,  for  example,  that  agreements  for  the  ren- 
dition of  leaseholds,  such  as  Kowloon  and  Kwangchowwan,  and  for  the  return  to 
China  of  Hongkong  be  worked  out  now  and  announced  as  soon  as  possible.  It 
is  also  necessary  that  the  postwar  restoration  of  Manchuria  and  Formosa  to 
China  be  unequivocally  indicated.  A  declaration  that  Korea  shall  obtain  its 
freedom  is  required  in  more  formal  terms  than  hitherto  stated.  Exclusion  laws 
on  the  United  States'  statute  books  are  a  standing  affront  to  the  Chinese. 
Finally,  China  is  rightfully  interested  in  the  postwar  future  of  India  and  the 
countries  of  Southern  Asia.  There  can  be  no  real  independence  for  China  in  a 
Far  East  that  remains  largely  colonial  or  semicolonial. 

These  are  not  the  burning  issues  of  the  moment,  but  they  are  directly  related 
to  the  task  of  winning  the  allegiance  of  all  Far  Eastern  peoples,  including  the 
Chinese,  and  therefore  to  an  efficient  and  effective  prosecution  of  the  war. 


MILITARY  AID  NEEDED 

The  issue  of  more  immediate  concern  to  China  is  that  of  military  aid  and  sup- 
'port.  This  question  also  has  its  historical  setting.  For  some  four  years,  nearly 
up  to  Pearl  Harbor.  China  held  the  fort  against  Japanese  aggression  virtually 
alone.  The  aid  rendered  to  her  by  the  United  States  and  Britain  was  almost 
purely  economic ;  up  to  1941,  they  had  supplied  little  or  no  munitions  of  war  to 
the  Chinese  armies.  During  this  period,  moreover,  the  economic  aid  to  China  was 
heavily  outweighed  by  the  stream  of  American  and  British  strategic  materials 
flowing  across  the  Pacific  to  the  Japanese  war  machine. 

All  this  formed  the  background  to  Pearl  Harbor.  Immediately  thereafter, 
China  experienced  a  further  series  of  chilling  disillusionments.  Within  a  few 
months,  Japanese  forces  had  swept  the  British  and  Americans  out  of  their  Far 
Eastern  strongholds.  Some  of  the  circumstances  attending  this  defeat  which 
directly  affected  the  Chinese  cut  more  deeply  than  the  defeat  itself.  At  Hong- 
kong, the  local  Chinese  population  was  not  permitted  a  share  in  the  military 
operations,  while  in  Malaya  the  attempt  to  enlist  the  Chinese  in  the  defense  of 
the  peninsula  was  made  too  late  to  be  effective.  Negotiations  attending  the  entry 
of  Chinese  troops  into  Burma  were  inexcusably  protracted.  When  defeat  came 
in  Burma,  too,  China  saw  the  last  of  her  road-and-rail  links  to  the  Pacific  cut 
for  an  indefinite  period. 

These  factors  reinforced  the  validity  of  China's  demand  for  effective  military 
aid.  Yet  at  the  moment  when  the  validity  of  her  demand  stood  at  its  highest 
point,  and  political  barirers  ("neutrality"  or  appeasement  policies)  had  been 
removed,  the  facilities  for  satisfying  that  demand  suddenly  became  most  cir- 
cumscribed. 

Some  assistance  has  been  rendered  during  the  past  18  months.  On  the  economic 
front,  the  500-million-dollar  loan  has  been  a  positive  psychological  factor,  even 
though  its  full  utilization  has  been  made  impossible  by  the  inability  to  send 
goods  into  China  in  large  amounts.  Small  quantiiies  of  munitions  and  supplies 
have  been  flown  in  from  India.  The  former  devastating  bombings  of  Chungking 
have  ceased,  as  a  result  both  of  the  appearance  of  an  American  air  force  in  China 
and  of  Japan's  preoccupation  with  other  fronts  in  the  Pacific  war.  In  addition 
to  their  defense  role,  American  planes  have  conducted  modest  bombing  forays 
and  participated  in  tactical  operations  supporting  Chinese  ground  forces. 

It  still  remains  true  that  the  sum  total  of  this  aid  is  lamentably  small.  More 
transport  planes  can  be  assigned  to  the  India-China  air  route,  both  to  increase 
the  flow  of  war  materials  into  China  and  to  expand  the  Ameriacn  air  forces  now 
operating  from  Chinese  bases.  It  is  probable  that  the  increased  emphasis  on 
the  Pacific  war  fronts,  recorded  in  the  Churchill-Roosevelt  conferences,  includes 
expansion  of  this  air  freight  being  carried  into  China. 

The  recent  Burma  campaign  was  thoroughly  disappointing.  Much  larger  air 
and  naval  forces  must  be  employed  in  any  operation  meant  to  be  decisive  in  this 
theater.  To  the  Chinese,  the  effectiveness  of  military  aid  is  measured  by  the 
quantity  of  weapons  reaching  China  and  by  the  seriousness  of  the  effort  made  to 
reconquer  Burma. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1673 

CHINA  MISPLAYS  HER  HAND 

The  strength  of  China's  case  is  such  that  it  requires  no  elaboration.  Before 
Pearl  Barbor,  the  western  democracies  were  already  heavily  indebted  to  China; 
since  then,  the  indebtedness  has  steadily  increased.  The  importance  of  Chinas 
position  in  the  Far  East,  both  during  and  after  the  war,  requires  that  this  account 
be  fully  discharged  in  the  shortest  time  possible. 

There  was  no  need  to  pass  beyond  the  bounds  of  this  argument.  It  rests  on 
unassailable  foundations.  It  is  unanswerable,  save  by  action  on  the  part  of  the 
western  democracies. 

In  the  American  forum  of  this  past  winter,  nevertheless,  the  tragic  fact  is  that 
China  badly  misplayed  her  hand.  Instead  of  conducting  the  debate  along  the 
above  lines,  the  representatives  of  Chungking  called  into  question  the  basic 
strategy  of  the  war.  On  more  than  one  occasion,  in  private  as  well  as  in  public, 
the  demand  was  voiced  that  Japan  rather  than  Germany  should  be  made  Enemy 
No.  1.  or  that  forces  comparable  to  those  being  utilized  in  Europe  should  be  sent 
into  the  Pacific. 

In  choosing  this  ground  for  debate,  China's  representatives  were  committing 
three  basic  mistakes.  They  were  demonstrably  wrong,  in  the  first  place,  on  the 
point  at  issue.  The  consensus  of  expert  military  opinion  is  overwhelming  on  the 
fact  that  the  German  war  machine  is  more  formidable  than  the  Japanese. 
United  Nations'  war  potential— Russian,  British,  American— is  predominantly 
concentrated  in  the  European-Atlantic  theater  of  operations.  With  logistics 
playing  the  great  role  which  it  does  in  this  war,  and  in  view  of  the  acute  shipping 
shortage,  it  was  inevitable  that  the  choice  be  made  to  eliminate  the  nearest 

enemy  first. 

Above  all,  this  choice  had  been  made  early  in  1942  ;  by  last  winter,  it  had  clearly 
become  the  settled  strategy  on  which  the  war  was  to  be  waged.  To  reverse  that 
strategy  in  the  winter  of  1942^3,  after  the  North  African  campaign  had  begun, 
would  obviously  have  been  unwise  and  dangerous.  The  demand  that  relatively 
equal  forces  be  dispatched  to  the  Pacific  is  merely  a  variant  of  the  same  thesis, 
with  similarly  dangerous  possibilities. 

APPEAL  TO  THE  ISOLATIONISTS 

In  the  second  place,  taking  domestic  politics  in  the  United  States  into  consid- 
eration, the  appeal  to  reverse  the  strategy  of  the  war  represented  a  tactical 
blunder  of  the  first  importance.  It  brought  under  attack  a  policy  to  which 
President  Roosevelt  was  thoroughly  committed.  More,  it  made  its  strongest  do- 
mestic appeal  to  the  political  opponents  of  the  administration.  These  were,  at  the 
same  time,  the  isolationists  who  had  supported  appeasement  of  Japan,  who  had 
strongly  opposed  aid  to  China,  in  the  pre-Pearl  Harbor  clays.  It  was  no  accident, 
but  a  logical  development,  that  these  same  elements  should  now  be  clamoring 
loudest  of  all  for  a  policy  "to  defeat  Hirohito  first."  Diversion  of  much  of  the 
United  Nations'  strength  to  the  Far  East,  before  Hitler  was  disposed  of,  would  be 
the  surest  path  to  defeat  on  both  sides  of  the  globe.  The  appeal  to  these  forces 
failed,  as  it  was  bound  to  fail,  and  China's  cause  thereby  suffered  a  bad  set-back 
in  the  United  States. 

In  the  third  place,  it  was  equally  an  error  to  lead  the  argument  along  lines 
which  suggested  that  China  wras  in  danger  of  imminent  collapse.  This  plea, 
strongly  advanced  by  many  Chinese  in  the  United  States  this  past  winter,  argued 
a  weakness  on  China's  part  which  the  stubborn  resistance  of  previous  years 
belied.  It  verged  on  a  propaganda  claim  which  the  best-informed  students  of 
Chinese  conditions  were  not  willing  to  accept  at  face  value,  despite  the  admittedly 
serious  economic  situation  which  prevailed. 

The  argument  that  "you  must  save  us  quickly  or  all  is  lost''  had  dangerously 
confusing  implications.  To  some  Americans  it  suggested  that  China  might  have 
to  be  written  off  as  an  effective  ally  in  the  immediate  perspective  of  the  war,  and 
that  she  would  have  to  be  picked  up  again  at  a  later  stage  when  greater  forces 
could  be  ranged  against  Japan.  Much  the  sounder  position  for  China  would 
have  been  to  put  up  a  strong  front,  to  dig  in  and  fight  even  harder,  at  the  moment 
of  crisis.  China's  representatives  could  then  have  argued  from  strength  and  not 
from  weakness. 

DOUBTS  RAISED  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES 

The  net  results  of  this  American  forum  on  the  position  and  prospects  of  China 
in  the  war  have  been  confusing  and,  to  some  extent,  disheartening.     As  the 


1674  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

debate  proceeded,  it  tended  to  disillusion  many  of  the  groups  in  the  United  States 
best  able  to.  help  China.  It  raised  questions  as  to  the  political  judgment  of  the 
Kuomintang  regime  and  the  representatives  of  Chungking  who  were  acting  for 
China  in  the  United  States.  It  weakened  the  case  for  more  effective  Chinese  rep- 
resentation in  the  highest  military  councils  of  the  United  Nations  where  the  basic 
decisions  on  strategy  are  made.  In  many  quarters,  it  strengthened  existing 
reservations  as  to  the  methods  and  conditions  which  should  be  applied  in  the 
extension  of  aid  to  China. 

Still  more,  it  left  questions  in  the  minds  of  many  Americans  as  to  what  lay 
behind  the  ineptness  of  the  political  tactics  applied  to  Chinese  relations  with 
this  country.  The  answers  to  these  questions  must  be  sought,  in  large  part,  in 
the  changes  which  have  occurred  in  China's  political  and  economic  life  during 
the  past  few  years. 

TWO    CHINAS 

At  the  outset  of  such  an  analysis,  it  is  necessary  to  repeat  an  important  gen- 
eralization stressed  by  many  commentators  on  Chinese  affairs — that  the 
early  promise  held  out  by  the  war  for  the  broadening  and  deepening  of  Chinese 
national  unity  through  the  achievement  of  liberal  political  and  economic  reforms, 
has  not  been  fulfilled.3    This  promise,  in  fact,  died  early  in  the  war. 

It  received  its  best  documentary  expression  in  "The  Program  of  National  Re- 
sistance and  Reconstruction"  adopted  by  an  emergency  session  of  the  Kuomintang 
Congress  at  Hankow,  on  March  29,  1938.4  The  democratic  provisions  even  of 
this  program,  which  was  not  without  shortcomings,  were  not  carried  out,  and  this 
high  point  of  the  first  year  of  the  war  soon  became  a  melancholy  landmark. 

Early  in  1939  the  Kuomintang  conservatives  became  alarmed  at  the  rapid  re- 
conquest  and  reorganization  of  territories  behind  the  Japanese  lines  by  the 
Eighth  Route  and  New  Fourth,  Communist-led,  armies.5  Clashes,  at  first  spo- 
radic, soon  became  more  frequent.  Early  in  1941,  the  New  Fourth  army  was  out- 
lawed by  the  Chungking  military  authorities,  following  an  abortive  effort  to 
destroy  its  headquarters  corps  and  crush  its  leadership.  Central  Government  aid 
to  the  Eighth  Route  army  had  meanwhile  lapsed ;  and  the  blockade  of  the  Shen- 
Kan-Ning  Border  Region  by  Kuomintang  forces,  numbering  some  500,000  and 
commanded  by  General  Hu  Tsung-nan,  has  since  continued. 

A  year  or  more  before  Pearl  Harbor,  therefore,  two  Chinas  had  definitely 
emerged.  Each  had  its  own  government,  its  own  military  forces,  its  own  terri- 
tories. More  significant,  each  had  its  own  characteristic  set  of  political  and 
economic  institutions.  One  is  now  generally  called  Kuomintang  China ;  the 
other  is  called  Communist  China. 

However,  these  are  only  party  labels.  To  be  more  descriptive,  the  one  might 
be  called  feudal  China  ;  the  other,  democratic  China.6  These  terms  express  the 
actualities  as  they  exist  today,  the  real  institutional  distinctions  between  the 
two  Chinas. 

COMPARISON  OF  CASUALTIES  INFLICTED 

In  an  attempt  to  analyze  these  differences,  it  should  be  recognized  at  once  that 
one  is  not  dealing  with  irrelevant  abstractions.  The  institutions  which  char- 
acterize one  China  as  feudal  and  the  other  as  democratic  have  the  most  practical 
relevance  to  the  leading  problems  of  the  day.  They  are,  in  fact,  the  determinants 
of  all  policies,  domestic  and  international,  espoused  by  the  two  Chinas.  They 
explain,  as  will  be  indicated,  why  Kuomintang  China  is  compelled  to  demand 
immediate  aid  on  a  scale  so  great  as  to  necessitate  reversal  of  United  Nation's 
global  military  strategy.  They  also  explain  the  declining  rate  of  casualties  in- 
flicted on  the  Japanese  by  the  Kuomintang  armies,  as  contrasted  with  the  in- 
creasing rate  of  casualties  inflicted  by  the  Eighth  Route  and  New  Fourth  armies. 

According  to  official  reports,  the  Kuomintang  armies  have  inflicted  on  the 
Japanese  average  annual  casualties  (in  a  total  of  GO  months)  of  354,93"),  while  the 


3  See,  for  a  recent  example,  Pearl  Buck,  "A  Warning  About  China,"  Life,  May  10,  1943, 
pp.  53-56. 

4  For  text,  see  Amerasia,  April  25,  1943,  pp.  118-120. 

5  It  is  important  to  note  that  the  "reorganization" — involving  land  reform  and  electoral 
procedures  in  local  government — was  as  much  opposed  as  the  "reconnuest."  For  the 
emergency  of  effective  political  unity  in  China  required,  on  the  part  of  the  Kuomintang,  the 
acceptance  of  at  least  these  minimal  land  and  electoral  reforms. 

6  The  term  "feudal,"  as  here  used,  is  intended  to  define  a  society  in  which  the  landlord- 
peasant  relationship  is  dominant  and  autocracy  in  government  centers  around  this 
relationship. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1675 

combined  annual  average  Cor  the  Eighth  Route  (F>S  months'  total)  and  the  New 
Fourth  (48  months*  total)  amounted  to  113,338.  For  the  last  comparable  year 
(.Inly  l'.Ml  -June  1942),  however,  the  absolute  figures  are  respectively  182,0!J4  and 
130,010.  In  other  words,  the  Kuomintang  armies  show  an  average  annual  record 
of  7(>  percent  of  total  casualties  inflicted,  hut  in  1P41-42  their  achievement  falls 
to  only  58  percent  of  the  total.  On  the  other  hand,  the  record  of  the  Eighth 
Route  and  New  Fourth  armies  was  lifted  to  42  percent  of  the  total  in  1941-42,  as 
against  an  annual  average  of  21  percent. 

The  significance  of  this  comparison  is  that  it  excludes  the  problems  of  blockade 
and  foreign  aid.  Indeed,  in  these  respects,  the  advantage  lies  entirely  on  the 
side  of  the  Kuomintang  armies.  They  are  supported  by  incomparably  larger 
populations  and  richer  territories.  They  have  enjoyed  the  benefit  of  virtually 
all  the  military  and  economic  aid  rendered  China  by  foreign  nations.  Since 
before  Pearl  Harbor,  the  Eighth  Route  and  New  Fourth  armies  have  been  doubly 
blockaded,  by  the  Japanese  on  one  side  and  by  the  Kuomintang  armies  on  the 
other. 

The  differences  indicated  by  the  casualty  figures  must  therefore  be  explained 
solely  on  the  hasis  of  efficiency  or  lack  of  efficiency  in  the  mobilization  of  the 
human  and  material  resources  of  the  two  Chinas.  This  question  forces  one  back 
to  an  examination  of  the  institutions  which  differentiate  the  two  regions. 

DEMOCRATIC  CHINA 

The  key  to  the  successful  mobilization  of  the  war  potential  of  so-called  Com- 
munist China  lies  in  the  extent  to  which  its  leaders  have  thrown  off  the  feudal 
incubus  which  has  weighed  China  down  for  centuries.  No  single  measure  can  be 
pointed  to  as  the  open  sesame  which  has  increasingly  achieved  this  objective. 
Economic  reforms  have  been  intertwined  with  political  reforms,  the  one  sup- 
porting the  other.  Basic  to  the  whole  program  has  been  the  land  reform  which 
has  freed  the  peasant — the  primary  producer  in  these  areas,  and,  indeed,  over 
most  of  China — from  the  crushing  wTeight  of  rent,  taxes,  and  usurious  interest 
charges  as  levied  by  a  feudal  economy. 

But  the  ingenuity  of  this  reform,  without  which  it  could  hardly  be  made  to 
work,  is  that  the  newly  introduced  procedures  of  local  democracy  serve  as  the 
final  sanction.  The  landlord  and  entrepreneur  are  not  excluded  from  this  proc- 
ess, but  neither  are  they  permitted  to  dominate  it.  Tax  assessment  committees, 
for  example,  are  controlled  by  a  majority  of  local  members  and  exercise  a 
strictly  local  jurisdiction.     Farmers  know  well  what  their  neighbors  own. 

Over  wide  areas  of  this  new  China,  elected  councils — village,  town,  and 
district — and  elected  executive  officials  have  completely  supplanted  the  old 
autocratic  system  of  feudal  agrarian  China.  These  councils  and  officials  are 
either  unpaid  or  receive  mere  pittances  wdiich  leave  them  no  better  off  econom- 
ically than  their  fellow  citizens. 

It  is  this  democratic  process,  finally,  which  permits  a  large  measure  of  free 
competition  to  operate  over  the  whole  of  the  economy.  Bureaucratic  price  con- 
trols are  not  attempted.  They  are  as  unnecessary  in  this  society  as  they  would 
be  in  a  New  England  town  meeting.  No  landlord  or  merchant,  with  the  watchful 
eyes  of  his  neighbors  upon  him,  can  engage  in  hoarding  or  speculation.  Within 
limits  set  mainly  by  local  democratic  checks,  the  individual  landlord  or  entre- 
preneur is  free,  and  is  even  encouraged,  to  expand  his  operations,  and  many  are 
doing  so. 

By  no  stretch  of  the  imagination  can  this  be  termed  communism ;  it  is,  in  fact, 
the  essence  of  bourgeois  democracy,  applied  mainly  to  agrarian  conditions.  The 
leaders  in  Yenan  see  in  this  program  more  than  the  answTer  to  China's  immediate 
problem  of  efficiently  mobilizing  her  resources  for  the  war  against  Japan.  They 
see  in  it  also  the  means  of  throwing  off  China's  feudal  shackles,  the  transition 
to  modern  nationhood. 

FEUDAL  CHINA 

The  declining  curve  of  military  achievement  by  the  Knomintang  armies  is 
correlated  with  a  progressive  decrease  in  the  economic  strength  of  Kuomintang 
China.  While  this  decrease  is  notable,  there  is  no  need  to  adopt  the  alarmist 
view  that  collapse  is  inevitable.  The  human  and  material  resources  of  Kuo- 
mintang China  are  large.  Its  economic  reserves  are  still  considerable.  So  also 
are  its  militai'y  reserves  and  potentialities. 

General  Ch'en  Ch'eng's  use  of  the  term  "negligence"  clearly  implied  that  more 
could  he  done  with  the  military  resources  at  hand  than  was  being  done.    Concen- 

08970 — 50 — pt.  2 13 


1676  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

tration  on  the  demand  for  more  planes  and  guns  from  abroad,  in  other  words, 
was  getting  in  the  way  of  full  utilization  of  the  weapons  and  forces  at  hand. 
General  Ch'en  Ch'eng  has  since  given  a  specific  illustration  of  this  situation  by 
pointing  out  that  the  American  planes  were  based  too  far  from  the  fighting 
fronts  to  be  fully  effective  in  the  Hupeh  campaign.7  An  attitude  of  military 
passivity  is  revealed  by  this  failure  to  develop  facilities  for  air  action  near  tne 
front.  The  alert,  active  seizure  of  opportunities  open  even  to  limited  means  is 
evidently  lacking. 

These  considerations  also  apply  to  the  economic  sphere,  although  the  problem 
is  far  more  complicated  and  difficult.  Here,  too,  General  Ch'en  Ch'eng's  com- 
ments go  straight  to  the  nub  of  the  issue.  He  states  that  "there  should  be 
unrelenting  vigilance  and  intensified  preparations  for  counterattacks  through 
military,  political  and  economic  cordination."  8 

This'is  a  demand  for  more  vigorous  action  on  the  home  front,  with  an  emphasis 
sharply  different  from  pleas  for  help  from  outside.  As  has  already  been  seen, 
questions  of  blockade  and  outside  aid  are  not  necessarily  decisive  for  effective 
military  resistance,  providing  an  efficient  economic  mobilization  is  accomplished. 

In  Kuomintang  China,  such  a  mobilization  is  severely  handicapped  by  the 
leaders'  unwillingness  to  challenge  the  basic  postulates  of  the  feudal  system. 
No  serious  effort  has  been  made  to  uproot  the  landlord-usurer  system.  With  the 
port  cities  and  their  nascent  bourgeois  class  removed,  the  landlords  have  become 
the  economic  mainstay  of  the  Kuomintang  regime. 

BUREAUCRACY  TIGHTENS   HOLD 

At  the  same  time,  the  bureaucracy  has  taken  over  administration  of  a  con- 
siderable slice  of  industrial  production.  Many  industries  have  become  govern- 
ment monopolies,  not  forced  to  maintain  tbemselves  in  competition  with  private 
industry.  Industrial  development  under  private  initiative,  valuable  as  an  offset 
to  feudal  relations,  and  needed  in  an  economy  of  scarcity,  was  thus  choked  off 
at  the  very  time  when  stimulation  of  the  entrepreneur  was  justified.  The  de- 
clining numbers  and  strength  of  the  industrial  class  weakened  its  challenge  to 
the  landlord-bureaucrat  regime,  thereby  putting  new  props  under  the  tottering 
structure  of  Chinese  feudalism. 

In  these  circumstances,  there  could  be  no  real  progress  toward  democratic 
reform  or  wider  civil  liberties.  Inauguration  of  constitutional  government,  con- 
sidered for  a  time  in  1938,  was  eventually  shelved  for  the  duration.  Non- 
Kuomintang  representatives  on  the  People's  Political  Council,  which  could  have 
evolved  into  a  national  legislature,  have  steadily  decreased.  Over  the  new 
Political  Councils  in  the  provinces,  Kuomintang  control  is  carefully  maintained. 
In  the  so-called  "new  hsien  system,"  embodying  the  program  for  instituting  rep- 
resentative local  government,  candidates  will  be  limited  to  those  who  have 
acceptably  passed  through  Kuomintang  training  schools,  while  suffrage  will  be 
indirect  and  linked  to  the  household  units  of  the  pao-chia  system.  These  develop- 
ments do  not  promise  to  create  effective  popular  checks  on  the  Kuomintang 
bureaucracy. 

With  no  effort  at  reform  of  the  land  system  or  initiation  of  democratic  proc- 
esses, the  two  basic  prerequisites  for  an  efficient  wartime  economic  mobilization 
were  lacking.  As  conditions  deteriorated,  successive  measures  looking  toward 
the  institution  of  a  "controlled  economy"  were  introduced.  The  bureaucracy 
steadily  expanded  until  its  relative  cost,  measured  against  the  limited  output 
of  the  productive  system,  itself  became  a  drag  on  the  war  effort. 

Even  so,  it  could  institute  neither  price  nor  commodity  controls  that  were 
adequate  to  stay  the  course  of  inflation.  Grain  hoarding  and  speculation,  the 
key  factor  in  Kuomintang  China's  inflationary  problem,  could  be  curbed  by 
nothing  less  than  genuine  popular  participation  in  application  of  the  controls. 
This  solution  was  barred.  In  a  country  predominantly  agrarian,  with  the  land- 
lords still  entrenched  in  their  feudal  positions,  no  centralized  government  organ 
could  send  out  the  multitude  of  agents  required  to  enforce  its  paper  controls. 
Turn  as  it  would,  the  bureaucracy  could  not  solve  this  problem,  and  the  eco- 
nomic foundations  of  the  war  effort  were  increasingly  undermined. 

It  is  at  this  point  that  the  true  relevance  of  foreign  aid  to  an  economy  of  the 
Kuomintang  model  becomes  evident.  In  order  to  conduct  war  on  the  basis  of 
such  an  economy,  access  to  the  outside  world  is  imperative.     Steady  injections 


7  New  York  Times,  June  28,  1043.  The  same  paper  on  June  29  carried  Ch'en  Ch'ens's 
statement  that  China  needed  "jruns  and  equipment  of  all  kinds."  and  would  welcome  "even 
onethousandth  part  of  one  percent"  of  United  States  production. 

'China  Daily  News,  June  19,  1943. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1677 

of  foreign  Supplies  were  in  fact  pumped  into  Kuomintang  China  np  to  Pearl 
Harbor,  although  In  declining  amounts  after  1940. 

Tins  extreme  dependence  on  aid  from  the  outside  is  a  key  which  unlocks  many 
mysteries.  It  provides  an  adequate  explanation  for  the  declining  rate  of  the 
Kuomintang  armies-  military  achievements.  It  also  explains  the  persistent 
outcry  in  Chungking  Eor  a  reversal  of  United  Nations'  strategy,  as  expressed 
in  the  editorials  of  its  leading  papers."  The  desperate  need  for  outside  assist- 
ance fell  by  Kuomintang  China  could  only  he  met  by  such  a  reversal  of  strategy, 
since  this  alone  would  bring  aid  quickly  on  a  large  scale.  And,  finally,  this 
appeal  was  logically  transferred  directly  to  the  United  States  in  the  propaganda 
campaign  conducted  last  winter. 

Obviously,  the  resources  available  in  Free  China  are  much  too  limited  to 
encompass  the  defeat  of  Japan.  Larue  amounts  of  outside  supplies  are  essential 
if  the  Chinese  armies  are  to  be  equipped  for  successful  offensives.  Until  then, 
however,  the  need  is  for  the  most  effective  utilization  and  development  of  the 
resources  at  hand. 

Elements  within  Kuomintang  China  are  making  efforts  to  achieve  this  end, 
as  indicated  by  the  forthright  statements  of  General  Ch'en  Ch'eng.  Strong 
forces  are  working  to  establish  greater  freedom  for  the  entrepreneur,  as  a  means 
to  increase  industrial  production.  The  industrial  cooperative  movement,  once 
freed  of  bureaucratic  restrictions,  would  be  able  to  forge  ahead  more  rapidly. 
With  proper  encouragement,  these  sound  elements  within  Kuomintang  China 
can  do  much  to  overcome  current  economic  weaknesses,  although  more  thorough- 
going reforms  are  necessary  in  order  to  effect  complete  mobilization. 

A  COALITION  WAR— AND  ITS  REQUIREMENTS 

The  United  States,  as  the  arsenal  of  democracy,  bears  a  heavy  responsibility 
for  the  war  program  of  the  United  Nations.  Its  immense  productive  effort  has 
begun  to  register  with  increasing  effect  on  the  war  fronts.  As  the  German  tide  in 
Europe  recedes,  the  pressure  on  Japan  will  steadily  increase.  It  is  clearly  essen- 
tial That  China,  which  has  borne  the  heat  and  burden  of  the  defensive  in  the 
Far  East,  should  have  a  full  and  significant  share  in  the  victorious  offensives 
that  are  now  in  the  making.  Toward  this  end,  it  would  be  advisable  that  China 
be  given  an  adequate  voice  in  framing  the  decisions  on  strategic  policy.  But 
China  herself  must  change,  if  she  is  to  make  her  full  contribution  to  a  coalition 
war. 

Realistic  thinking  on  this  problem  will  be  stimulated  if  there  is  candid  recog- 
nition  that  two  Chinas  exist  at  the  present  time.  The  task  of  statesmanship  is 
to  merge  these  two  Chinas  into  one.  To  be  sound  and  effective,  such  unification 
must  come  on  the  high  plane  of  social  advance  and  democratic  reform.  Until 
unification  is  achieved  on  this  plane,  China's  full  strength  cannot  be  placed  behind 
the  war  effort. 

It  is  also  necessary  to  recognize  that  Kuomintang  China  is  passing  through 
a  serious  crisis.  The  challenge  is  for  a  renewal  of  the  forward-looking  elements 
in  the  party  of  Sun  Yat-sen  and  a  bold  cutting  loose  from  an  archaic  past.  De- 
fections of  allegiance,  already  occurring,  will  tend  to  increase  as  reform  is  post- 
poned, and  the  leadership  of  the  China  of  the  future  may  well  pass  to  the  pro- 
gressive forces  outside  the  Kuomintang. 

These  issues  in  China  pose  a  delicate  and  difficult  problem  for  the  other  mem- 
bers of  the  United  Nations.  They  are  issues  of  such  fundamental  importance, 
however,  that  they  cannot  be  ignored.  Not  only  does  the  effective  prosecution 
of  the  war  during  its  final  phase  depend  on  the  answers  given.  The  future  status 
of  China  as  a  healthy  and  vigorous  nation,  in  which  the  people's  livelihood  is 
safeguarded  by  democratic  processes,  is  at  stake.  Only  such  a  China,  moreover, 
can  bring  to  the  family  of  nations  that  level  of  constructive  statesmanship  that 
will  be  needed  to  guard  the  peace  that  the  war  has  won. 


Exhibit  No.  77 

Red  Myths,  Starring  China 

(By  Louis  Francis  Budenz,  for  Collier's) 

America    will   be   rocked,    during  the   coming   year,   by   mounting   espionage 
revelations.     Shock  after  shock  is  about  to  be  given  the  American  people  as  to 

9  See  excerpts  in  article  by  Guenther  Stein,  Far  Eastern  Survey,  June  14,  1943,  p.  117. 


1678  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

the  extent  their  national  security  has  been  placed  at  the  mercy  of  the  Soviet 
dictatorship,  through  native  American  traitors.  The  activities  of  Eugene  Den- 
nis, present  secretary  of  the  Communist  Party,  in  the  stealing  of  information 
from  the  Office  of  Strategic  Services  during  World  War  II,  in  itself  constitutes 
one  of  the  gravest  scandals  that  has  ever  hit  this  country. 

Right  now  there  is  a  gi-eat  burning  of  documents  in  Communist  conspiratorial 
hide-aways  and  many  feverish  consultations  as  to  how  to  cover  up  the  widespread 
looting  by  Moscow  of  our  official  files  and  secrets. 

Along  with  this  espionage,  went  an  equally  grave  offense,  which  was  carried 
through  with  high  success  by  Soviet  agents;  the  winning  of  the  confidence  of 
American  public  officials  in  order  to  influence  and  dictate  American  foreign  poli- 
cies. It  is  ironical  that  America's  path  in  China  has  been  exactly  that  mapped 
out  by  Soviet  agents  here  in  the  United  States  on  behalf  of  Communist  China. 
The  whole  idea  of  "coalition  government" — which  American  officialdom  swal- 
lowed hook,  line,  and  sinker  and  which  led  to  the  withholding  of  real  aid  to 
nationalist  China — was  concocted  by  Soviet  Russia  in  order  to  defeat  America 
in  the  Far  East.  The  orders  to  push  this  idea  of  "coalition  government''  were 
given  to  leading  members  of  the  Communist  Party  here,  were  printed  in  official 
Communist  publications,  and  then  oddly  enough  became  the  patent  medicine 
of  the  Far  Eastern  Division  of  the  State  Department. 

I  was  one  of  those  who  took  a  leading  part  in  arranging  for  this  deceit  of 
American  officialdom.  I  sat  in  the  conferences  that  received  the  instructions 
from  the  Soviet  capital  and  was  active  in  carrying  them  out,  for  the  discomfort 
and  defeat  of  the  United  States. 

Neither  the  espionage  nor  the  deceit  (which  made  American  policy  so  often 
that  which  the  Kremlin  wanted  it  to  be)  could  have  been  so  successful  had  it 
not  been  for  the  Red  myths  which  were  created  to  befuddle  the  American 
people. 

No  hoax  has  been  more  complete  and  convincing  than  that  which  deluded 
the  American  people  from  coast  to  coast  into  the  belief  that  the  Chinese  Com- 
munists were  a  mild  edition  of  agricultural  reformer.  These  Moscow  agents, 
pledged  by  their  own  declarations  to  establish  Soviet  slavery  over  the  millions 
in  China,  were  portrayed  by  so-called  experts  and  distinguished  authors  as  a 
sort  of  Non-Partisan  Leaguer  such  as  functioned  for  some  time  in  North  Dakota. 
A  writer  like  Harrison  Forman  could  say  in  his  Report  from  Red  China  that 
he  saw  "not  the  slightest  tangible  connection  with  Russia"  among  these  Chinese 
Communists.  He  could  even  tell  us  that  "occasionally  I  saw  portraits  of  Marx 
and  Lenin;  but  these  seemed  the  relics  of  a  revolutionary  past."  And  these 
were  the  words  of  a  man  who  was  accepted  by  the  American  people  as  one  of  the 
leading  authorities  on  China  as  late  as  1945.  What  he  wrote  there  could  be 
refuted  by  every  fundamental  document  issued  by  the  Chinese  Communists 
and  their  leaders  when  they  were  writing  for  themselves  and  not  giving  interviews 
to  hick  Americans. 

Had  Mr.  Forman  and  other  American  "authorities"  familiarized  themselves 
with  the  Chinese  Communist  programs  they  would  know  that  repeatedly  they 
stated  their  adherence  to  "the  revolutionary  doctrines  of  Marx,  Engels,  Lenin, 
and  Stalin."  These  "authorities"  would  have  known,  as  a  striking  instance, 
of  the  declarations  of  the  Chinese  Communists  in  1937.  This  was  at  the  moment 
when  these  Reds  were  about  to  "make  a  new  peace"  with  Chiang  Kai-shek  be- 
cause their  masters  in  the  Kremlin  were  on  the  eve  of  signing  a  nonaggression 
pact  with  Nationalist  China.  At  every  turn  of  history,  the  Chinese  Communists 
have  acted  in  accord  with  the  twists  taken  by  Moscow,  and  1937  is  a  big  year  in 
this  respect. 

It's  a  big  year  because  the  Chinese  Communists  from  1931  up  to  that  time  had 
openly  proclaimed  their  complete  domination  by  Moscow.  They  had  called  the 
territory  they  occupied  "Soviet  China"  and  their  military  forces  "The  Red  Army." 
It  is  a  big  year  because  it  is  the  time  when  the  Soviet  fifth  column  in  the  United 
States  will  begin  to  put  forward  the  hoax  of  the  Chinese  Communists  being 
something  other  than  Russian  Communists. 

But  at  that  moment,  when  Soviet  Russia  had  ordered  the  Chinese  Reds  to 
make  a  change  in  tactics,  they  told  themselves  that  this  alleged  cooperation  with 
Chiang  Kai-shek  was  only  a  subterfuge.  Through  one  of  their  leading  spokes- 
men. Wan  Min.  these  Reds  pledged  that  no  matter  what  cloak  they  put  on,  they 
would  always  b<>  "true  supporters  of  Marxist-Leninist  teachings."  'They  further 
declared,  to'show  their  devotion  to  Soviet  Russia,  that  they  would  always  remain 
•true  pupils"  of  the  great  teacher,  Joseph  Stalin!  (You  may  read  this  at  your 
own  convenience  in  International  Press  Correspondence,  September  18,  1937, 
vol.  17,  No.  40,  p.  924. ) 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1679 

It  was  in  early  1937  that  Earl  Browder  called  a  few  of  the  Communists  func- 
tionaries, including  myself,  to  a  "China  conference"  on  the  Ninth  Floor  of  the 
Basl  12th  Street  house  of  treason.  There  were  ten  people  present,  conspicuously 
among  them  being  the  late  Harry  Gannes,  then  foreign  editor  of  the  Daily 
Worker  and  a  reputed  Red  authority  on  China.  To  us  Browder  brought  the  word, 
which  lie  said  he  had  received  from  abroad,  that  "the  followers  of  Mao  Tse-tung 
have  to  be  presented  in  a  new  dress."  This  had  been  made  by  Moscow  one  of 
the  chief  tasks  of  the  American  Party.  Browder  had  served  as  a  representative 
of  the  Communist  International  in  China  for  a  number  of  years,  and  stressed 
that  China  was  "the  herald  of  the  emancipation  of  all  Asia  from  the  imperialist 
yoke  and  would  be  the  key  to  the  smashing  of  American  imperialism."  These 
words,  uttered  by  the  then  chief  Communist  agent  in  America  at  the  time  when 
the  Reds  were  supposedly  endorsing  Franklin  D.  Roosevelt,  were  to  be  heard 
frequently  in  secret  Communist  sessions  from  that  time  forward.  They  were  to 
break  into  print  on  a  number  of  occasions  in  The  Communist,  official  theoretical 
organ  of  the  Soviet  fifth  column  bere. 

China  was  the  key  to  the  Soviet  domination  of  Asia,  Browder  told  us  bluntly, 
and  a  Soviet-controlled  Asia  "was  the  beginning  of  the  end  of  American  imperial- 
ism." That  is  why  Moscow,  we  were  told,  placed  upon  the  shoulders  of  the 
American  Communist  Party  the  responsibility  of  persuading  the  American  people 
and  our  government  to  have  "a  benevolent  attitude"  toward  the  Chinese  Reds. 

It  was  then  that  Browder,  with  a  sarcastic  grin,  said  that  our  objective  was 
to  "picture  the  Chinese  Communists  as  a  mild  variation  of  the  North  Dakota 
Non-Partisan  Leaguers."  This  could  not  be  done  all  at  once,  we  all  agreed, 
since  a  tremendous  amount  of  emphasis  had  previously  been  put  on  the  "revolu- 
tionary aspects  of  the  Chinese  Soviets."  But  as  a  beginning,  it  was  agreed  that 
the  name  of  an  "authority"  would  be  used — a  name  that  would  sound  good  to 
the  American  people.  The  first  decision  of  our  China  conference,  therefore,  was 
to  publish  "tens  of  thousands  of  copies"  (as  Alexander  Trachtenberg,  the  Soviet 
cultural  commissar  here  put  it )  "of  the  interview  with  Mao  Tse-tung,  Communist 
leader,  obtained  by  Edgar  Snow,  the  well-known  American  writer  and  published 
originally  in  the  China  Weekly  Review  of  November  1936. 

While  that  interview  did  not  go  so  far  as  Mao  Tse-tung  was  to  go  later,  in 
picturing  his  cause  as  that  of  a  mild  agricultural  movement,  he  did  stress  greatly 
the  principles  of  Sun  Yat-sen,  the  socialistic-democratic  leader.  It  is  ironic  to 
note  that  the  General  Secretary  of  the  Chinese  Communist  Party  was  talking  in 
this  language  to  Mr.  Snow  at  the  very  time  when  Wan  Min  was  writing  in  effect 
that  Sun  Yat-sen's  "principles"  would  be  used  only  as  a  matter  of  strategy. 

This  idea  of  the  upstanding  Chinese  Communists,  the  great  agrarian  reformers, 
was  peddled  everywhere  from  that  time  on.  It  turned  up  in  Washington,  was 
increasingly  popular  in  certain  sections  of  the  State  Department,  and  broke  into 
prominent  positions  in  the  American  press.  Everybody  who  was  "in  the  know" 
was  ready  to  say  that  the  Chinese  Communists  were  entirely  different  from  the 
Communists  of  Soviet  Russia  and  would  never  be  anti-American  nor  puppets  of 
the  Kremlin. 

This  propaganda  was  to  reach  its  height  around  1943,  when  the  Communists 
began  the  big  campaign  to  see  that  the  Cairo  pact  would  be  smashed.  With  the 
same  success  with  which  they  persuaded  America  to  break  its  word  to  Poland 
and  also  to  agree  to  the  Potsdam  monstrosity,  they  proceeded  to  flood  the  United 
States  with  the  idea  that  there  should  be  a  coalition  government  in  China.  This 
was  "sold"  by  respectable  authors  throughout  America.  It  was  favored  in  some- 
of  the  most  surprising  places  in  the  field  of  public  opinion.  It  was  particularly 
a  pet  theory  of  the  Far  Eastern  Division  of  the  State  Department,  which  did 
everything  the  Communists  would  have  wanted  that  Division  to  do. 

And  yet.  Mao  Tse-tung  had  stated  in  a  special  report  "On  Coalition  Govern- 
ment" made  in  April  1945  to  the  Seventh  National  Convention  of  the  Chinese 
Communist  Party,  that  this  slogan  would  lead  to  the  destruction  of  Chiang 
Kai-shek  and  the  defeat  of  "reactionary  American  imperialism."  The  "coali- 
tion government"  as  a  tactic  aimed  at  the  United  States  of  America  on  behalf 
of  Soviet  Russia  was  clearly  emphasized  as  such  in  that  report.  The  entire 
history  of  Communist  tactics  throughout  the  world  had  been  that  all  "coalition 
governments"  in  which  Communists  joined  are  sabotaged  by  the  and  finally 
conquered  for  Soviet  imperialist  purposes.  The  flood  of  document  from  Com- 
munist China,  which  I  could  quote  at  length  were  it  feasible  to  do  so,  had  all 
asserted  the  Marxist-Leninist  aims  of  the  Chinese  Communists  and  their  devo- 
tion to  Soviet  Russia.  Indeed,  and  most  ironically,  one  of  the  main  points  made 
by  Mao  Tse-tung  in  his  coalition  government  report  is  that  the  Soviet  Union  has 
changed  the  whole  situation  in  China. 


1680  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

Interpreting  this,  the  chief  of  the  department  of  information  of  the  Chinese 
Communist  Party,  Lu  Ting-Yi,  places  the  New  China  on  the  side  of  the  successes 
of  the  Soviet  Union,  and  against  the  American  imperialists. 

At  the  same  time,  in  the  first  flush  of  victory,  achieved  through  American 
blundering,  Mao  Tse-tung  now  proclaims  the  Red  advance  in  China  to  be  against 
American  imperialism  as  well  as  against  Chiang  Kai-shek's  gang  of  brigands. 
He  mentioned  the  great  masses  of  people  that  will  be  brought  into  the  struggle — 
and  puts  them,  in  the  world  scales,  against  American  Republic.  Frederick  V. 
Field,  the  millionaire  Chinese  expert  of  the  Communist  Party,  jubilantly  writes 
in  the  Political  Affairs  of  July  1948:  "Our  Chinese  comrades  are  destroying 
American  imperialism  in  the  Far  East.  Let  us,  American  anti-imperialists,  at 
least  accept  and  make  use  of  the  historic  contribution  which  they  are  making 
toward  our  own  welfare."  This  millionaire  Communist  agent  chides  American 
labor  for  not  being  anti-American  in  its  activities,  and  thus  holding  back  from 
"the  new  China  which  is  developing  under  the  leadership  of  the  Communist 
Party."  A  new  enemy  of  tremendous  strength  in  numbers  is  being  forged  in 
Asia  against  the  United  States — and  every  agency  of  American  life  has  aided 
to  make  that  enemy  strong. 

On  December  7  last,  it  was  discovered  in  Washington  that  there  had  been  a 
tragic  lag  in  the  delivery  of  promised  war  material  and  other  goods  to  Na- 
tionalist China.  Fighting  equipment  valued  only  at  .$63,000,000  had  been  de- 
livered during  the  preceding  eighteen  months,  whereas  $220,000,000  in  supplies 
had  been  sent  to  Greece  and  Turkey  in  a  similar  period.  This  is  merely  an  index 
of  the  entire  lag  of  American  opinion  and  American  governmental  understanding 
of  the  Chinese  crisis.  It  is  a  measure  of  the  powerful  effectiveness  of  the  Soviet 
fifth  column  in  the  United  States  that  it  can  report  this  and  similar  results  in  its 
warfare  against  American  imperialism. 

How  is  it  that  American  public  opinion  was  drugged  in  this  fashion?  It  was 
the  outcome  of  a  most  skillful  and  persistent  campaign  by  the  Soviet  fifth 
column  coupled  with  an  almost  incredible  amount  of  naivete  on  the  part  of 
leading  American  citizens.  I  say  this  out  of  my  own  participation  in  much  of 
the  planning  on  the  part  of  the  Reds,  which  went  on  at  the  12th  Street  head- 
quarters. 

Our  campaign  was  extensive  but  not  complicated.  It  was  simply  to  make 
everybody  ashamed  of  being  for  Nationalist  China.  This  was  done  by  playing 
up  the  words  "China's  New  Democracy"  which  was  the  title  of  a  pamphlet  written 
by  Mao  Tse-tung  in  1940.  This  pamphlet  was  designed  to  satisfy  everybody 
while  at  the  same  time  educating  the  followers  of  the  Chinese  Communists  to 
an  unbreakable  alliance  with  Soviet  Russia.  When  it  was  prepared  for  an 
American  edition,  we  had  a  special  session  on  the  Ninth  Floor  as  to  how  to 
handle  some  of  its  promises  of  the  establishment  of  "dictatorship"  and  other 
forecasts  of  a  Soviet  slave  state.  This  was  easily  handled  by  editing  out  the 
most  flagrant  verbiage,  so  that  what  Mao  Tse-tung  said  on  these  points  was 
actually  misrepresented  in  the  American  issue.  The  milder  edition,  with  a 
foreword  by  Earl  Browder,  went  far  to  befuddle  American  liberals  and  not 
a  few  American  statesmen. 

Nor  was  this  campaign  for  Communist  China  merely  a  matter  of  persuading 
good  intentioned  people  to  become  mixed  up.  A  special  secret  order  was  sent 
out  to  the  Communists,  to  be  pushed  in  unions  and  in  every  occupation  where 
sympathizers  were  engaged,  to  see  that  books  favoring  Communist  China  were 
widely  sold.  Arrangements  were  made — and  I  have  sat  in  on  some  of  them — 
whereby  the  legs  of  book  reviewers  were  to  be  pulled  so  that  those  words 
which  gave  a  break  to  the  Chinese  Comnmnists  would  receive  favorable  notices. 

Back  of  all  this  was  the  popularization  of  the  fiction  that  the  Chinese  Com- 
munists had  proved  to  be  such  bitter  foes  of  Japanese  imperialism.  A  lot  of 
noise  was  made  about  the  statements  in  1937  along  that  line  when  the  agree- 
ment with  Chiang  Kai-shek  was  reached.  But  writers  of  alleged  high  authority 
were  persuaded  to  forget  that  this  pact  of  1937  had  only  been  reached  because 
Soviet  Russia  wanted  it.  It  was  also  conveniently  forgotten  that  when  the 
Kremlin  entered  into  friendly  relations  with  Japan,  the  Communists  quit  fighting 
the  Japanese  entirely;  they  devoted  themselves  to  harboring  their  forces  for 
the  showdown  with  Chiang  Kai-shek  and  the  United  States.  I  have  distinctly 
in  mind  a  conference  of  American  Communist  leaders  meeting  in  April  1941 
to  decide  how  to  handle  the  Chinese  situation  after  the  Soviet-Japanese  Pact, 
at  which  a  report  was  given  that  the  Chinese  Communists  would  preserve  their 
.strength  as  much  as  possible. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1681 

One  <>f  the  chief  figures  called  upon  by  the  Soviet  fifth  column  to  streamline 
this  campaign  of  confusion  was  Frederick  Vanderbilt  Field,  who  first  became 
conspicuous  as  Secretary  of  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations.  Formerly  a 
Norman  Thomas  Socialist.  Mr.  Field  became  converted  to  the  views  of  Moscow. 
In  turn,  he  became  a  writer  for  the  New  Masses,  Communist  weekly,  a  columnist 
for  the  Daily  Worker,  official  daily  organ  of  the  Communist  Party,  and  now  the 
chief  theoretical  writer  on  Far  Eastern  affairs  for  Political  Affairs,  theoretical 
organ  of  the  Communist  Party.  This  last  distinction  (following  so  soon  after 
Mr  Field's  service  for  the  party  at  San  Francisco,  during  the  Conference  of 
the  United  Nations,)  is  a  tribute  by  the  Soviet  fifth  column  to  his  services  in 


in 


tluencing  the  opinion  of  many  gullible  American  writers  and  publicists. 

Two  men  of  distinction  who  have  seen  eye  to  eye  with  Mr.  Field  for  a  long 
time  in  regard  to  China,  and  who  have  enjoyed  close  personal  relations  with  him 
are  Owen  Lattimore,  author  of  Solution  in  Asia,  and  Joseph  Barnes,  former 
foreign  editor  of  the  New  York  Hearld  Tribune  and  now  editor  of  the  leftist 
New  York  Star.  As  a  Communist,  I  have  heard  the  names  of  Messrs.  Lattimore 
and  Barnes  frequently  referred  to  in  reports  by  Mr.  Field,  and  always  in  the  most 
complimentary  manner.  They  have  been  devoted  adherents  of  the  "poor  Chinese 
'Communists  agrarian  reformer''  theory. 

It  is  somewhat  startling,  nevertheless,  to  discover  a  Mr.  Lattimore  as  a  specific 
endorser  of  Dilemma  in  Japan,  by  Lt.  Andrew  Roth.  Indeed,  Mr.  Lattimore 
hails  Mr.  Roth  as  representing  "the  younger  school  of  American  experts." 

Such  an  expert  is  this  gentleman  that  he  was  a  participant  in  the  "borrowing" 
of  hundreds  of  secret  documents  from  the  files  of  our  State  Department,  in  tne 
Amerasia  case.  That  magazine  had  been  established  by  Phillip  Jaffe,  of  whom 
I  first  learned  from  the  Soviet  secret  police  as  a  valuable  friend.  Reports  to 
the  National  Committee  disclosed  this  publication  to  be  organized  for  the  pur- 
pose of  affecting  opinion  in  favor  of  the  Chinese  Communists.  Btut  its  main 
objective  was  to  make  those  contacts  in  the  State  Department  and  elsewhere 
in  Washington  which  would  directly  help  in  the  defeat  of  Chiang  Kai-shek.  It 
was  no  surprise  to  me,  therefore,  when  in  early  1945  the  news  broke  that  the 
PBI  had  raided  the  Amerasia  office,  to  discover  scores  of  secret  documents  be- 
longing to  the  State  Department  and  also  extensive  photographic  equipment 
for  reproducing  such  documents. 

That  day  a  session  was  held  on  the  Ninth  Floor.  The  danger  involved  in 
the  Amerasia  disclosures  was  realized  by  leading  members  of  the  Soviet  fifth 
column  to  be  considerable.  Sitting  in  Browcler's  room,  in  a  little  circle,  seven 
of  them  went  over  the  steps  that  must  be  taken  to  becloud  America's  mind  as 
to  what  had  actually  taken  place.  The  proposals  which  wrere  adopted — brought 
in  appropriately  by  Eugene  Dennis — who  had  been  educated  in  espionage  in  the 
Lenin  School  in  Moscow — included  these  significant  steps :  1.  To  get  the  aid  of 
men  upon  whom  we  could  depend,  Alger  Hiss  being  mentioned,  and  at  least 
six  other  men  of  like  position  being  considered ;  2.  That  the  comrades  con- 
nected with  the  newspapers  be  instructed  to  do  all  they  could  to  see  that  the 
incident  was  played  down  and  allowed  to  die  out  quickly ;  3.  That  the  argument 
be  used  everywhere  by  the  comrades  disguised  as  non-Communists  that  the 
Chiang  Kai-shek  government  was  "rotten  to  the  core"  and  that  therefore  any 
information  obtained  against  it  was  not  injurious  to  America. 

Secret  instructions  to  this  effect  were  dispatched  at  once  to  all  sections  and 
districts  of  the  party.  They  were  very  effective,  at  that.  The  Amerasia 
defendents  got  off  without  difficulty,  and  there  was  a  big  celebration  at  Phillip 
Jaffe's  house  in  which  toasts  were  drunk  to  the  coming  victory  of  communism 
in  China  and  the  defeat  of  American  imperialism.  Several  members  of  the 
Daily  Worker  editorial  board  were  present  at  this  victory  feast. 

One  of  the  reasons  why  there  was  no  appreciation  of  the  treason  involved  in 
the  Amerasia  case  was  the  effective  work  the  Soviet  fifth  column  had  done 
among  the  majority  of  the  organizations  dealing  with  the  Orient.  Through 
infiltration,  corruption,  persuasion,  or  use  of  personal  weakness,  leading  mem- 
bers of  most  of  these  groups  had  come  to  see  eye  to  eye  with  the  Communists 
on  China.  That  is,  they  peddled  the  talk  of  agrarian  reformers,  coalition  gov- 
ernment, and  other  similar  claptrap.  Conspicuous  among  these  was  the  Vice 
President  of  the  United  States,  Henry  A.  Wallace,  who  contributed  to  the  Amer- 
ican Council,  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations,  a  pamphlet  in  1944  in  which  he  said: 
"The  Russians  have  demonstrated  their  friendly  attitude  toward  China  by  their 
willingness  to  refrain  from  interfering  in  China's  internal  affairs."  That  sen- 
tence is  familiar  to  me  because  it  even  provoked  laughter  on  the  Ninth  Floor 
of  the  12th   Street  Kremlin.     A  separate  Red  Army,   "Chinese   Soviets",   and 


1682  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

Communist  forces  which  would  hang  hack  during  the  Soviet-Japanese  Pact  were 
not  regarded  by  Mr.  Wallace  as  evidences  of  intervention.  In  his  zeal  to  defend 
the  Chinese  Communists  Mr.  Wallace  lately  overshot  his  mark.  In  his  most  re- 
cent book,  Toward  World  Peace,  the  former  Vice  President  continued  to  argue 
that  the  comrades  in  China  were  agrarian  reformers.  The  Communist  organ, 
Political  Affairs,  for  May  1948,  reluctantly  and  sadly  had  to  take  him  to  task 
for  this  mistake.  For  now,  since  Mao  Tse-tung  has  announced  his  union  of 
purpose  with  Soviet  aggression,  and  his  hostility  to  the  United  States,  this  fakery 
is  no  longer  serviceable.  And  so,  Political  Affairs  writes:  "No,  the  Chinese 
Communists  are  really  Communists,  not  agrarian  reformers.  It  is  precisely 
because  they  are  Communists  that  they  express  best  of  all  the  real  interests  of 
the  Chinese  people."  And  that  sentence  proclaims  in  effect  that  all  the  previous 
Communist  propaganda,  palmed  off  on  the  liberals  and  used  by  them  to  confuse 
America,  was  a  tissue  of  lies. 

One  of  the  most  appalling  developments  out  of  all  this  was  the  apparent  ac- 
ceptance of  these  lies  by  the  Far  Eastern  Division  of  our  State  Department. 
On  November  11,  1946,  at  the  Far  East  luncheon  of  the  National  Foreign  Trade 
Council,  the  director  of  that  office  went  so  far  as  to  strike  a  hard  blow  against 
Nationalist  China.  In  his  address,  Mr.  John  Carter  Vincent  indicted  Nationalist 
China  as  a  place  "unsound  to  invest  private  or  public  capital."  This  was  based 
upon  the  threat  of  civil  war  there,  upon  wasting  of  armaments,  and  on  undem- 
ocratic concepts  of  government  existing  there.  Mr.  Carter,  unfortunately,  neg- 
lected to  state  what  would  occur  if  his  advice  were  taken.  Namely,  the  greatest 
fiasco  ever  to  greet  America.  That  is  precisely  what  has  happened  today  and 
it  will  cost  the  lives  of  thousands  of  our  men  eventually  to  make  up  for  the 
possible  loss  of  China.  It  is  distressing  to  note  that  Mr.  Carter's  utterance  in 
Washington  came  at  the  same  time  as  the  Communist  Party's  campaign  to  "get 
out  of  China",  which  was  headed  by  that  veteran  party  liner,  the  late  General 
Carlson.  It  is  constant  attitudes  of  this  kind  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Vincent  Carter 
that  has  made  his  name  so  warmly  welcome  in  the  secret  councils  of  the  Soviet 
fifth  column.  I  have  never  heard  the  former  head  of  the  Far  Eastern  Office  of  the 
State  Department  mentioned  in  high  Communist  circles  except  with  the  highest 
approbation. 

The  same  deceit  and  disguise  which  led  to  these  successes  on  China  also 
marked  Red  penetration  of  organizations  dealing  with  this  matter.  The  Insti- 
tute of  Pacific  Relations  is  a  case  in  point.  This  is  an  organization  composed 
of  odds  and  ends  of  people  in  many  countries  touching  the  Pacific.  The  Ameri- 
can Council,  although  not  absolutely  controlled  by  the  Communists,  has  never 
found  anything  wrong  with  Communist  China  and  has  never  warned  the  Ameri- 
can Nation  of  the  grave  danger  to  its  security  that  will  result  from  a  Commu- 
nist conquered  China.  Quite  to  the  contrary,  most  of  its  publications  have  pre- 
sented Communist  China  as  a  land  of  sweetness  and  light.  One  of  its  most 
conspicuous  directors  has  been  Frederick  Vanderbilt  Field,  and  notorious  Com- 
munist writers  such  as  the  so-called  James  S.  Allen,  recently  Foreign  Editor 
of  the  Daily  Worker,  have  been  on  its  list  of  authors.  It  may  be  added  that 
"Allen"  is  a  former  agent  of  the  Communist  International  in  the  Phillipines  and 
has  close  conspiratorial  connections  with  many  Soviet  agents  in  lands  bordering 
on  the  Pacific.  Edward  C.  Carter,  director  of  the  Institute,  for  years,  has  had 
such  close  associations  with  the  Communists  as  to  rob  him  of  any  critical  at- 
titude toward  them.  He  has  been  a  leading  figure  in  the  Russian,American  In- 
stitute, a  contributor  to  Soviet  Russia  Today,  and  director  of  Russian  War  Re- 
lief. Not  satisfied  with  the  penetration  of  organizations,  organs  of  public  opin- 
ion, or  the  government,  the  Communists  began  a  new  campaign  of  their  own  on 
China  just  before  I  left  the  party.  It  was  designed  to  center  the  attention  of 
the  comrades  on  China  as  the  biggest  of  all  tasks  of  the  American  Reds,  and  to 
arouse  them  to  the  subsequent  campaigns  through  other  organizations  which 
they  inaugurated.  Well  known  party  liners  have  also  been  vociferous  in  the 
Committee  for  a  Democratic  Far  Eastern  Policy,  formed  around  the  same  time 
and  preparing  the  way  by  its  complete  echo  of  the  partv  position  for  further 
American  division  in  the  face  of  the  Communist  advance  in  China. 

"What  is  happening  in  China  today  is  the  most  open  expression  of  American 
imperialism  at  work,"  said  a  secret  memorandum  sent  to  all  Communists  by 
the  New  York  State  office  just  before  I  left  the  party.  "Today,  American  im- 
perialism, by  armed  force,  is  intervening  in  the  struggle  of  the  Chinese  people 
to  establish  a  democratic  Chinese  Republic."  Such  allegations  would  be  highly 
comical  were  they  not  so  tragic,  when  we  view  the  hesitancy  of  America  to  defend 
itself  by  taking  a  firm  stand  in  the  Chinese  picture.     The  Committee  for  a  Demo- 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1683 

eratic  Far  Eastern  Policy  echoed  this  sort  of  farcical  charge,  demanding  that 
the  United  Stales  give  no  military  aid  to  China  since  it  would  "in  effect  mala; 
the  President  of  the  United  States  Commander  in  Chief  of  the  Chinese  Armies." 

It  is  arguments  like  these  when  pressed  by  the  gentlemen  in  diplomatic  morn- 
ing clothes  that  have  made  Washington  sway  hack  and  forth  in  tragic  uncer- 
tainty on  China.  It  is  certain  harried  editors  looking  around  for  material  on 
China  who  pick  up  a  pamphlet  by  the  supposedly  respectable  Institute  of  Pacific 
Relations  and  use  it  for  information,  even  though  it  is  written  by  Abraham 
Chapman.  And  who  is  he?  None  other  than  a  most  trusted  Communist,  who 
under  the  name  of  John  Arnold  has  written  extensively  for  the  Communist  press 
and  served  as  a  member  of  the  State  Committee  of  the  Communist  Party  of  New 
York.  That  would  be  unknown  to  the  unwary  editor,  guided  by  Comrade  Chap- 
man's discourse  on  the  Far  East. 

Or  to  use  another  example,  which  came  to  my  attention  during  my  last  days 
in  the  party  in  1943  :  Hundreds  of  leading  citizens  in  various  communities  received 
in  the  mails  early  that  year  a  pamphlet  entitled  "China's  Greatest  Crisis." 
Its  author,  Frederick  V.  Field,  was  stated  to  be  "a  member  of  the  Executive 
Committee  of  the  American  Council,  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations,  and  an  au- 
thority on  Far  Eastern  problems.  He  is  also  Executive  Vice  President  of  the 
Council  for  Pan-American  Democracy,  and  a  member  of  the  Editorial  Board  of 
New  Masses."  The  publisher  was  New  Century  Publishers,  Inc.,  832  Broad- 
way, New  York. 

That  was  a  rather  impressive-sounding  statement,  and  the  publisher  seemed 
to  be  respectable  enough  in  name.  No  one  is  opposed  to  anything  "new."  How 
was  the  leading  citizen  of  Kalamazoo,  Mich.,  receiving  such  a  pamphlet,  from  the 
list  of  a  certain  religious  organization  of  which  he  was  a  member,  to  know  that 
the  New  Century  Publishers  are  the  official  publication  society  of  the  Communist 
Party's  theoretical  organ  and  its  most  valued  pamphlets?  How  was  he  to  know 
of  Mr.  Field's  connection  with  the  Communist  movement  except  through  the  ref- 
erence of  the  New  Masses  of  which  he  might  have  heard  vaguely? 

This  was  the  manner  in  which  many  patriotic  Americans,  who  say  quite 
emphatically  that  no  one  can  dictate  their  opinions,  were  hornswoggled  into  a 
completely  distorted  view  of  the  Chinese  crisis. 

It  was  out  of  all  these  pressures,  Moscow  directed,  that  President  Roosevelt 
was  persuaded  to  amend  our  solemn  pledge  of  China's  integrity  made  at  Cairo  to 
the  Yalta  promise  that  Soviet  Russia  would  get  Outer  Mongolia  and  even  a 
chance  at  Manchuria.  It  is  from  such  creation  of  confusion  in  the  American  mind 
that  we  have  promised  aid  to  China  and  not  given  it  in  the  measure  it  was) 
pledged.  Is  it  any  wonder  that  the  American  Nation  faces  the  greatest  debacle  in 
its  history,  the  possible  loss  of  470,000,000  people  for  our  side  in  the  battle  for 
American  existence? 


Exhibit  No.  78 
[From  the  Daily  Worker] 


Books 


The  Situation  in  Asia.    By  Owen  Lattimore.    238  pp.    Boston.    Atlantic-Little, 
Brown.    $2.75. 

"Situation  in  Asia"  Criticizes  U.  S.  Government  Policy  in  Far  East 

(By  David  Carpenter) 

Owen  Lattimore's  Situation  in  Asia  is  extremely  critical  of  our  government's 
policies  in  that  immense  area  of  colonial  and  semicolonial  peoples.  He  shows 
that  our  government  has  done  nothing  but  alienate  the  people's  forces  seeking 
national  liberation  in  Asia. 

Lattimore,  who  is  the  director  of  the  Walter  Hines  Page  School  of  Foreign 
Relations  at  Johns  Hopkins  University,  points  out  that  our  dependence  on  the 
Kuomintang  has  served  only  to  make  the  United  States  hated  by  the  Chinese 
people.  He  contrasts,  to  our  disadvantage,  the  reliance  on  the  unpopular  im- 
perialist agent  Syngman  Rhee  and  the  maintenance  of  U.  S.  occupation  troops 
in  South  Korea  with  the  withdrawal  of  Soviet  troops  and  the  establishment 
of  a  native  peoples  government  in  North  Korea. 


1684  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

He  shows  clearly  that  the  efforts  by  the  U.  S.  government  to  make  Japan  a 
major  bastion  against  the  Soviet  Union  must  end  in  failure. 

Lattimore  proposes  that  our  government  end  its  alliances  with  dictatorial 
corrupt  antipeople's  forces  in  Asia.  He  urges  that  we  stop  intervention  in 
the  internal  affairs  of  the  colonial  and  semicolonial  countries.  He  asks  that  we 
aid  the  peoples  of  Asia  to  achieve  national  independence. 

*  *     * 

All  this  is  to  the  good  as  far  as  it  goes.  But  Lattimore  goes  completely  off 
the  beam  in  his  efforts  to  explain  the  relationship  of  political  and  social  forces 
in  Asia  and  their  impact  on  world  affairs.  And  as  long  as  we  fail  to  recognize 
the  reality  of  these  relations  so  long  will  we  be  unable  to  help  in  the  achievement 
of  those  aims  Lattimore  proposes. 

In  the  first  place,  Lattimore  argues  that  the  colonial  and  semicolonial  peoples 
struggling  for  national  independence  are  developing  a  "third  force"  that  seeks 
to  remain  equidistant  from  American  and  Russian  power.  He  refuses  to  admit 
that  the  struggle  is  completely  an  anti-imperialist  struggle,  to  drive  out  the 
American,  British,  French,  and  Dutch  capitalists  who  are  subjecting  their 
native  peoples  to  superexploitation  for  their  raw  materials  and  as  markets  for 
capitalist  products. 

Lattimore  admits  that  the  Asiatic  colonial  and  semicolonial  peoples  are 
looking  to  the  Soviet  Union  for  examples  of  how  oppressed  peoples  achieve  inde- 
pendence and  are  turning  away  from  the  United  States  because  of  its  imperialist 
line.  But  he  makes  this  a  contest  of  tactics  which  the  United  States  can  change 
by  adopting  new  methods. 

*  *     * 

Lattimore  refuses  to  see  that  the  reason  the  colonial  people  turn  to  the  Soviet 
Union  for  their  example  is  precisely  because  of  the  overthrow  of  capitalism  and 
the  establishment  of  socialism  in  that  country.    As  Stalin  points  out : 

"It  is  precisely  because  the  national-colonial  revolutions  took  place  in  our 
country  under  the  leadership  of  the  proletariat  and  under  the  banner  of  inter- 
nationalism that  pariah  nations,  slave  nations,  have  for  the  first  time  in  the 
history  of  mankind  risen  to  the  position  of  nations  which  are  really  free  and 
really  equal,  thereby  setting  a  contagious  example  for  the  oppressed  nations 
of  the  whole  world. 

"This  means  that  the  October  Revolution  has  ushered  in  a  new  era,  the  era 
of  colonial  revolutions  which  are  being  conducted  in  the  oppressed  countries  of 
the  world  in  alliance  with  the  proletariat  and  under  the  leadership  of  the 
proletariat." 

The  core  of  the  leadership  in  the  colonial  struggle  against  imperialism  and 
the  guarantee  of  the  achievement  of  national  independence  lies  in  the  growth 
and  development  of  the  native  Communist  Parties,  springing  out  of  the  ex- 
ploited native  working  classes  and  leading  the  exploited  working  class  and  the 
oppressed  peasant  masses.  That  is  why  the  imperialists,  under  the  leadership 
of  the  United  States,  direct  their  main  fire  against  the  destruction  of  these 
native  Communist  Parties. 

Secondly,  Lattimore  makes  the  mistake  of  assuming  that  the  relationship 
of  the  United  States  and  the  Soviet  Union  in  Asia  is  that  of  a  struggle  for 
power.  Here  he  falls  into  the  trap  laid  by  American  imperialism,  which  would 
like  to  hide  the  reality  of  its  efforts  to  maintain  its  grasp  of  the  resources  and 
manpower  of  Asia. 

This  approach  to  American-Soviet  relationships  obscures  the  truth.  The 
Soviet  Union  is  not  seeking  world  power.  When  the  colonial  peoples  look  for 
alliances  with  the  Soviet  Union,  it  is  because  they  see  in  that  socialist  country 
the  true  defender  of  their  national  aspirations.  When  the  Soviet  Union  aligns 
itself  with  these  peoples,  it  is  not  just  a  counteralliance  to  protect  its  own  borders 
against  the  attack  of  imperialism,  it  is  fundamentally  a  defense  of  the  national 
interests  of  the  peoples  of  these  oppressed  nations. 

Because  the  peoples  of  the  world  recognize  that  an  attack  on  the  Soviet  Union 
is  an  attack  on  the  defender  of  their  own  aspirations,  because  they  see  in  such 
an  attack  on  their  own  efforts  to  break  the  bold  of  imperialism,  they  join  with 
the  Soviet  Union  in  a  common  front  against  imperialism.  They  have  already 
seen  how  the  peoples  of  the  Eastern  European  democracies  were  able  to  protect 
themselves  from  the  encroachment  of  imperialism  and  to  begin  their  own  in- 
ternal development  as  the  result  of  alliances  with  and  protection  by  the  Soviet 
Union. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1685 

In  our  own  country,  If  we  are  t<>  adopt  the  proposals  Lattimore  makes  for 
"the  situation  in  Asia."  it  is  necessary  fur  ns  to  loosen  the  hold  of  the  im- 
perialists on  our  government.  Otherwise,  our  official  policies  will  continue  to 
be  thai  of  oppressing  the  colonial  peoples  in  the  interests  of  our  monopoly 
capitalists. 


Exhibit  No.  79 

The  Assembly, 
State  of  New  York, 
Darien  Center,  New  York,  June  20, 1944- 
Miss  Rose  V.  Russell, 

13  Astor  Place.  New  York  3,  N.  Y. 
My  dear  Russell  :  I  am  in  receipt  of  your  letter  informing  me  of  the  informal 
meeting  in  tribute  to  Dr.  Bella  Dodd  inasmuch  as  she  is  leaving  her  position  as 
Legislative  Representative  of  the  Teachers  Union. 

I  first  became  acquainted  with  Dr.  Dodd  when  I  became  Chairman  of  the 
Rapp-Coudert  Committee  and  in  the  four  years  that  I  have  held  this  position,  I 
have  had  occasion  to  contact  Dr.  Dodd  on  a  great  many  occasions  and  would 
like  to  say  that  she  has  always  been  fair  in  presenting  her  views  and  while  at 
times  we  have  differed  I  have  always  found  her  very  sincere  and  her  word  with 
me  has  always  been  as  good  as  a  certified  check. 

I  wish  to  extend  to  Dr.  Dodd  my  best  wishes  for  her  continued  success  in  her 
new  field. 

Sincerely  yours, 

Herbert  A.  Rapp  W.  C. 


Staten  Island,  N.  Y.,  June  17, 1944. 
Dr.  Bella  V.  Dodd, 

2o  West  43rd  Street.  New  York  City. 

Dear  Dr.  Dodd  :   Thanks  so  much  for  your  gracious  letter  of  June  12.    Your 
kind  wishes  are  appreciated. 

There  are  probably  not  many  people  in  New  York  who  have  as  divergent  politi- 
cal and  economic  ideas  as  you  and  I.    I  like  and  respect  you  as  a  person,  however, 
and  I  am  happy  to  read  that  you  don't  think  I  am  entirely  bad. 
Good  luck  to  you  in  your  new  work,  and  best  regards  to  you  from 
Yours  sincerely, 

Ellsworth  B.  Buck. 


The  Assembly, 
State  of  New  York, 
Albany,  June  22,  1944. 
Miss  Rose  V.  Russell, 

Secretary,  Teachers  Union, 
13  Astor  Place,  New  York. 

Dear  Miss  Russell:  I  am  writing  these  few  lines  to  extend  to  Dr.  Bella  Dodd 
my  best  wishes  and  may  her  future  endeavors  be  successful. 

I  also  wish  to  state  that  during  the  past  four  years  as  a  member  of  the  Legis- 
lature, I  have  met  Dr.  Dodd  on  many  occasions  and  while  at  times  we  may 
have  differed  politically  I  have  always  admired  her  for  her  sincerity,  honesty, 
and  integrity. 

With  every  hope  for  a  successful  affair  and  with  greeting  to  all. 
Sincerely, 

George  Archinal. 


The  Assembly, 
State  of  New  York, 
Albany,  June  14,  1944- 
Miss  Rose  V.  Russell, 
Teachers  Union. 

13  Astor  Place,  New  York  3,  Neiv  York. 

My  Dear  Miss  Russell:  I  understand  that  you  contemplate  an  informal 
"Tribute  to  Bella  Dodd"  on  Friday,  June  23d.  May  I  ask  you  to  deliver  the 
following  message  to  your  guests  assembled : 


1686  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

During  the  many  years  that  Bella  Dodd  has  appeared  in  Albany  as  Repre- 
sentative of  the  Teachers  Union,  I  know  of  no  one  who  has  given  more  service 
and  been  more  effective  in  behalf  of  those  employed  in  the  school  system  and 
education,  generally,  than  has  Bella  Dodd.  She  has  the  regard,  respect  and 
confidence  of  all  members  of  the  Legislature,  regardless  of  party. 
Sincerely  yours, 

Irwin  Steingut. 


The  Assembly, 
State  of  New  Yokk, 
Buffalo,  New  York,  June  3,  1944. 
Miss  Rose  V.  Russell, 
c/o  Teachers  Union, 

13  Astor  Place,  New  York  3,  New  York. 
Dear  Miss  Russell:  I  regret  exceedingly  that  I  shall  be  unable  to  attend 
the  reception  in  honor  of  Bella  Dodd  to  be  held  on  Friday  evening,  June  23rd 
at  Manhattan  Center. 

I  have  had  the  pleasm-e  of  knowing  Bella  Dodd  during  my  long  tenure  in  the 
Legislature  and  desire  to  state  that  the  Teachers  Union  and  education  generally 
will  lose  a  most  energetic  figure  in  her  retirement  as  Legislative  Representative 
of  the  Union. 

While  not  always  in  accord  or  agreement  with  Mrs.  Dodd,  I  always  respected 
her  sincerity  of  purpose  as  well  as  her  zeal  for  those  things  beneficial  to  the 
education  of  our  children  and  the  welfare  of  the  teachers. 

Please  express  my  regrets  to  Mrs.  Dodd  of  my  inability  to  be  present. 
Sincerely  yours, 

Harold  B.  Ehrlich. 


The  Assembly, 
State  of  New  York, 
New  York,  N.  Y.,  June  5, 1944- 
Teachers  Union, 

13  Astor  Place,  New  York  3,  N.  Y. 
(Att.  Rose  V.  Russell.) 
Dear  Miss  Russell:  I  was  very  pleased  to  note  the  forthcoming  Teachers 
Union  "Tribute  to  Bella  Dodd,"  who  recently  left  her  position  as  the  Union's 
Legislative  Representative. 

I  have  known  Dr.  Dodd  for  about  seven  years.  She  has  the  respect  of  prac- 
tically every  member  of  the  Legislature,  be  they  Democrat,  Republican,  or 
American  Labor  Party.  AVe  know  her  for  her  sincerity,  humaneness  and  per- 
severance. 

Regardless  of  political  opinions  or  affiliations,  she  has  earned  the  respect 
of  us  all  and  we  wish  her  well.    I  am  most  happy  to  say  this  about  Bella  Dodd 
in  writing  and  I  would  be  happier  to  say  the  same  things  about  her  in  person. 
Sincerely, 

Fred  G.  Moritt. 


The  Assemrly. 
State  of  New  York. 
Albany,  June  20th,  1944. 
Teachers  Union, 

13  Astor  Place,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Members  and  Friends  of  the  Teachers  Union: 

Permit  me,  on  this  auspicious  occasion,  to  join  in  a  tribute  well  merited  and 
attest  to  my  respect  and  admiration  for  the  inspiring  leadership,  unswerving 
loyalty  and  devotion  manifested  by  Bella  Dodd,  while  serving  as  the  legislative 
representative  of  the  Teachers  Union  of  the  City  of  New  York. 
I  wish  her  the  utmost  of  success  in  her  new  field  of  endeavor. 
Sincerely, 

Francis  X.  McGowan. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1687 

The  Assembly, 
State  of  New  York, 
Albany,  Jtme  2,  1944. 
Miss  Rose  V.  Russell, 

Teachers1  Union,  Local  555,  SCMWA-CIO, 

IS  Astor  Place,  New  York  3,  N.  Y. 
Dear  Miss  Russell:  I  have  received  your  communication  of  -May  31,  informing 
me  of  the  Teachers'  Union  proposed  informal  "Tribute  to  Bella  Dodd,"  to  be  held 
on  Friday  evening,  June  23,  at  Manhattan  Center. 

I  greatly  appreciate  the  invitation  extended  to  me  to  participate  in  this  great 
tribute  to  a  very  noted  person  who  has  served  the  cause  of  education  zealously. 
Her  efforts  have  contributed  to  the  improvement  of  our  educational  facilities  and 
better  schools  for  our  youth.  She  is  a  great  champion  in  the  onward  march  of 
democracy  and  people  of  all  races,  creeds,  and  religion  pay  honor  to  her  for  her 
leadership  and  fearless  struggle  to  better  the  lot  of  the  masses  educationally. 
It  was  a  pleasure  to  see  Bella  in  action  in  Albany,  as  she  buttonholed  legislator 
after  legislator  on  the  important  questions  affecting  education  and  State  aid  for 
education.  She  did  an  excellent  job  and  much  credit  is  due  her  for  the  tireless 
hours,  days,  and  months  spent  in  winning  over  many  of  the  legislators  to  a  more 
liberal  viewpoint  on  the  subject  of  education. 

I  will  make  every  effort  to  personally  appear  at  this  reception  to  join  in  paying 
glowing  tribute  to  a  heroine  of  the  home  front,  one  whom  I  admire  and  value  her 
friendship.  If,  because  of  my  campaign  for  reelection  to  the  legislature,  I  am 
unable  to  attend  in  person,  I  will  certainly  forward  a  message  of  tribute  to  Bella 
Dodd,  to  be  read  at  the  meeting. 

With  kind  regards  and  best  wishes,  I  am, 
Sincerely  yours, 

Hulan  E.  Jack. 


New  Yoek,  N.  Y..  June  ?.  101',. 
Miss  Rose  V.  Russell, 

Secretary,  Teachers  Union,  Local  555,  SCMWA-CIO, 
13  Astor  Place,  New  York  3,  N.  Y. 
Dear  Miss  Russell:  I  am  delighted  that  you  are  tendering  a  reception  t<> 
Bella  Dodd.    The  Teachers  Union  has  gained  immeasurably  from  her  leadership 
these  past  years,  and  the  school  system  from  her  activities.    All  those  interested 
in  improving  the  schools  should  be  glad  to  do  her  honor. 

My  own  contacts  with  Bella  Dodd  were  many.  I  found  her  most  sympathetic 
with  every  effort  to  improve  school  conditions — with  the  attempts  to  eliminate 
oversize  classes,  to  keep  playgrounds  open  all  day  long  and  in  the  summer,  to 
secure  permanent  teaching  positions  for  substitutes,  to  work  toward  an  earlier 
retirement  age  for  classroom  teachers,  to  enlarge  the  Bureau  of  Child  Guidance, 
and  to  restore  and  expand  work  in  the  field  of  adult  education.  She  and  I  have 
fought  together  continuously  for  more  funds  for  education  from  both  city  and 
State. 

Her  primary  interest  was  the  children  of  this  city  and  their  welfare,  and 
of  course  this  includes  children  of  every  race,  creed,  and  color.     She  possesses 
boundless  energy  and  of  course  can  be  counted  on  always  to  help  any  social 
cause.    More  power  to  her  ! 
Sincerely  yours, 

Stanley  M.  Isaacs. 


The  Assembly, 
State  of  New  York, 
Brooklyn,  N.  Y.,  June  .22.  10.',',. 
Rose  V.  Russell, 

c/o  Teachers'  Union. 

13  Astor  Place,  Neic  York  3,  N.  Y. 

Dear  Miss  Russell  :  Please  extend  my  sincerest  and  best  wishes  to  Bella  Dodd. 

In- the  short  time  that  I  know  Bella  Dodd,  I  have  learned  to  admire  her 
a  great  deal.  In  my  two  years  in  Albany,  I  have  found  her  to  be  a  very  valu- 
able person  to  know  because  she  is  sincere,  honest  and  possesses  all  the  qualities- 
of  an  intelligent  representative  for  any  group. 

Her  inspiring  leadership  in  behalf  of  the  Teachers  Union  has  made  it  possible 
to  defeat  many  measures  which,  if  passed,  would  be  detrimental  to  the  teachers 


1688         STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

of  our  city  and  I  know  that  she  is  responsible  for  many  measures  passing  the 
legislature  which  are  beneficial  to  the  teachers  and  to  the  children  in  the  public 
school  system. 

I  sincerely  hope  that  she  will  be  a  tremendous  success  in  her  new  endeavor. 
Sincerely, 

Alfred  A.  Lama,  A.  I.  A. 


The  Assembly, 
State  of  New  York, 
Albany,  June  13,  1944. 
Miss  Rose  V.  Russell, 

Local  555,  SCMWA-CIO. 

13  Astor  Place,  New  York  City  3,  N.  Y. 
Dear  Miss  Russell:  I  am  indeed  pleased  to  know  that  a  reception  is  being 
given  in  honor  of  Dr.  Bella  Dodd.  I  was  present  several  years  ago  when  Dr. 
Dodd  spoke  before  a  group  at  Cornell  University.  In  my  brief  remarks  I  paid 
tribute  to  Dr.  Dodd  for  her  conscientious  work  in  Albany.  At  that  time  I  stated 
that  her  associates  could  well  be  proud  of  her  as  she  was  a  splendid  person  and 
doing  a  sincere  job.  I  would  like  to  reiterate  these  same  words  upon  this 
occasion. 

I  am  sorry  that  Dr.  Bella  Dodd  is  leaving  the  work  in  Albany,  but  I  wish  her 
every  success  in  the  future. 
Sincerely, 

Stanley  C.  Shaw. 

The  Assembly, 
State  of  New  York, 
New  York,  N.  Y.,  June  9, 191,4. 
Miss  Rose  V.  Russell,, 
c/o  Teachers  Union, 

13  Astor  Place,  New  York  3,  New  York. 

Dear  Miss  Russell  :  I  am  happy  to  send  a  message  in  "Tribute  to  Bella  Dodd" 
who,  for  a  number  of  years,  was  the  Legislative  Representative  of  the  Teachers 
Union  for  the  State  of  New  York. 

It  was  my  pleasure  and  good  fortune  to  meet  her  and  to  work  with  her  dur- 
ing the  years  she  was  in  Albany.  I  assure  you  that  the  cause  of  progressive 
and  enlightened  social  government  will  lose  an  able  and  energetic  worker  at  the 
Capitol  of  our  State  in  the  retirement  or  resignation  of  Mrs.  Dodd  from  her 
former  position.  The  teachers  in  particular  will  lose  a  most  energetic  and 
intelligent  worker.     The  liberal  legislators  in  Albany  will  miss  her. 

I  trust  that  in  her  new  work,  that  she  will  maintain  her  interest,  not  only 
in  improving  the  educational  system  in  the  City  and  in  the  State  of  New  York, 
but  that  she  will  continue  her  interest  and  activities  on  behalf  of  the  liberal 
and  progressive  legislation  and  government,  in  general. 

Her  advice  and  counsel  to  me  on  legislative  matters  has  been  of  inestimable 
benefit. 

Sincerely  yours, 

William  T.  Andrews. 


The  Assembly, 
State  of  New  York, 
Albany,  June  14,  1944. 
Miss  Rose  V.  Russell,     > 

Teachers  Union,  13  Astor  Place,  Ncio  York  City. 
Dear  Miss  Russell  :  I  welcome  the  opportunity  extended  to  me  of  joining 
with  the  many  coworkers  of  Dr.  Bella  V.  Dodd  in  their  tribute  to  her. 

During  the  six  years  that  I  have  represented  my  district  in  the  Legislative,  I 
have  found  no  one  more  conscientiously  devoted  to  the  welfare  of  the  school 
system  than  Dr.  Dodd.  Her  sincerity  and  good  faith  were  beyond  question  and 
for  that  reason  alone  she  had  the  respect  and  esteem  of  all  my  fair-minded 
colleagues. 

It  is  with  keen  regret  that  I  learned  of  her  decision  to  relinquish  her  position 
as  Legislative  Representative  of  the  Teachers  Union  for  not  only  was  she  your 
"representative"  but  she  was  also  a  faithful  friend  to  every  person  interested 
in  a  progressive  school  program. 
Cordially  yours, 

Louis  Bennett. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1689 

The  Assembly, 
State  of  New  York, 

Albany,  June  23,  19JtJ,. 
Miss  Bella  Doni). 

Teachers  Union,  Xew  York  City. 
Dkae  Miss  Dodd  :  The  interest  you  have  had  in  the  children  of  this  State  and 
their  education  has  always  been  an  inspiration  to  me  and  your  influence  in  the 
Legislature  will  he  felt  for  years  to  come.    Godspeed  to  you. 

Sincerely, 

Daniel  L.  Burrows. 


Exhibit  No.  80 

[From  the  New  York  Herald  Tribune,  Saturday,  April  29,  19 — ] 

Double  Trouble  in  Asia 

China  and  Indo-China  are  obviously  critical  areas  on  the  map  of  ideological 
conflict  in  Asia.  From  both  these  hot  spots  comes  news  of  meaningful  develop- 
ments. Christopher  Rand's  report  to  this  newspaper  from  Hong  Kong  on  the 
surprising  extent  and  depth  of  anti-Communist  activity  on  the  Chinese  main- 
land reveals  the  immense  task  of  digestion  still  confronting  the  Communists 
and  their  collaborators.  In  Indo-China,  on  the  other  hand,  the  struggle  against 
communism  is  impeded  by  French  reluctance  to  face  squarely  the  fact  that  the 
colonial  attitude  is  as  out  of  date  in  Asia  as  the  dinosaur. 

A  Saigon  dispatch  reports  that  Dao  Dai's  first  prime  minister,  Nguyen  Phan 
Long,  has  been  obliged  to  resign  because  of  French  displeasure  over  his  insistence 
that  American  aid  be  given  directly  to  Vietnam  instead  of  being  funnelled 
through  France.  If  this  is  the  real  and  principal  reason — and  we  sincerely  hope 
it  is  not — then  we  cannot  but  regret  that  the  French  and  the  Bao  Dai  govern- 
ment have  so  exposed  themselves  to  the  Communist  tirades  that  will  inevitably 
follow.  To  be  sure,  the  Vietnamese  are  weak,  inexperienced,  and  short  of  able 
leaders.  For  the  time  being,  the  military  burden  is  primarily  a  French  respon- 
sibility. Yet  political  factors  are  equally  important.  The  grant  of  "independ- 
ence" to  Vietnam  will  become  a  mockery  in  the  eyes  of  the  Vietnamese  people 
and  the  world  unless  the  Bao  Dai  regime  is  given  at  least  equal  consideration 
with  the  French  in  the  expenditure  of  such  American  funds  and  materials  as 
may  be  made  available. 

Mr.  Rand's  story  says  that  a  suge  part  of  the  Chinese  mainland — perhaps 
half  or  more — is  now  beyond  the  control  of  the  Communist-dominated  govern- 
ment. Mr.  Rand  emphasizes  that  a  major  factor  in  peasant  discontent  is  exces- 
sive taxation — mainly  in  the  form  of  grain  levies.  There  are  of  course  many 
other  causes :  floods  and  famine,  conscription,  banditry,  guerrilla  activity,  and 
the  Nationalist  blockade.  In  the  cities,  business  stagnation,  heavy  taxation, 
and  the  high-pressure  methods  employed  to  dispose  of  Victory  bonds  have  con- 
tributed to  anti-Communist  feeling. 

This  is  but  one  side  of  the  China  picture.  The  Communists  have  their  strong 
side,  too,  and  it  will  be  a  long  time  before  it  will  be  possible  to  draw  any  sound 
conclusions  on  the  success  or  failure  of  their  program.  Mr.  Rand  points  out 
significantly  that  for  the  most  part  the  resistance  movement  is  without  cohesion 
or  over-all  leadership.  It  is  at  least  evident  that  the  Reds  are  experiencing 
plenty  of  trouble.  This  hardly  squares  with  the  view  of  those  disciples  of 
appeasement  who  insist  that  present  United  States  policy — weak  though  it  is — 
is  driving  the  Chinese  people  into  the  arms  of  the  Communists. 


Exhibit  No.  81 


The  Curtis  Publishing  Company, 

Paris,  France,  April  7,  1950. 
Senator  Millard  Tydings, 

U.  S.  Senator  from  Maryland, 

United,  States  Senate,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Dear  Senator  Tydings  :  I  am  writing  to  you  because  Owen  Lattimore  was  my 
house  guest  during  his  visit  to  Moscow  in  1936,  about  which  Senator  McCarthy 
has  raised  questions  before  your  subcommittee.     Mr.  Lattimore  stayed  with  me 


1690  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

because  he  was — and  is — an  old  and  valued  friend  whom  I  had  known  intimately 
during  my  previous  ten  years  in  the  Far  East  as  correspondent  for  American 
newspapers. 

There  was  nothing  mysterious  about  Mr.  Lattimore's  visit  to  Moscow ;  he  came 
there  as  editor  of  Pacific  Affairs,  a  publication  of  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Rela- 
tions. As  you  probably  know,  the  Institute  was  organized  into  national  groups, 
and  the  Soviet  group  was  then  an  active  participant. 

As  I  had  already  worked  in  Russia  for  more  than  two  years,  I  was  able  to  help 
Mr.  Lattimore  to  meet  some  Russians.  In  particular,  I  introduced  him  to  a  Soviet 
consular  official  I  had  met  as  a  reporter,  and  who  had  spent  some  time  in  Mon- 
golia, a  country  about  which  Mr.  Lattimore  was — and  is — the  foremost  American 
specialist.  This  Soviet  official  (whose  name  I  have  forgotten)  was  very  helpful 
to  Mr.  Lattimore — as  he  had  been  to  me — and  introduced  him  to  other  Russian 
experts  on  Mongolia  and  Central  Asia,  and  guided  him  through  Moscow  museums 
and  libraries  devoted  to  these  subjects.  At  that  period,  the  great  purges  had 
not  yet  started  in  Russia,  and  it  was  much  easier  for  Americans  to  meet  Russians 
than  it  later  became. 

Knowing  my  interest,  Mr.  Lattimore  gave  me  detailed  reports  of  his  meetings 
with  Russians.  He  was  understandably  impressed  by  the  extent  of  Russian  mate- 
rial concerning  Russo-Chinese  border  regions — which  seem  very  remote  to  Amer- 
icans but  are  not  so  remote  to  Russians. 

In  a  speech  on  the  Senate  floor,  Senator  McCarthy  mentioned  an  affidavit  by 
an  unnamed  Russian  who  has  reported  a  conversation  in  1936  with  a  Soviet  intel- 
ligence officer  who  boasted  that  his  organization  was  getting  valuable  information 
through  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations,  and  especially  through  Mr.  Lattimore. 
This  is  interesting  evidence  that  the  Soviet  intelligence  organization  was  as 
smart  as  I  myself  was  at  the  time — because  I,  too,  was  getting  useful  background 
material  for  my  newspaper  articles  from  the  Institute's  specialized  reports  and 
from  conversations  with  Mr.  Lattimore  and  other  Americans  working  for  the 
Institute. 

But  perhaps  the  Soviet  intelligence  officer  mentioned  by  Senator  McCarthy 
was  not  quite  so  smart  as  he  thought,  because  there  is  no  doubt  in  my  mind 
that  Mr.  Lattimore  learned  considerably  more  from  the  Russians  during  that 
Moscow  visit  than  they  did  from  him — and  this  information  later  became  avail- 
able through  Mr.  Lattimore  to  our  own  intelligence  services  and  to  the  State 
Department. 

During  my  many  years'  friendship  with  Mr.  Lattimore  in  China,  he  never 
showed  any  special  interest  in  Russia  except  insofar  as  the  Russians  were 
concerned  with  Mongolia  and  Central  Asia,  his  chosen  field  of  research  and  ex- 
ploration. To  my  certain  knowledge,  Mr.  Lattimore  devoted  almost  his  entire 
time  during  the  1936  Moscow  visit  to  this  same  specialty.  Those  were  the  years 
when  it  was  popular  in  the  United  States  to  be  a  "pink,"  but  I  never  saw* even 
the  slightest  evidence  that  Mr.  Lattimore  was  becoming  even  the  mildest  form  of 
fellow  traveler. 

You  may  use  this  letter,  in  whole  or  in  part,  in  any  way  you  see  fit.     My  own 

record  is  available  in  Who's  Who  in  America.     I  think  that  my  articles  in  the 

Saturday  Evening  Post  during  the  war — when  it  was  not  popular  to  be  critical 

of  Russia — are  sufficient  evidence  of  my  personal  views  about  the  Soviet  system. 

Sincerely  yours, 

Demaree  Bess, 
Associated  Editor,  The  Saturday  Evening  Post, 

2,  rue  Jean  Mermoz,  Paris,  France. 


San  Francisco,   Calif. 
Abe  Fortas. 

Arnold,  Fortas  d-  Porter,  1200  18  St.,  North  west: 
In  1946  I  was  the  wife  of  Frederick  Vanderhilt  Field  :  I  secured  an  inter- 
locutory decree  of  divorce  from  him  on  Anril  1,  1949,  in  San  Francisco,  California, 
and  tills  decree  was  made  final  on  April  12th,  1950;  I  am  not  now,  nor  have  I 
ever  boon  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party.  I  am  certain  that  neither  Owen 
Lattimore.  nor  his  wife  Eleanor,  attended  any  meetings  or  any  party  in  our 
home  on  West  12th  Street,  New  York  City,  during  the  year  1946. 

Edith  Chamberlain  Field. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1691 

Exhibit  No.   82 

San   Fbancjsco,  Calif.,   April  26,  J'JoO. 

Mr.  ABE  FOBTAS, 

Arnold.  Fortas  &  Porter.  Attorneys  at  Law, 
1200  t8th  Street  NW.,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Deab  Siu:  I  confirm  sending  you  the  following  telegram  today: 
"In  1946  I  was  the  wife  of  Frederick  Vanderbilt  Field:  1  secured  an  inter- 
locutory decree  of  divorce  from  him  on  April  1.  1949,  in  San  Francisco,  Cali- 
fornia, and  this  decree  was  made  final  on  April  lUth,  1950;  I  am  not  now.  nor 
have  I  ever  been,  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party.    I  am  certain  that  neither 
Owen  Lattimore,  nor  his  wife  Eleanor,  attended  any  meetings  or  any  party  in 
our  home  on  West  12th  Street,  New  York  City,  during  the  year  1946." 
Very  truly  yours, 

Edith  Chamberlain  Field. 


Exhibit  No.  S3 


In  the  Matter  of  Desideriu  Hammer,  Alias   John   Santo,  Respondent  in 
Deportation  Proceedings  File  No.  A-6002664 

[File  No.  A-6002664,  Immigration  and  Naturalization  Service] 

[P.  75]  Louis  Francis  Budenz,  called  as  a  witness  in  behalf  of  the  Govern- 
ment, being  first  duly  sworn,  testified  as  follows : 

Direct  examination  by  Mr.  Boyd  : 
Inspector  Phelan.  You  are  informed  that  if  you  willfully  and  knowingly  give 
any  false  testimony  in  this  proceeding,  you  may  be  prosecuted  for  perjury,  [p.  76] 
and  the  penalty  for  such  offense  is  imprisonment  of  not  more  than  5  years  or  a  fine 
of  $2,000,  or  both.    Do  you  understand  ? 
"  The  Witness.  I  understand  that  fully. 
Inspector  Phelan.  Will  you  state  your  name  for  the  record? 
The  Witness.  Louis  Francis  Budenz. 

By  Mr.  Boyd  : 

Q.  Mr.  Budenz,  have  you  ever  been  known  by,  or  made  use  of,  any  other  name 
or  names  ? — A.  No,  sir. 

Q.  Have  you  ever  been  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party,  Mr.  Budenz? — 
A.  Yes ;  I  have  been  a  member  of  the  national  committee. 

Q.  When  did  you  first  become  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party? — A.  Member 
of  the  Communist  Party  in  1935  after  the  People's  Front  convention. 

Q.  Where  did  you  joint  the  Communist  Party? — A.  I  joined  the  Communist 
Party  in  New  York  City. 

Q.  Were  you  issued  a  membership  book? — A.  Yes;  I  was,  in  October  1935,  al- 
though my  first  contact  wdth  the  party  was  August,  in  that  respect.  I  had  to  wait 
until  Earl  Browder  came  back  from  Moscow  to  decide  just  how  I  would  function, 
whether  as  an  under-cover  [p.  77]  Communist  or  open,  and  it  was  decided  that 
I  should  function  openly,  and  then  I  received  a  card. 

Q.  When  did  you  leave  the  party,  Mr.  Budenz? — A.  1945. 

Q.  Why  did  you  leave  the  party  in  1945? 

Mr.  Sacher.  I  object  to  that  as  incompetent  in  this  proceeding. 

Inspector  Phelan.  Overruled. 

Mr.  Sacher.  Exception. 

By  Mr.  Boyd  : 

Q.  Please  answer  the  last  question. — A.  I  left  the  Communist  Party  because 
I  learned  from  experience  that  it  is  a  fifth  column  of  Soviet  Russia,  of  Soviet 
dictatorship,  and  that  the  Soviet  dictatorship  plans  to  dominate  the  world, 
specifically  aimed  against  the  United  States.  Also,  in  this  respect,  I  returned 
to  the  Catholic  Church,  and  I  found  after  a  long  effort  to  reconcile  communism 
and  Catholicism  that  this  was  impossible. 

Q.  Did  you  hold  in  positions  or  offices  in  the  Communist  Party?  WTere  you 
a  member  of  any  committees?. — A.  Yes,  sir ;  I  held  quite  a  few  positions. 

Q.  Would  you  name  them? — A.  I  was  a  member  of  the  national  committee  for 
6  years  of  my  membership.  I  was  labor  editor  of  the  Daily  [p.  78]  Worker 
68970 — 50 — pt.  2 14 


1692  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

from  1936,  we  will  say,  until  late  1937  when  I  was  appointed  editor  of  the  Mid- 
west Daily  Record,  a  Communist-controlled  and  -created  paper,  but  supposedly 
an  organ  of  the  People's  Front.  That  was  in  Chicago.  In  1940  I  became  presi- 
dent of  the  Freedom  of  the  Press  Co.,  Inc.,  which  was  created  by  the  Communist 
Party  during  the  Hitler-Stalin  pact  as  a  defense  measure,  and  shortly  there- 
after I  became  managing  editor  of  the  Daily  Worker.  I  was  in  supervisory 
charge  of  the  Daily  Worker,  in  other  words,  from  1940  on.  I  also  have  been 
a  member,  without  being  able  to  give  from  memory  the  dates,  of  the  State 
committee,  the  national  trade-union  committee,  the  State  trade-union  committee, 
the  Illinois  State  committee,  and  some  other  offices  of  that  character. 

Q.  These  are  all  organizations  of  the  Communist  Party,  these  committees? — 
A.  Those  are  the  State  committees  or  national  committees  of  the  Communist 
Party,  and  the  trade-union  commissions  are  the  trade-union  commissions  of  the 
Communist  Party  at  the  time  I  served  on  them. 

Q.  Is  the  Daily  Worker  an  official  publication  of  the  Communist  Party? — 
A.  The  Daily  Worker  is  the  official  organ  of  the  [p.  79]  Communist  Party 
for  popular  uses,  although  from  time  to  time  it  has  denied  that  capacity.  It  is, 
nevertheless,  the  official  organ. 

Q.  Was  this  paper  in  any  way  subsidized  by  the  Red  International  or  the 
Communist  Party  in  Russia? — A.  The  Daily  Worker  was  subsidized  by  the 
Soviet  Union  for  a  number  of  years. 

Mr.  Sacher.  I  move  to  strike  that  out  as  representing  nothing  more  than  the 
conclusion  of  this  witness  for  which  there  appears  to  be  no  foundation  of  the 
evidence. 

Inspector  Phelan.  Sustained. 

By  Mr.  Boyd  : 

Q.  You  were  the  editor  of  the  Daily  Worker;  is  that  correct? — A.  I  was  the 
managing  editor  of  the  Daily  Worker. 

Q.  Was  the  paper  in  any  way  subsidized  while  you  were  the  managing  editor, 
to  your  own  personal  knowledge? 

Mr.  Saoher.  Subsidized  by  whom?     You  cannot  just  have  a  vacuum. 

Mr.  Boyd.  I  asked  him. 

Mr.  Sacher  I  object  to  that  on  the  ground  that  the  witness  has  shown  no 
foundation  for  such  a  conclusion. 

Inspector  Phelan.  Well,  I  take  it  it  is  a     [p.  80]     preliminary  question. 

Mr.  Sacher.  I  do  not  care  whether  it  is  preliminary  or  not.  The  word  "sub- 
sidize" comprehends  a  conclusion.     I  object  to  it  and  move  to  strike  it  out. 

Inspector  Phelan.  Denied. 

Mr.  Sacher.  Exception. 

The  Witness.  It  was  subsidized  by  the  Runag  News  Agency,  owned  by  the 
Soviet  Government. 

Mr.  Sacher.  I  move  to  strike  that  out,  Mr.  Inspector,  on  the  ground  that  there 
is  no  evidence  in  the  record  under  which  that  conclusion  is  based. 

Inspector  Phelan.  I  shall  deny  it  at  the  moment,  subject  to  it  being  con- 
nected up  as  the  matter  proceeds. 

Mr.  Sacher.  I  note  an  exception  to  that,  Mr.  Inspector. 

By  Mr.  Boyd  : 

Q.  In  what  manner  was  the  Daily  Worker  subsidized  by  the  Runag  News 
Agency? 

Mr.  Sacher.  I  object  to  that,  unless  the  witness  has  evidence  of  the  basis  on 
which  he  could  arrive  at, that  conclusion. 

The  Witness.  I  have  that. 

Mr.  Sacher.  I  suggest,  therefore,  Mr.  Inspector,  that  the  witness  be  required 
to  state  first  the  basis  of  his  knowledge. 

[P.  81]  The  Witness.  The  basis  of  my  knowledge  is  the  records  of  the 
United  States  Department  of  Justice  under  Attorney  General  Francis  Biddle 
and,  secondly 

Mr.  Sacher.  Just  a  moment,  please.  Mr.  Presiding  Inspector,  I  ask  that  you 
admonish   the  witness,  when  counsel  objects,  to  please  withhold  his  comment. 

The  Witness.  I  shall  be  delighted,  Counselor. 

Mr.  Sactieh.  I  move  to  strike  out  that  answer  of  the  witness,  on  the  ground 
thai  the  so-called  records  of  the  Attorney  General  of  the  Department  of  Justice 
are  the  best  evidence  of  the  facts,  and  not  the  statements  by  this  witness,  if  that 
lie  the  basis. 


STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION  1693 

Inspector  PHELAN.   Counsel's  objection  is  good.     Sustained. 
Mr.  Boyd.  I  would  like  to  ask  the  previous  question. 

By  Mr.  Boyd  : 
Q.  In  what  way  was  the  Daily  Worker  subsidized  by  this  Russian-controlled 

'  Inspector  Phelan.  Speak  only  of  your  own  personal  knowledge  that  you  have, 
in  answering. 

A.  This  is  personal  knowledge  as  president  of  Freedom  of  the  Press  Co. 

Inspector  Phelan.  Proceed. 

The  Witness.  As  a  member  of  the  editorial  board. 

{P.  82]     Inspector  Phelan.  Proceed. 

The  Witness.  The  Daily  Worker  for  a  number  of  years  received  free  of  charge 
hundreds  of  thousands  of  words  from  Moscow,  which  every  newspaperman  knows 
is  about  13  to  15  cents  per  word.  The  Daily  Worker  was  asked,  consequently,  and 
the  Communist  Party,  to  file  as  a  foreign  agent  as  a  result  of  this.  As  a  matter 
of  fact,  the  decision  was  made  that  Earl  Browder  file  as  a  foreign  agent. 

By  Mr.  P.oyd  : 

Q.  Was  this  news  furnished  to  any  other  paper  in  the  United  States? — 
A.  Not  immediately.  Later  on,  when  Attorney  General  Biddle  ruled  that  tins 
had  to  be  registered  for,  a  new  organization  was  created  which  carried  on  the 
same  activity.  That  also  was  ruled  to  be  a  foreign  agent.  They  then  sought 
to  sell  to  other  agencies,  but  the  Daily  Worker  continued  to  get  for  a  very  small 
sum  this  information. 

Mr.  Sacher.  In  other  words,  do  I  understand  correctly  that  the  Daily  Worker 
paid  for  the  news  service  which  it  got  from  this  Runag  News  Co."?  Is  that  the 
witness'  testimony? 

The  Witness.  No,  sir :  it  didn't. 

Mr.  Sacher.  Didn't  pay  anything? 

The  Witness.  It  may  have  paid  a  small  sum. 

[P.  83]  Mr.  Sacher.  That,  to  me,  seems  the  best  evidence  of  the  fact  that  he 
does  not  know  what  he  is  talking  about.  First  he  says  they  did  not  pay,  then 
they  paid  a  small  amount.  Now  he  says  theymay  not  have  paid.  W'hicb  of  the 
three  alternatives  is  this  witness'  testimony  to  be? 

Mr.  Boyd.  Mr.  Presiding  Inspector,  may  I  ask  that  you  admonish  counsel 
that  he  refrain  from  asking  this  witness  questions  and  commenting  on  his  testi- 
mony until  the  proper  time?  He  will  be  afforded  an  opportunity  of  cross-examin- 
ing the  witness. 

Inspector  Phelan.  Counsel,  I  believe  we  should  proceed  here  subject  to  your 
objection  to  each  individual  question.  If  the  matter  is  not  ultimately  connected 
up,  it  will  be  subject  to  a  motion  to  strike  on  that  account. 

Mr.  Sacher.  In  the  interests  of  expedition,  I  will  go  along  with  you. 

The  Witness.  The  reason  I  stated  that  was  that  the  policies  changed  from 
time  to  time,  very  small  nominal  payments  being  made;  so  much  so  that  it  was 
ruled  that  this  was  a  foreign  agency  and  would  have  to  register  as  such. 

By  Mr.  Boyd: 

Q.  Are  you  acquainted  with  the  Trade  Union  Unity  League? — [P.  84]  A. 
Yes.  It  was  just  being  dissolved  when  I  joined  the  party,  but  I  knew  of  it  as  a 
non-Communist. 

Q.  Mr.  Budenz,  have  you  ever  been  called  upon  to  address  Communist  meet- 
ings?— A.  Yes,  sir;  great  numbers,  all  over  the  country. 

Q.  Do  you  care  to  state  some  of  the  occasions  on  which  you  have  addressed 
Communist  meetings? 

Mr.  Sacher.  Just  a  moment.  I  object  to  this  on  the  ground  that  it  is  imma- 
terial, irrelevant,  and  incompetent  in  this  proceeding. 

Inspector  Phelan.  What  do  you  propose  to  show? 

Mr.  IJoyi).  I  propose  to  show  this  man's  authority  on  communism,  that  he 
addressed  meetings  from  time  to  time  on  the  subject. 

Mr.  Sacher.  Mr.  Inspector,  I  just  want  to  say  that  a  lot  of  ignoramuses  have 
addressed  meetings  on  a  lot  of  questions  and  one  does  not  prove  his  authority  by 
the  fact  that  he  speaks  about  something.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  regrettahly  there 
are  too  many  people  who  talk  about  things  they  know  nothing  about. 

Inspector  Phelan.  I  suggest  that  the  witness  he  asked  what  various  assi:fn- 
ments  he  had  in  connection  with  the  party  as  a  foundation  for  possibly  qualifying 
him  as  an  expert,  as  I  understand  you  propose  to  do. 

[P.  85]     Mr.  Boyd.  I  helieve  the  witness  has  pretty  well  covered  that. 


1694  STATE  DEPARTMENT  EMPLOYEE  LOYALTY  INVESTIGATION 

By  Mr.  Boyd: 

Q.  Mr.  Budenz,  do  you  know  whether  or  not  the  Communist  Party  of  the 
United  States  of  America  advocates  the  overthrow  of  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  by  force  and  violence? 

Mr.  Sacher.  Just  a  moment.  I  object  to  that  question  on  the  ground  that  the 
witness'' qualifications  for  such  a  conclusion  have  not  been  established. 

Inspector  Phelan.  Overruled. 

Mr.  Sacher.  I  respectfully  except. 

The  Witness.  The  Communist  Party  with  its  basic  platform  of  Marxism  and 
Leninism  stands  for  the  overthrow  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  by 
force  and  violence.    Of  course,  it  is  a  fifth  column  of  Soviet  Russia. 

Mr.  Sacher.  Just  a  moment.  I  move  to  strike  everything  out  after  that  first 
sentence  of  his  as  being  not  responsive.    He  was  asked  only  one  question. 

Mr.  Boyd.  If  the  presiding  inspector  please,  it  is  responsive  and  the  witness 
has  a  right  to  complete  his  answer. 

Inspector  Phelan.  Read  the  question,  please. 

(Question  read  by  reporter.) 

[P.  86]     Mr.  Sacher,  The  answer  to  that  is  either  "Yes"  or  "No." 

Mr.  Boyd.  Not  necessarily  at  all. 

Mr.  Sacher.  I  submit  that  everything  beyond  the  word  "Yes"  be  stricken  out. 

Inspector  Phelan.  Answer  "Yes"  or  "No"  and  then  you  may  explain  your 
answer. 

The  Witness.  To  the  same  question? 

Mr.  Sacher.  Just  a  moment,  please.  I  respectfully  suggest  that,  if  you  either 
rule  or  you  do  not  rule,  either  you  say  that  the  witness  must  testify  "Yes"  or 
"No"  and  that  is  the  answer  to  the  question  and  then  let  another  question  be 
placed,  the  propriety  of  which  we  can  test,  or  else  say  you  overrule  me.  I  want  to 
know  what  you  are  doing.  Are  you  ruling  that  the  witness  must  now  in  response 
to  that  question  answer  "Yes"  or  "No,"  or  aren't  you  so  ruling?  Let  us  get 
through  with  that  first. 

Inspector  Phelan.  What  I  am  ruling  is  that  he  must  answer  "Yes"  or  "No," 
but  he  is  at  liberty  to  explain  it.     I  think  that  is  a  proper  answer. 

Mr.  Sacher.  No  ;  I  don't  think,  Mr.  Inspector,  that  that  is  proper  at  all  accord- 
ing to  court  procedure.  If  the  appropriate  answer  to  a  question  is  either  "Yes" 
or  "No,"  then  I  respectfully  urge  that  you  rule  that  the  witness  answer  yes  or 
no  and  then,  after  he  answers,  let  counsel  [p.  87]  put  whatever  question  he  deems 
appropriate  to  elicit  anything  else  that  he  wishes  in  addition  to  that. 

Inspector  Phelan.  I  shall  overrule  that  objection  and  you  may  have  an  ex- 
ception. 

Mr.  Sacher.  Thank  you. 

Inspector.  Read  the  last  question,  please. 

(The  reporter  read  the  question,  as  follows  :) 

"Mr.  Budenz,  do  you  know  whether  or  not  the  Communist  Party  of  the  United 
States  of  America  advocates  the  overthrow  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  by  force  and  violence?" 

By  Mr.  Boyd: 

Q.  Will  you  please  answer  yes  or  no  to  that  question  and  then  qualify  your 
answer  as  you  see  fit? — A.  Yes  ;  it  does.    That  is  the  basic — — 

Mr.  Sacher.  Your  Honor,  I  have  another  objection  to  make,  and  that  is  this, 
and  that  goes  to  the  basis  of  these  charges :  The  question  that  counsel  now  puts 
to  the  witness  is  as  to  present  advocacy  of  violent  overthrow  of  the  Govern- 
ment. I  invite  your  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  charges,  the  amended  charges 
as  lodged  yesterday,  all  read  in  the  past.  I  call  your  attention  to  the  following : 
It  says,  "Upon  the  basis  of  this  evidence,  the  Government  proposes  to  lodge  the 
f